Colonization seems to be way in the future, story wise. Sweden is still the big focus.
What map maker/tool do you use? I thought those were just maps you'd found. Looked very 'official'.
To be a Fox and a Lion - A Different Nordic Renaissance
- Thread starter Milites
- Start date
I'm sorta in two minds about the colonzation effort ... or rather, which areas that Scandinavia would be inclined to target.
On one hand, they're probably the best suited for getting something worthwhile out Temperate/subarctic (everything north of OTL Washington DC, give or take) since they have the tools to use them, their agricultural suite can be imported to the areas with little to no problem, and in reverse any worthwhile culture plants, say Wild Rice, that they find there should be fairly unchallenging to bring back home for diversification. Furthermore they have ample experience in harvesting the resources available from the forests and boreal steppes.
On the other hand ... other than prehaps solidifying something similar to a monopoly on the resources, there really aren't all that much in those areas that Scandinavia couldn't get much closer to home, which speaks for them settling much further south, where they can get more exotic resouces which they can't really get comparable stuff in Scandinavia (Cotton, more different types of grain, etc)
On one hand, they're probably the best suited for getting something worthwhile out Temperate/subarctic (everything north of OTL Washington DC, give or take) since they have the tools to use them, their agricultural suite can be imported to the areas with little to no problem, and in reverse any worthwhile culture plants, say Wild Rice, that they find there should be fairly unchallenging to bring back home for diversification. Furthermore they have ample experience in harvesting the resources available from the forests and boreal steppes.
On the other hand ... other than prehaps solidifying something similar to a monopoly on the resources, there really aren't all that much in those areas that Scandinavia couldn't get much closer to home, which speaks for them settling much further south, where they can get more exotic resouces which they can't really get comparable stuff in Scandinavia (Cotton, more different types of grain, etc)
I don't disagree, but we need to remember that the first Danish expedition ended up going to Hudson Bay to find the North West Passage, it makes sense to use the American St Lawrence rivershed as a shortcut, when you don't know how about the Rockies. If Denmark have recolonised Greenland a expedition likes Munk's will start there, and that will give it time to find out there's no North West Passage, which would move the focus to a overland route. While all these will fail, I could see a few settlement end up on the St Lawrence and a suddenly trade with the native will lead Denmark to decide to invest some more money in it. It was pretty much the same way Denmark treated Finnmark.
When I mentioned colonization, I had the St. Lawrence valley in mind too. Québec and Sweden/Finland basically have the exact same climate (nice summers and frigidly cold winters) and topography (forests with some hills as well).
Good gracious, no! I make all the maps myself
Yup, colonisation is something that'd come up once the foreign and domestic scene settles. Plus, Søren Norby is the obvious choice for a Scandinavian "Conquistador", and he's busy in the Atlantic... at least for now.
I agree. My own outline would be trade posts established on Newfoundland/OTL New England, wherefrom expansion to the more profitable south could be undertaken. As you probably know, Danish colonial ventures were always about securing direct access to luxury goods such as spices. I don't think a more successful Christian II would change that, tbh.
I'd say it very much depends on how the domestic situation plays out. Sugar islands or the spice trade were very lucrative, obviously. However there were different advantages to settler colonies, in which Newfoundland/St. Lawrence would be natural avenues of expansion for the Union.
Exploitation colonies provided enough profits that many states were all but dependent upon them to finance their armies or other state institutions. If Christian decisively subdues Sweden, the next question is what action he or his successors might take to gain economic independence from the Hansa. While he could simply focus on building up Nordic trade capabilities, finding alternative trade partners like the Dutch, and out-competing the Hansa, another possibility involves military action against the Hansa. If the Oldenburgs look south and start getting involved in Northern Germany, that's a quagmire that would suck in resources. Money from spices and sugar plantations would provide profit at such an efficiency that it could prove crucial in such conflicts.
However if he can avoid such things and either focuses on maintaining what he currently has or maybe focuses on areas where it would be a 'cleaner' conflict than Northern Europe, like Estonia where failure wouldn't potentially mean armies marching up Jutland, he wouldn't have near as much demand for funds. Given peace and relative prosperity, the population grows and there are resources to devote to projects less close to home. Settler colonies aren't as profitable, and even typically operate at a loss, but they provide an area to send troublemakers, allow more land to be gained (something every medieval state liked), and would allow a proper base to the west of the Atlantic. A desired trade network with North America would be far easier to manage if there's a proper base to work out of to the west of the Atlantic.
It's largely just a matter of whether the state has enough money, people, and attention to pay to a project so far from home. Conflict with Sweden or the Hansa would almost surely prevent such.
Chapter 5: Half-hoses at the Hedges
Chapter 5
Half-hoses at the Hedges
“Hence it comes that all armed prophets have been victorious, and all unarmed prophets have been destroyed.”
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Niccolò Machiavelli, the Prince 1513
“Dansken, juten, tysken och djävulen alla rädes Dalasocken.”
“The Dane, the Jute, the German and the Devil all fear Dalarna Parish.”
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Sir Hemmingh Gadh, 1508
Half-hoses at the Hedges
“Hence it comes that all armed prophets have been victorious, and all unarmed prophets have been destroyed.”
-
Niccolò Machiavelli, the Prince 1513
“Dansken, juten, tysken och djävulen alla rädes Dalasocken.”
“The Dane, the Jute, the German and the Devil all fear Dalarna Parish.”
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Sir Hemmingh Gadh, 1508
As previously mentioned, the Peace of Malmø in 1512 had stipulated that the Swedish realm was to either accept the Danish monarch as its king or pay him a yearly tribute. During the turbulent years following the deaths of king Hans and Svante Nilsson (the father of Sten Sture the Younger) the resurgent Sture Party had purposely delayed the issue to such a degree that when the Great Ecclesiastical Struggle between the Younger Sture and archbishop Gustav Trolle descended into open warfare, Christian II and his government was of one mind to break the back of the intransigent Stures by force.
At a meeting in Copenhagen in early 1517, the king was given constitutional mandate by the Danish council of the realm to initiate a feud against the Lord Steward in order to defend his “... obvious claim and right to the Swedish crown and defend the unjustly persecuted Sir Gustav.”[1] Consequently, plans were made for the relief of Almarestäket and the archbishop's vindication. However, time was of the essence: the episcopal forces had been besieged for almost half a year, and could not be expected to withstand the Sture troops for much longer.
Tentative diplomatic feelers had already been extended to the other Baltic states. As a result, Sten Sture the Younger had been all but completely encircled by either hostile or malevolently neutral powers. Christian II had signed a letter of alliance with the Moscowian grand duke in 1516 and at the same time, his ambassador in Poland had received Krakow's assurances that the trading city of Danzig would adhere to an economic blockade of Sweden[2]. At the courts of the German and Livonian Orders, the king’s messenger had been promised the grand masters’ unwavering support in the coming struggle. Furthermore, both Henry VIII and Albany’s regency had proclaimed their support for Christian’s endeavours[3]. The former as a way to dissuade the Danish king from rendering further support to his sister’s usurpator, the latter to maintain it. However, one problem remained unsolved for the otherwise remarkably successful diplomatic offensive of 1516/17: the question of the last downpayment of queen Isabella’s dowry.
The Danish ambassadors in Brussels had been unable to obtain the remaining 30.000 guelders. The Habsburg government was woefully short of revenue as the war against the duke of Guelders was still being fought in the North. Emperor Maximilian’s Netherlandish viceroy, Margaret, sang the same old tune of putting pressure on the contrarious Wendish Hansa, but her vague efforts proved inefficient. Still, the diplomatic activity at the Brussels court did result in some concessions from Lübeck, as the leader of the Wendish union promised not to directly aid the Lord Steward’s forces against king Christian.
The Voyage of the White King Against the Turks, wood-cutting illustration from Der Weisskönig, ca. 1515 by Hans Burgmair. Thanks to a purposive effort by king Hans, the Royal Danish Navy at the turn of the 15th century was a modern and powerful force, considered by many to be the strongest fleet in the Baltic.
While the diplomatic offensive proceeded, the military preparations was undertaken at great haste. By the summer of 1517, the Royal Danish Navy stood out to sea from its Copenhagen dockyards carrying a motley force of some 4000 noble retainers and men-at-arms from Scania, Zealand and Funen as well as levied peasants. Several mercenary companies from Northern Germany had also been mustered at great haste. However, the combined might of the Danish rostjeneste[4] had not been given enough time to assemble whilst the ducal forces in Holstein hadn't even been able to gather. This had without a doubt its roots in duke Frederik's reluctance to assist his nephew in scoring a prestigious military victory, which would have transferred Christian’s focus from Sweden to the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein.
Three capable naval commanders were in charge of the royal expedition, inadvertently representing each of the three Scandinavian realms. At the head was the daring privateer Søren Norby, freshly recalled from service in the Atlantic. He was aided in command by the wealthiest man in Norway, Karl Knutsson of the House of Tre Rosor[5] and the Swedish nobleman Joakim Trolle, the paternal uncle of the besieged archbishop[6].
The fleet made good progress through the Sound of Kalmar whilst raiding the Småland coast viciously, burning the castle of Stegeholm to the ground and capturing its commander. By late July the fleet had reached the Stockholm Archipelago where the army disembarked in August. Soon the surrounding countryside was thoroughly harrowed: the fires, supposedly, visible as far away as Almarestäket. To Gustav Trolle, it was the sign of approaching vindication - to the Stures it was a bloody foreign invasion, facilitated by an intransigent traitor.
When the archbishop saw the Stockholm countryside burning, he is said to have gleefully exclaimed: “... the half-hoses are here! Now the time is at hand for me to pour benediction on my enemies and the unruly peasantry and bless them with my sharp glaive!”[7] However, the Union commanders knew full well that their army was far too small to crush Sten Sture in the field. Instead, their main objective was to fight their way across Uppland, relieve the archbishop and take him and as many of his men as possible back to the safety of Gotland[8].
This had already been deduced by the Lord Steward who had amassed a sizeable host of stout Dalarna peasants as well as a great number of armoured cavalry, provided by the local nobility. Although he commanded a numerically superior force, the Younger Sture still felt unsure whether or not he would carry the day if it came to open battle. Consequently, he made one last attempt to reconcile with his nemesis, Trolle. The Lord Steward’s chancellor and a couple of counsellors made their way through the siege lines outside Almarestäket and demanded to speak to the beleaguered prelate. Attempts at reconciliation had already been undertaken by the Stures twice before and the archbishop had rejected them each and every time. The third time did not prove to be the charm, even though Sten Sture promised Trolle that he would keep his office and titles, if only he surrendered his castle and swore him allegiance as the steward of the Swedish crown. The archbishop replied angrily that he knew no other representative of Sweden’s sovereign than those of king Christian and that he would only open his gates to that monarch’s lieutenants.
The Political Situation in the Baltic around the time of the relief of Archbishop Trolle.
On the 10th of August, the royal army disembarked on Ladugårdslandet to the north east of Stockholm and advanced on the village of Vädla. The Danish van was immediately attacked by Sture cavalry, headed by the Lord Steward. The onslaught was so fierce that the royal troops were forced to give ground. Karl Knutsson, who commanded the vanguard, attempted to rally his men, but was set upon by the Younger Sture himself. The two commanders exchanged blow after blow and after a fierce contest, Knutsson was fighting for his life with his back against a hedge. Just as the Lord Steward was about to run his opponent through, Knutsson swung himself over the hedge and escaped towards the Danish main force. The Sture Chronicle[9] described the encounter as:
“Hade ey then gårdhen warith / en sorgeligh färd hade the thå farith.”
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“Had the hedge not been there / a sad road they’d had to fare.”
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“Had the hedge not been there / a sad road they’d had to fare.”
Had Knutsson indeed been slain by the Lord Steward it is very possible that the rest of the skirmish would have fared a lot worse for King Christian’s troops.
Battle was now joined in earnest. As the royal cavalry fell back towards their infantry advancing in support, Sture gave the signal for his own foot to descend the Brunkeberg. Aboard the Union fleet, the pause in the enemy onslaught alerted Søren Norby to the dangers of his men being completely overrun and smashed against the sea[10]. The Danish host was battered by repeated charges of the Swedish cavalry and Joakim Trolle, in overall command of the ground forces, began a fighting retreat towards the beach. However, as the Sture foot joined the fray, the Danish levies broke into a confused rout and even though Norby had brought many smaller boats and vessels close to the shore, a great many men drowned in their attempt to reach safety.
One can only imagine the sense of elation, pride and adrenaline pumping through the barely 25 year old Sten Sture as he witnessed the confused rout of his hated enemy’s would-be rescuers. In Stockholm, at least, the mood was one of exultant celebration as the Lord Steward entered the city at the head of his bloodied cavalry and retainers, his own banner being held high by the young nobleman Gustav Vasa[11]. Hundreds if not a thousand of the enemy force had been slain or drowned in the fight, and the citizens of Stockholm gloated gleefully over the three captured standards and numerous prisoners the Younger Sture brought with him into the city.
The Battle of Vädla shattered what remained of the Peace Party. Its remaining adherents either flocked to the Lord Steward’s banner or scattered into hiding at their rural castlets. Sitting victorious at Stockholm Castle, Sten Sture moved in for the kill. He issued a summons for a Riksdag of the Estates (akin to a national assembly) which was to issue a final judgement on whether it was he or the archbishop who was the rightful lord of Almarestäket. Although the council of the realm theoretically was the highest court in the country, Lord Sten was still not certain he could carry a majority. Consequently, representatives from the lower estates were called as well, all but ensuring a pro-Sture verdict. Gustav Trolle was given safe conduct to the capital so that he might defend himself and argue his case.
Drawing by German landsknecht engineer Paul Dolnstein depicting a battle in Västergötland circa 1502. On the right Swedish peasants armed with crossbows and wearing half helmets face off German mercenaries wielding pikes. The armies of the Swedish peasantry proved a formidable fighting force when led by skilled commanders.
By November 1517 the assembly had convened in Stockholm and begun its deliberations. Appearing before the delegates, the Lord Steward violently denounced the archbishop as a traitor and murderer who had brought death and destruction on his native land by allying with the plundering Danes. Gustav Trolle, furthermore, had in the eyes of the Younger Sture proved himself an ungodly man, unworthy of his high office and his actions had brought shame on the ecclesiastical estate. He was in other words, not fit to lead the Swedish church. His speech incensed the assembled commoners and peasantry and as Trolle rose to retort, he was met with cries and scorn from the audience. For his part, Gustav Trolle’s defence was a defence of the church and the political programme of his ancestors. He was no murderer nor was he a traitor: He had been given spiritual as well as temporal mandate by the pope to protect himself and he had only supported the king which the estates themselves had elected. If there were any murderers and traitors present, it were those men who had killed his servants and denied the rightly elected king his crown[12]. Furthermore, the title of archbishop was the pope’s to bestow and revoke and as such, no temporal court had any jurisdiction over the matter.
Although Trolle’s points might have been valid from a legal perspective, his fiery defence only served to enrage the commoners even further. The Lord Steward’s demands were carried with an overwhelming majority.
The Riksdag declared Trolle deposed and mandated Lord Sten to take Almarestäket and raze it to the ground so no enemy of the realm, foreign or domestic, ever again would use it to threaten Sweden’s liberty. In Trolle's place, the Lord Steward appointed the former bishop and vitriolic anti-Danish politician sir Hemming Gadh to the office of archbishop[13]. In order to further bind the reluctant bishops and members of the higher nobility to the court’s decision, Sture demanded everyone present to affix their seals to the final verdict. The document proclaimed that the signatories would remain united in their opposition to Gustav Trolle and that they would never again allow him to occupy the office of archbishop - regardless whatever the Pope himself might think. The clergy had been terrified into submission by the forceful actions of the Lord Steward and only Hans Brask, the bishop of Linköping, managed to protest, by secretly affixing a scrap of paper underneath the wax bearing the words, “... this I do against my will.”[14]
The verdict, however, did not affect the archbishop’s iron resolve to continue the defence of Almarestäket. Unfortunately, the garrison at the archiepiscopal castle did not share his sentiments. Upon the prelate’s return, a majority of his men mutinied and forced a surrender of the fortress, hoping to be spared by the Lord Steward, who had arrived at the siege lines hot on the archbishop's heels.
Determined to meet his tormentors in the splendour of a prince of the church, Trolle donned his mitre and cope before lowering the drawbridge and moved in procession with his men and deacons towards the siege lines. At first, the sea of levied peasants parted for the prelate’s party, but the atmosphere soon soured when men who had been present at the Riksdag recognised the archbishop. Before Trolle could reach Sten Sture’s tent, a group of enraged commoners had begun to hurl insults. Curses and denunciations was swiftly followed by stones and rotten fruit. The squires and men-at-arms escorting the archbishop quickly melted away in the sea of violently angry peasants, many of whom had lost farms and family members in the Danish scourging of the Stockholm hinterland.
When Sten Sture was alerted of the uproar in the distance, he jumped on his horse and hurried towards the scene, the banners of his office streaming behind him. However, when he dismounted, Gustav Trolle laid bloodied and bruised on the ground, his magnificent robes dirtied by mud, filth and blood and his neck cleaved by a woodsman’s axe[15].
Standing over the body of his most magnificent enemy, Sten Sture proclaimed his sadness at the prelate’s death, but also defended himself by declaring that the archbishop’s “... wild disposition breathed death and destruction against all those he strove to undo.”[16]
Death and destruction, however, would all too soon return to Sweden, and it would be from beyond the grave that Gustav Trolle was to do the most harm to the Sture cause.
Footnotes:
[1]As his accession charter stipulated.
[2]As in OTL.
[3]Also happened in OTL, but the reasons have changed of course.
[4]Meaning something like horse service. Essentially the armoured noble cavalry and their retainers. Also known as adelsfanen, “the noble banner.”
[5]Whose father, ironically, had rebelled against King Hans and consequently ‘executed’ supposedly on the orders of Christian II when he served as viceroy of Norway. See the introduction for more info. Knutsson, who was descended from some of the most prominent families in Sweden, Norway AND Denmark, hated Sten Sture the Younger passionately for the wrongs he and his family had done his mother.
[6]A similar attack was attempted OTL under the command of the very same men.
[7]My own translation. A hose was sort of the pants of the middle ages. I have absolutely no idea why Trolle referred to the Danes as “Half-hoses.” The quote is attributed to him, but I find it quite plausible that it is a later invention of the Vasa chroniclers.
[8]Also OTL.
[9]In OTL, confusion made the Danish sailors fear the Swedes would storm aboard the ships and consequently put them to sea. ITTL, Norby rallies his men and manages to keep several ships close by the beach to take on survivors. The defeat, although still substantial, is thus not as catastrophic as in OTL.
[10]Gustav Vasa was a favourite of Sten Sture and his personal banner bearer in many of the battles of the late Kalmar period.
[11]The Sture Chronicle is a chronicle in verse that details the time of the Sture regencies.
[12]Which was technically true, as the Swedish estates had accepted Christian as the next king of Sweden.
[13]As happened in OTL.
[14]Which he also did in our time and thereby avoided losing his head at the great Stockholm Bloodbath.
[15]In OTL, Gustav Trolle was assaulted quite badly as he exited his stronghold and only the timely arrival of Sten Sture saved him from being devoured by the mob.
[16]These actually being the words used to describe of the archbishop in OTL's Skibby Chronicle. I imagine the Younger Sture would have agreed with such a characterization.
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Holy sh*t, that is an incredible butterfly. Gustav Trolle’s death is an incredible divergence and fundamentally reshapes the conflict. Christian II is now seeking to avenge the murder of an Archbishop, that is one hell of a casus belli.
Fantastic update as always, I have been really impressed by the level of research you have put into it. Keep it up!
Fantastic update as always, I have been really impressed by the level of research you have put into it. Keep it up!
I might be wrong in this but I seem to remember the Archbishopric of Lund being able to dictate who became Archbishop of Uppsala, to the annoyance of the nobility of Sweden. Have this practiced ended by now? thinking in the aspect of Gustav Trolle being nominated by the pope, and using that in his defense.
If it is something that ceased only a few years earlier, it might be a powerful tool in the hands of Christian II.
I wonder if his uncle, the Duke of Holstein can ignore such an event.
I would not mind seeing Johan Rantzau in Sweden !
It's hard being a fan of both Johan Rantzau and Christain II
Excellent update looking forward to more!
If it is something that ceased only a few years earlier, it might be a powerful tool in the hands of Christian II.
I wonder if his uncle, the Duke of Holstein can ignore such an event.
I would not mind seeing Johan Rantzau in Sweden !
It's hard being a fan of both Johan Rantzau and Christain II
Excellent update looking forward to more!
Very happy that you enjoyed it and yes, the unfortunate murder of Gustav Trolle is in many ways a blessing for Christian II. He gets to avenge a martyr of the Church AND avoids being in cahoots with most likely the most disliked man in Sweden at the time. And you're right of course, I did spend a lot of time researching this update. Which means I appreciate it a lot when people notice, so thanks!
I might be wrong in this but I seem to remember the Archbishopric of Lund being able to dictate who became Archbishop of Uppsala, to the annoyance of the nobility of Sweden. Have this practiced ended by now? thinking in the aspect of Gustav Trolle being nominated by the pope, and using that in his defense.
If it is something that ceased only a few years earlier, it might be a powerful tool in the hands of Christian II.
I wonder if his uncle, the Duke of Holstein can ignore such an event.
I would not mind seeing Johan Rantzau in Sweden !
It's hard being a fan of both Johan Rantzau and Christain II
Excellent update looking forward to more!
The archbishop of Lund was still considered the Primate of Scandinavia and as such the top-dog amongst the Nordic clergy. However, the local church pretty much elected whomever they preferred, as long as that someone didn't ruffle the feathers of the temporal authority too much.
Also, I'm warming to the idea of Rantzau riding for the man he OTL helped depose. Would it be too much of a wank? I mean, the bloke was a pretty staunch Frederickian and proponent of the interests of the ducal chivalry.
I think the murder of an archbishop is one of the surest methods of gaining the pope's ire
But as we shall see from the next update, the papal response isn't as clear-cut as Christian II might have hoped.I might be biased
But I don't think it its too unlikely.
I think there are a few redeeming facts that can help lead to this outcome in the TL.
First, I'm of the opinion that Duke Frederik was not gunning for the Danish royal throne too much in OTL, he after all had to be offered it and then convinced by his own nobility to take it which included our main man Johan Rantzau. Christian II ITTL is sitting much firmer on the throne this time, making Duke Frederik more amiable [IMO]
Second, while Duke Frederik is not too interested in helping his nephew, Christian II, too much. At one point "disobedience" becomes counter productive. ITTL Christian II have a [IMO] much more legit and justified casus belli. It might reflect very badly on Duke Frederik if he does nothing when Christian II gathers a second army, which is likely to include troops from Jutland. Instead send a few men included Johan Rantzau and the future Duke of Holstein, OTL Christian III [born 1503] it would be valuable experience for the dukes son. But send few enough troops to not hurt the treasure chest.
Third, ITTL Christian II's relationship with the Habsburgs are better, he might even have gained more concession in northern germany than OTL. As such Duke Frederik's position to undermine his nephew are lessened [IMO].
Fourth, I don't think that a Kingdom of Denmark, and a vassalized Duchy of Holstein [that is not in personal union] necessarily need to be opponents or rivals, if they can figure out how to work together it will arguably be better for both sides, Rantzau and the future duke of Holstein, helping Christian II might be the first step down this road.
fifth, convenient butterflies [IMO]. Have both Rantzau and Future Duke of Holstein in the Swedish campaign might butterfly them from being present during Martin Luther's defence in Worms 1523 [I know the timeline does not exactly line up]. With this you can butterfly the staunch Lutheranism in both, and have them be on the same wavelength as Christian II
Obviously I don't know your plans for religion. But I doubt it does not include a conversion of Denmark. Nonetheless controlling when and where the nobility converts will help smooth out any trouble early on [IMO]
sixth, as mentioned with a friendly Holstein, Christian II can tap into the potential that is the Holstein nobility, which arguably is the most sophisticated in Christian II's realm. Johan Ranzau is a proof of this. Another is his distant relative Daniel Rantzau [1529-1569] which executed that winter campaign through all the way from Skåne to Linköping
Just a quick note that an update is in the works, although it's taking longer than expected. I'm making perhaps the map I'm most pleased with ever, so I hope that makes it up for the delay
I think that was more of an attempt to appear modest as well as an expression of Frederick's extreme cautiousness in all political manners. He had been dissatisfied with the way the inheritance had been divided between himself and Hans since the 1494 herredag, where he and queen Dorotea tried to have parts of the realm broken off and enfeoffed to him as princely fiefs (Lolland, Falster and Møn). He also styled himself as the "heir-in-law to Norway" de facto proclaiming his ambition to rule as king (either subservient to his older brother or entirely in his own right).
I think that's a great idea!
On the contrary I think that the more power Christian amasses in Northern Germany, the greater Frederick's apprehension would grow. In OTL, it was Charles V's decision to grant his brother-in-law, Christian II, the right of enfeoffment for the duchies that set Frederick on the path of rebellion.
It would all depend on the relations between the rulers. The duchies were, as you probably know, more than at par with Denmark when it came to urbanisation and revenue. Furthermore, the connection to Holstein actually affected the state finances positively, given the new access to the money lending business at the Kieler Umschlag.
Well, I don't think preventing them from going to Worms would alter their religious convictions that much. After all, Christian II converted at a point in time where every rational mind would've been screaming for him not to do it (while he was in exile and almost entirely dependent on the goodwill of Charles V... the bloody Holy Roman Emperor).
The Reformation is indeed creeping up upon us, and I've got several interesting ideas planned.
The Rantzaus sure were proficient warriors, but we'll see someone at his level in TTL too.
Faeelin! Good to have you here
I think that was more of an attempt to appear modest as well as an expression of Frederick's extreme cautiousness in all political manners. He had been dissatisfied with the way the inheritance had been divided between himself and Hans since the 1494 herredag, where he and queen Dorotea tried to have parts of the realm broken off and enfeoffed to him as princely fiefs (Lolland, Falster and Møn). He also styled himself as the "heir-in-law to Norway" de facto proclaiming his ambition to rule as king (either subservient to his older brother or entirely in his own right).
I think that's a great idea!
On the contrary I think that the more power Christian amasses in Northern Germany, the greater Frederick's apprehension would grow. In OTL, it was Charles V's decision to grant his brother-in-law, Christian II, the right of enfeoffment for the duchies that set Frederick on the path of rebellion.
It would all depend on the relations between the rulers. The duchies were, as you probably know, more than at par with Denmark when it came to urbanisation and revenue. Furthermore, the connection to Holstein actually affected the state finances positively, given the new access to the money lending business at the Kieler Umschlag.
Well, I don't think preventing them from going to Worms would alter their religious convictions that much. After all, Christian II converted at a point in time where every rational mind would've been screaming for him not to do it (while he was in exile and almost entirely dependent on the goodwill of Charles V... the bloody Holy Roman Emperor).
The Reformation is indeed creeping up upon us, and I've got several interesting ideas planned.
The Rantzaus sure were proficient warriors, but we'll see someone at his level in TTL too.
Faeelin! Good to have you here
Wow I was very unobservant and missed two fantastic updates! Keep up the good work Milities. I had assumed that your were simply finding these maps on the internet so to find out that you are making them yourselves is amazing and if your excited for your next map count me curious on what it is.
The death of Archbishop Gustav Trolle is huge for the Unionists as it gives Christian II a convenient martyr to rally behind and will further enflame the Union Party against the Sture Party. It also doesn't hurt that this removes a major leader of the Stockholm Bloodbath too.
I know you have alluded to Christian II briefly became a Lutheran after meeting the man himself but he also quickly reconverted when it was in his best interests. I know I have already made my desire for a Catholic Union of Kalmar clear but it honestly wouldn't surprise me if Denmark-Norway remain predominantly Catholic while Sweden embraces the Reformation in an effort to sever their ties with the Union of Kalmar.
The death of Archbishop Gustav Trolle is huge for the Unionists as it gives Christian II a convenient martyr to rally behind and will further enflame the Union Party against the Sture Party. It also doesn't hurt that this removes a major leader of the Stockholm Bloodbath too.
I know you have alluded to Christian II briefly became a Lutheran after meeting the man himself but he also quickly reconverted when it was in his best interests. I know I have already made my desire for a Catholic Union of Kalmar clear but it honestly wouldn't surprise me if Denmark-Norway remain predominantly Catholic while Sweden embraces the Reformation in an effort to sever their ties with the Union of Kalmar.
I have several ideas at hand. The reformation ought to play out rather interestingly if I should say so myself.
It would a very distinct form of Catholicism. Christian II was a renaissance prince through and through, and he was deeply bent on bringing the Church to heel. Whether or not that will result in a sort of "Gallican Church" of the North or an outright break with Rome is too early to tell.