Christian II's marriage to Isabella of Burgundy is the highest match ever achieved by a Danish monarch, there were martial matches to various royal families but to my knowledge never a match at that level before or since.

Regarding the dowry, it really depends on how cash-strapped Charles V is and how much he needs it. IOTL he very rarely got the slightest break - resulting in a constant drain, only mitigated by the oceans of silver and gold crossing the Atlantic from the Americas. I think one possibility, given the better relationship and that Charles might be more hesitant to ruin good relations with Christian, might be other possible measures of recompense - promising diplomatic support against the Hanse or perhaps pawning a province or source of revenue to his brother-in-law. If you want to get creative with it, though I doubt the plausibility, there are plenty of grants and rights in the Americas to distribute - just consider the Welser's control of Klein-Venedig.

A better, earlier relationship with Isabella is going to be incredibly important. It secures stronger Imperial support, might counter some of the Hanseatic pressure, improves relations with the Dutch and puts Christian in a stronger position.

Diplomatic favours in lieu of an outright down payment might work, as it seemed to have done in OTL where Christian assumed the right of enfeofment for Holstein directly from the emperor as well as an imperial command for the Hanseatic towns towns to cease trade with Sweden.

Drat, I wanted him to wed someone else. But still good writing!

Thank you! Well, to be fair, Isabella is the perfect match. Anything else would put Christian II in a worse position than in OTL.

This timeline is excellent! You have a really great writing style and the maps are all superb. Can't wait to see more Milites!

Thank you very much. I'm very conscious about my writing, as I hope the maps don't draw too much attention away from the text.

A great TL, particularly enjoying the Habsburg wank in the Netherlands! :p

Thanks! However, the Habsburgs haven't been wanked that much besides having a more attentive husband for Isabella ;) The map is actually correct according to OTL too (I hope!)
 
First I wanted to say that I am absolutely loving the start of this TL, this board doesn't have enough Danish/Union of Kalmar TL so its always a joy when one appears especially when well written.

I know in OTL that Christian II waffled between Catholicism and Lutheranism primarily for political reasons but is there any possibility for Scandinavia to remain Catholic in this TL? I know that the Catholics didn't fair terribly well in the Count's Feud but I can't help but imagine the Butterflies resulting from a Catholic North. In fact, Christian being on better terms with his Hapsburg relatives might allow him a free hand against those pesky Lutherans in the Hansa League.
 
First I wanted to say that I am absolutely loving the start of this TL, this board doesn't have enough Danish/Union of Kalmar TL so its always a joy when one appears especially when well written.

I know in OTL that Christian II waffled between Catholicism and Lutheranism primarily for political reasons but is there any possibility for Scandinavia to remain Catholic in this TL? I know that the Catholics didn't fair terribly well in the Count's Feud but I can't help but imagine the Butterflies resulting from a Catholic North. In fact, Christian being on better terms with his Hapsburg relatives might allow him a free hand against those pesky Lutherans in the Hansa League.

While I think it would be possible but very difficult for Scandinavia to remain Catholic -- I doubt Christian II or his heirs wouldn't take advantage of seizing Church lands since these lands are spread across all the Union of Kalmar.

Also I doubt that Charles V will allow Christian II to much free reign against the Hanestic League afterall they are still part of the Empire.
 
First of all, I really have to apologise for the lack of an update. However, the butterflies started to flap their wings as I was writing, so I had to do a lot of new research plus start on a new map to accompany the changes.

First I wanted to say that I am absolutely loving the start of this TL, this board doesn't have enough Danish/Union of Kalmar TL so its always a joy when one appears especially when well written.

I know in OTL that Christian II waffled between Catholicism and Lutheranism primarily for political reasons but is there any possibility for Scandinavia to remain Catholic in this TL? I know that the Catholics didn't fair terribly well in the Count's Feud but I can't help but imagine the Butterflies resulting from a Catholic North. In fact, Christian being on better terms with his Hapsburg relatives might allow him a free hand against those pesky Lutherans in the Hansa League.

Thank you! Christian II was very much influenced by the humanist currents, the so-called "bibelhumanisme" and he was after all at first moved to follow the Lutheran rite after hearing Luther himself preach during his exile. Some kind of reformation was bound to happen, as we already saw a break with Rome in his OTL legal reforms - such as breaking the Pope's control over Danish/Norwegian ecclesiastical matters by creating a national Court of the Church in Roskilde, which were to handle all religious matters. However, given TTL's better relations with his Habsburg in-laws, I am not too certain how brusquely he'll act. But we'll see in due time :)

While I think it would be possible but very difficult for Scandinavia to remain Catholic -- I doubt Christian II or his heirs wouldn't take advantage of seizing Church lands since these lands are spread across all the Union of Kalmar.

Also I doubt that Charles V will allow Christian II to much free reign against the Hanestic League afterall they are still part of the Empire.

Well, Charles did go pretty far in forcing the Hanseatics to go along with Christian's Swedish adventure. After all, the House of Austria-Burgundy had the interests of the Low Countries closest at heart (as can be seen by Maximillian's letter to Margaret of Austria) and for the Dutch trading cities, breaking the monopoly of the Hanse was quite beneficial.
 
Chapter 3: Between the Thistle and the Rose
Chapter 3
Between the Thistle and the Rose





In no victory do they glory so much as in that which is gained by dexterity and good conduct without bloodshed.

-
Sir Thomas More, Utopia 1516




In the spring of the year 1515 another delegation sat sails from Copenhagen. At its head was Erik Valkendorf, the recently elevated archbishop of Trondheim and a score of young and prominent nobles and prelates. The time had come for Isabella of Austria-Burgundy to meet her husband and be crowned as queen of the North at his side. This time, upon their arrival in Brussels, the Danish ambassadors were received not by the Count of Hoorn, but by the bride’s own brother, Charles, who rode to meet them outside the city walls alongside a great many local potentates and prelates[1].

However, even though the delegation was feasted and dined, complications soon arose. The Habsburg government in the Netherlands had been unable to secure the promised second installment of Isabella’s dowry, with less than 60.000 guelders being at hand. An amount drastically short of the agreed-upon 94.000 mark. As a way of recompense, Margaret (who had been most displeased by the portrait of the king which Valkendorf had brought along[2]), promised to speak to her father the Emperor on expanding trade relations between the Northern realms and the Netherlands as well as making vague commitments on her sire’s behalf regarding reining in the Hanseatic League.

To the young archbishop the situation was not ideal, but the assembled flower of Denmark and Norway’s nobility as well as the imperial and papal legates would by that time be making their way for Copenhagen to attend the wedding. Any unnecessary delays had to be avoided. Consequently, after obtaining the reduced dowry and whatever assurances Margaret could commit to paper, Isabella boarded the ship Juliane in Veere and began the journey North. The voyage was not an easy one. As the fleet entered the Skagerrak, summer storms harassed the bridal company to such a degree that Isabella begged Valkendorf to anchor in Jutland and continue on to Copenhagen by land. However, her guardians convinced the young princess to soldier on and on the 22th of June the masts of the Dano-Netherlandish fleet were spotted entering the Sound. Making landfall immediately North of Copenhagen’s city walls, the princess was received by 300 mounted knights, the entire council of the realm and the king’s mother, Christina of Saxony[3].

On the first of July 1515, Christian II wed Isabella of Austria-Burgundy in a magnificent ceremony in the Church of Our Lady. In attendance were the councilors of the realm from Norway and Denmark, the king’s sister Elizabeth, Electress of Brandenburg, the king’s uncle Frederick III, Elector of Saxony, as well as representatives of both Emperor Maximilian and Pope Leo X. To all those present, it must have been quite clear that they were in the presence of a most exuberant congregation.

The archbishop of Lund presided over the wedding service, blessing the couple and announcing that the pope had decreed that all those in attendance were to receive a special papal remission of their sins. As Christian led his bride from the Cathedral they were showered with flowers and cries of adoration from the gathered townspeople waiting outside. For three days the guests and newly weds feasted at the royal castle - thirty-three courses were served on the first day, fifteen on the second and on the third jousting tournaments were held on the Gammel Torv - the king and queen observing the martial games from the town hall’s balcony. As evening approached, the burghers of Copenhagen threw a splendid ball for the two majesties and their guests where the Imperial ambassador presented Christian II with the Emperor’s greatest honour: The Order of the Golden Fleece[4]. In all subsequent paintings of the king, he chose to be depicted wearing that badge of honour and his induction into the most prestigious chivalric order of Europe came to be the icing on his wedding cake.



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Altarpiece from the Carmalite monastery in Helsingør, possibly by the Netherlandish painter Jan Mostaert, ca. 1517. In front, Christian II and Isabella are seen kneeling in prayer. Between the royal couple their coat of arms are depicted whilst the king’s helmet and armour are shown just in front of him. The motive is judgement day. In the upper most field, the trinity is depicted immediately above Christ, sitting in judgement. On his left is the Virgin Mary and on his right John the Baptist. Below Christ the righteous are brought to the Virgin Mary whilst demons drag the damned down to hell. Behind Christian II, Saint George battles the dragon, symbolising chivalry and the fight against satan and injustice.



One delegation at the wedding festivities, however, resulted in raising a considerable amount of eyebrows from the other guests. Awkwardly making his way past the Imperial legate, the royal couple was presented with Antoine d’Arces. The Franco-Scottish embassy had returned to Copenhagen.

Whilst “negotiating” with the French and Scots regarding a potential marriage to Madeleine de la Tour in April 1514, Christian II had stated his intention to redeem the Orkney and Shetland Isles, pawned off to Scotland in order to finance the dowry of his aunt Margaret upon her marriage to James III. Even though the isles had been under the Scottish crown for close to fifty years, Norwegian law was still applied and both archipelagos remained under the ecclesiastical authority of the archbishop of Trondheim. Furthermore, the king had pledged in his accession charter to do his utmost to return the islands to the Norwegian realm[5]. During the negotiations, Andrew Brownhill had promised to raise the matter with his government, even going so far as to tentatively suggest that a return of the isles might become a stipulation of the marriage pact and the proposed military alliance. It was a remarkable proposition, as the princess was French and the financing of her dowry did not strictly constitute a Scottish matter of state. It was, however, a testament to the closeness which the two parties of the Auld Alliance felt towards one another.

The domestic political situation in Scotland had, however, edged towards disaster upon the return of Franco-Scottish embassy. Besides the king, thousands of common soldiers had perished alongside an archbishop, two abbots, nine earls and fourteen lords of parliament. Such slaughter was bound to prove disastrous. The late king’s widow, Margaret Tudor, elder sister of Henry VIII, had been named regent in the slain monarch’s will, but its terms also stipulated that she only keep her office as long as she remained a widow. For less than a year, Margaret led a pro-English regency which in concord with France concluded a separate peace with England, ending Scottish involvement in the War of the League of Cambrai.

However, the French party headed by the archbishop of Glasgow, James Beaton, deeply distrusted Margaret’s intentions and attitude towards Scotland’s ancient alliance with France. Distrust soon gave way to outrage when, in early August 1514, the queen regent married Archibald Douglas, the 6th Earl of Angus in a secret ceremony. Utterly infatuated with the “young witless fool” Margaret had handed her opponents a golden opportunity to strike against the very foundation of her government. Before the end of the month, the privy council had staged a coup against her, forcing the dowager queen to rescind her regency. In her place, the triumphant pro-French faction recalled the very physical embodiment of the Auld Alliance, John Stewart - the duke of Albany, from France where he had been one of the prime instigators of the attempt to wed Madeleine de la Tour to Christian II. Furthermore, in September 1514, the council struck another blow, declaring Margaret had lost her right to the custody of the royal children. To this Margaret did not consent. Alongside Douglas and her two sons she fled court for the safety of Stirling Castle, fortifying her position and rallying supporters for a showdown with the Duke of Albany[6].

John Stewart landed at Edinburgh in April 1515 alongside a sizeable French contingent and numerous supporters who had been part of the embassy to Copenhagen the year before, including Antoine d’Arces. Thus, in effect, the Franco-Scottish diplomatic mission to the court of Christian II had returned to Scotland as its new caretaker government.

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John Stewart, Duke of Albany by Jean d'Albret ca. 1520. Stewart was the embodiment of Franco-Scottish relations. It was said that were the Auld Alliance to walk and talk, it would do so in the manner of the Duke of Albany. Fabulously wealthy on account of his wife's vast estates in the Auvergne, the duke was hesitant to take up the mantle of regency in his native Scotland. When he did, however, it set in motion events that would upend the fragile peace on the British isles.


By the turn of the month, Albany had been proclaimed Governor and Protector of the Realm and thus held the constitutional high ground vis-a-vis the dowager queen. In early May, Stewart led a host representing the forces of the estates and privy council towards Stirling, bristling with arms and French ordnance. Meanwhile, Henry VIII had attempted to persuade his sister to flee the country with her children for months and urged her to take up residence in Tudor London with her children.

As Albany’s forces prepared to invest Stirling Castle, Margaret finally resolved to flee south with her sons to seek her brother’s aid in deposing Stewart’s regency[7]. Her husband the Earl of Angus, conversely, decided to remain and hold the fortress against the duke’s troops until relief from England could arrive. However, the escape of the queen or “The Flight of the Rose” did not go entirely according to plan. During Margaret’s retreat, her company was set upon by outriders loyal to the Governor. In the ensuing scuffle the dowager-queen managed to flee across the River Forth alongside the one year old king James, but her newly-born son, Alexander, and his wet nurse were taken by the pursuers. Thus, the children of James IV were divided between the opposing parties.

Albany soon forced Angus to surrender control of Stirling castle, where he in turn would be imprisoned under lenient terms by the victorious pro-French faction. However, the Governor’s victory was bitter-sweet. He was finally sole regent, but the king for whom he was supposed to govern, had been abducted abroad. Furthermore, the new government was not well liked amongst the commoners on account of Albany’s reliance on French support and the many favours he consequently showered upon his continental allies. Margaret’s escape, however, changed the political landscape drastically. There were a great many in council who thought that by fleeing the jurisdiction of the privy council and effectively kidnapping the king for her brother’s court, the dowager queen had forfeited her eldest son’s claim to throne and that either the regent or the infant Alexander should succeed him.

Consequently, at an emergency meeting back in Edinburgh, the lords assembled declared James V deposed and proclaimed his newborn brother, the Duke of Ross, king Alexander IV, with Albany serving as his regent. The decision, however, was not unanimous. Alexander Home, 3rd Lord Home, and his brother William disagreed, vehemently, as did the powerful Douglas clan, fuming over the continued imprisonment of the Earl of Angus at Stirling castle.

Albany himself greatly desired to return to his wife’s estates in the Auvergne, but with the realm edging towards civil war between the guardians of the late king James’ sons, such leisure in government could scarcely be afforded. Margaret for her part had reached the English marches by June where she recuperated under the protection of the Lord Dacre, before hurrying on to London. Henry VIII welcomed his sister and nephew with open arms, settling them in the traditional lodgings of visiting Scottish monarchs, the Scotland Yard.

However, even though the Tudor coffers were still woefully empty after the burden of the War of the League of Cambrai, the single greatest concern of Albany’s government was the prospect of Margaret returning North at the head of an English army to reinstate her oldest son. To counter this, the Governor-Protector needed funds and he needed them quickly. It was then that Antoine d’Arces and Andrew Brownhill reminded the duke of Christian II’s desire to redeem the Orkney and Shetland Isles. Issued with a royal command to secure Danish support and funds for the inevitable conflict with the deposed queen-regent and her pro-English faction, d’Arces arrived in Copenhagen as the wedding festivities were drawing to a close.

They were warmly received by the king and queen, but the newly wed monarch was uneased by the prospect of a civil war between the sons of his cousin and even more so by the possibility of supporting the losing side. Thus, Brownhill’s pleas for military support were politely refused whilst earnest negotiations on the return of the isles were initiated at the royal castle. Numerous reports had been trickling in for years of the abuses handed out by English traders towards the Norse population on Iceland and despite repeated protestations, Cardinal Wolsey’s government had refused to interfere. Much embittered by this hostile attitude and knowing that Henry VIII’s separate peace with France and Scotland hadn’t won him any favours with the Emperor, the king decided to recognize Albany’s government as Scotland’s legitimate regency. As the days passed the two parties agreed to a settlement. 20.000 Rhenish guilders were taken from the dowry of Isabella and ceremoniously handed over to the Scottish ambassador who in turn signed a declaration on behalf of Alexander IV stating the return of the Orkney and Shetland Isles to the realm of Norway[8]. By September 1515, d’Arces boarded his ships, and accompanied by a Danish fleet, began the journey back to Edinburgh.

Commanding the royal Danish flagship was the gallant privateer Søren Norby, whom the king had named fief-holder at Kirkwall and tasked with restoring Danish control to the windswept isles. Furthermore, in lieu of outright military support, Christian II had pledged to try to act as a mediator between Albany and Margaret. In this regard, Norby would be representing the king himself.

As the sails of the departing fleet disappeared into the horizon, one can imagine how the mood at the court of Christian II must have reached new heights. The king had been wed, the marriage consummated and after 50 years, the sore Norwegian wound in the Atlantic had been healed. To the king himself, however, the vindication of the old North Sea provinces had been but a taste of what he hoped to accomplish. He meant to restore the union crown of Sweden - and he meant to do it sooner rather than later.




scotland_in_the_early_16th_century_by_milites_atterdag-dc7uxzr.png


Scotland in the early 16th century after the return of the Orkney and Shetland (not shown) isles to Dano-Norwegian control.




***​


So there you have it, finally an update! Christian II is wed, he's a member of the Order of the Fleece and he's scored his first foreign policy victory without firing a shot! Other things to note: the king is getting his dowry, but it's reduced already by delays and excuses. However, he's already received more than in OTL. Furthermore, he's still consorting with the burghers, so expect some new trade policies to start rolling soon! Lastly, Scotland in the 1510s isn't exactly my forte, so please let me know your thoughts.


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Footnotes:



[1]
In OTL, Valkendorf received a decidedly hostile welcome as Margaret of Austria was positively furious at Christian II’s continued liaison with Dyveke. There was talk of calling off the wedding, a downpayment of the dowry was denied and the actual ceremony was postponed and postponed. This was very embarrassing for Christian II, as he had already summoned all the guests and made all the required arrangements. ITL, relations between the Oldenburgs and Habsburgs are consequently MUCH better and even though he doesn’t get to get all of the promised dowry, Christian II’s wedding is a far more pleasant affair. The king’s relations with Erik Valkendorf also suffered in OTL because of the delay in the wedding. This too is also butterflied away.

[2]The one painted by Sittow, featured in last update.

[3]As in OTL

[4]In OTL this honour was denied him until his conquest of Sweden on account of his continued liaison with Dyveke.

[5]This is all OTL. Negotiations were initiated, but the matter stranded when no solid government emerged in Scotland and Christian II was soon distracted by events in Sweden.

[6]As happened in OTL.

[7]In OTL, Margaret refused to flee with her children fearing it would likely mean the deposition of James. ITTL, she’s amongst other things persuaded by the Duke of Albany’s sizeable French contingent.

[8]I’m no expert on late medieval inflation, but 20.000 guelders is 20.000 guelders and Albany isn’t in a situation to haggle over it.
 
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Scotland seems like its in for more civil war. And I presume Sweden won't go as smoothly as Christian's diplomatic efforts...
 
Scotland seems like its in for more civil war. And I presume Sweden won't go as smoothly as Christian's diplomatic efforts...

Well hopefully Christian does not have the same advicers as OTL due to no Dyveke, so I find another Stockholm Bloodbath unlikely, there is a Swedish book about the Stockholm bloodbath, by Lars Ericson Wolke which if I remember correct lays the blame on the Swedish Archbishop Gustav Trolle more than on Christian II, though he is not blame free.

I'm also unsure if he have his OTL Burgher advisers that was despised by the nobility, which also was involved to a degree. It is likely he have some, he favours them even if he never met Dyveke.

As such I kinda expect it to go relativly smooth Christian II was quite competent.

*hint* I would love to see Johan Rantzau serving under Christian II, Johan Rantzau and his distant relative Daniel Rantzau are some of the most capable military figures in Danish history, together with Søren Norby (IMO)

Great read, looking forward to more.
 
That's one way to further secure your powerbase in Norway but I honestly don't see much benefit from this purchase other than propoganda
 
Aren't you the same Milites who wrote that Huguenot France AAR, "Paris ne vaut pas une messe" ?
I have to say, I've missed your visual style and I'm glad to see you writing a new TL :)
 
Might be mere propaganda, but Christian's retaking of Orkney plays in his favor in hopefully preventing the belief that Denmark is using the union solely to its own benefit. Although what could have more decisive effects could be Christian's recognition of Albany's government as legitimate. Even with having refused military support, that is still not something the English will like. There's also the possibility of Christian doing something about said English traders in Iceland.

Yet we now appear on the eve of Christian's moves against Sweden. That will be...interesting.
 
That's one way to further secure your powerbase in Norway but I honestly don't see much benefit from this purchase other than propoganda

It will most likely have little tangible effect besides strengthening the king's position vis-a-vis the council of the realm. By fulfilling stipulations of his ascension charter, Christian is removing the high nobility's ability to declare him a tyrant that's violating the constitutional framework. However, I thought it too good a change (given that it actually almost happened) to leave out of the story.

Scotland seems like its in for more civil war. And I presume Sweden won't go as smoothly as Christian's diplomatic efforts...

Sweden is going to be a mess indeed. In some ways I predict it to go smoother for the pro-Union movement, in others it's going to one hell of a struggle.

Well hopefully Christian does not have the same advicers as OTL due to no Dyveke, so I find another Stockholm Bloodbath unlikely, there is a Swedish book about the Stockholm bloodbath, by Lars Ericson Wolke which if I remember correct lays the blame on the Swedish Archbishop Gustav Trolle more than on Christian II, though he is not blame free.

I'm also unsure if he have his OTL Burgher advisers that was despised by the nobility, which also was involved to a degree. It is likely he have some, he favours them even if he never met Dyveke.

As such I kinda expect it to go relativly smooth Christian II was quite competent.

*hint* I would love to see Johan Rantzau serving under Christian II, Johan Rantzau and his distant relative Daniel Rantzau are some of the most capable military figures in Danish history, together with Søren Norby (IMO)

Great read, looking forward to more.

The issue of responsibility for the bloodbath is indeed a point of contention amongst historians. However, in the end it was Christian II who is ultimately responsible for the massacre, but the matter of his agency is still widely discussed. Wolke did indeed place most blame on the archbishop. The latest comprehensive Danish book on the matter tentatively suggests that there might have been some kind of conspiracy going on between the king and Trolle.

Christian still has burgher advisers and he's moving to place them in certain fief-holding positions, although he's not as radical in his approach as in OTL. It's important to underline this, as most of Christian II's reform efforts were more of a continuation of a trajectory already commenced during the reign of his father.

As for Rantzau, I've been toying with the idea - but he's a firm Holsteiner and a man of the knightly estates of the duchy which were completely beholden to duke Frederick. I suspect having him coming over to the royal party might be too much hand waving, bordering on wanking :/

Aren't you the same Milites who wrote that Huguenot France AAR, "Paris ne vaut pas une messe" ?
I have to say, I've missed your visual style and I'm glad to see you writing a new TL :)

Indeed I am. I'm actually really surprised that people remember that AAR. It's going to be 10 years this year since I started it :0

Might be mere propaganda, but Christian's retaking of Orkney plays in his favor in hopefully preventing the belief that Denmark is using the union solely to its own benefit. Although what could have more decisive effects could be Christian's recognition of Albany's government as legitimate. Even with having refused military support, that is still not something the English will like. There's also the possibility of Christian doing something about said English traders in Iceland.

Yet we now appear on the eve of Christian's moves against Sweden. That will be...interesting.

Legitimacy comes and goes in Britain at this point in history, so it's a cheap price to pay for redeeming the isles. I doubt the Danish government would involve itself in a direct confrontation with the English at this point though, there are more important issues dawning on the horizon.

Just wanting to say that I am really enjoying this Timeline, both in terms of the scenario and how it is described (awesome maps!).

Thank you! I hope you stick around :)
 
Chapter 4: A Troll in an Archbishop's Hat
Chapter 4
A Troll in an Archbishop's Hat







Wele wij alle forscreffne waga liff, halss etc. mot kong Hans, wor oppenbara fiendhe, oc affwaerie richesens skadhe oc forderff oc aldrig tiilstaedie sadanne affgiifft af richet, oss alle tiil skensszel...“

We signatories will all risk our lives, necks etc. against king Hans, our manifest enemy and ward off damage and ruin to the country and never allow such taxes be put on the realm, which would shame us all...

-
Declaration by the Swedish council of the realm, 1510.


De for then store hoffmod oc skade, han [Sten Sture the Elder] wor kæreste nådige herre, hans nådes fader, Danmarks Rige oc Indbyggere i langh tid giordt haffuer [...] tha welle vy fyllie hans nåde man aff hussæ medh wore største macht till landz eller van [...] oc ville være veluillige till ther fore for hans nåde at worre worth liff…”

On account of the great arrogance and harm to which he [Sten Sture the Elder] has exposed our dearest most gracious lord, his grace’s father, the realm of Denmark and its inhabitants [...] we pledge to follow his grace all as one with our greatest strength at land and at sea [...] and in this we would be willing to risk our very lives for his grace...

-
Declaration of the peasantry and burghers of Funen on their willingness to aid king Hans in his struggle to reclaim his Swedish crown, 1497.




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The Coats of Arms of some of the more important Swedish noble houses at the turn of the 15th century. All credit to the exceptionally talented folk at Wappenwiki.​


The Union of Kalmar had been in force for less than 50 years when the eastern part of the three state collegatio began to drift away. The rising of Engelbrekt Engelbrektsson and the Swedish peasantry against Erik of Pomerania in the late 1430s, not only led to the deposition of king Erik and the onset of a bitter struggle between the Danish and Swedish realms, but also meant that Sweden itself would face a period of deep political instability. Engelbrektsson had succeeded in severing the knot tying the union together for a time, but the seeds sown by queen Margaret proved to have sprouted deep roots as not everyone saw the sundering of the Kalmar project as a positive thing.

Consequently, Sweden saw two opposing parties coalescing around the union question. Representing the amalgamated power of the council of the realm, the high nobility and prelates of the Catholic church, the unionist party, unsurprisingly, favoured a continuation of the dynastic union.

To these men of quality, the union meant peace and prosperity. By keeping the three realms united under a single monarch, rivalry and conflict would be prevented, securing the free flow of commerce across the inter-Scandinavian border. Furthermore, the authority of the monarch would naturally be curtailed, as he would have to rely on the council of the realm to manage his vast conglomerate of states. Thus, it was not for nothing that those favouring the union proclaimed themselves to be the peace party, as peace was the surest mean to advance their political and economic agenda. To this assembly of noblemen the great House of Trolle came to the forefront during the last decades of the 15th century.

Opposing the council and its noble partisans were the so-called Sture-party which relied on support from the immensely powerful Swedish commoners and peasantry. Drawing their strength from the mining district of Bergslagen and the commercial centre of Stockholm, the Stures vehemently rejected the Nordic dynastic union and advocated the establishment of a strong, centralised and independent Swedish monarchy in its place. They were, to some extent, quite successful in their endeavours. The Battle of Brunkeberg in 1471 shattered the first attempt of the new Oldenburg kings to reassert the union, but the Stures found it no easier to limit the political power of the church and aristocracy than their royal counterparts in Copenhagen.

After king Hans’ successful subjugation of the Swedes in his war against Lübeck, Svante Nilsson of the House of Natt och Dag[1] (who was related to the Sture family on his grandmother’s side) remained Lord Steward in preparation for renewed negotiations with the Danes on the future of the union. However, when he passed away in early January 1512 the old feud between the two Swedish parties flared up once more.


southern_sweden_in_the_late_middle_ages_by_milites_atterdag-dccp3n8.png


Sweden in the late middle ages. Eriksgatan was the traditional route of royal acclamation undertaken by medieval Swedish kings. Full version here.​


As the realm was still reeling from the devastating war with king Hans, the unionist party seized the opportunity to capitalise on the prevailing war weariness and sought to proclaim one of their own Lord Steward. Another Sture at the helm of the stewardship would mean continued warfare with the Oldenburg monarchs, they argued. Consequently, the council of the realm had the former churchman Erik Trolle declared Lord Steward at a meeting at Arboga in early 1512. Erik boasted strong unionist credentials as his father had been the most prominent domestic adversary of the elder Sture. Additionally, two of his sisters had respectively married the prominent Danish councillor and admiral of the realm, Jens Holgersen Ulfstand and the Swedish councillor of the realm, Nils Bosson Grip who had been a fervent supporter of king Hans.

For a time it seemed as if the pro-union party had managed to secure the realm and wrest control from the Stures. Lord Svante’s son, Sten, and a cabale of his late father’s partisans, however, refused to acknowledge the peace party’s candidate and declined the council’s request to hand over the royal castles in their possession, thus retaining their economic and military advantage. As spring bloomed that very same year, Sten Svantesson travelled extensively throughout Sweden and put his case directly to the commoners and peasantry whilst penning letters to the various fief-holders throughout the realm. By March, Svantesson had secured the loyalty of Öster and Västergötland, Dalarna and the stout mountain men of Bergslagen.

Around the time of midsummer, Svantesson had gathered a considerable force of armed peasants and regular troops, at whose head he showed up for a supposedly conciliatory meeting in Stockholm. As the city and its castle welcomed the forces of the Sture party, the unionists camped at the Franciscan monastery on Riddarholmen (the Knights’ Islet). Despite ongoing negotiations between the two parties, tensions began to soar. On the night of the first of July 1512, a rumour suddenly arose claiming that the partisans of the council were preparing to storm the city and execute Sten Svantesson and his chief supporters. Fuelled by the presence of some drunken partisans of the Stures a full blown riot erupted with hundreds of armed peasants and men-at-arms marching towards the aristocratic encampment.

However, the councilar forces had been alerted of the impending danger and under the command of Erik Abrahamsson Leijonhufvud the knights, squires and sworn men of the high nobility had formed up in plate and mail with swords drawn and crossbows aimed at the approaching enemy. Stalled by this show of force the would-be attackers fell back in order to reassert their positions.

The appearance of the venerable archbishop of Uppsala, Jakob Ulvsson Örnfot, at the scene seemed to have poured some quantity of oil over the troubled waters, and by all accounts it seemed as if the potentially catastrophic riot had been nipped in the bud. However, just as tensions were about to deflate, someone, somewhere on the island loosened a crossbow bolt, severely injuring one of the Sture partisans.

The shot was returned by the attackers and soon carnage reigned on the waters of Riddarholmen. The disorderly, somewhat drunken and leaderless group of Sture partisans were crashed against the shields of the outnumbered unionists like waves upon rocks, suffering dozens of casualties before retreating[2]. Although there is no proof in the source material of either sides premeditating the hostilities on the Knight’s Islet, the deep divide between the two sides was considerably enlarged. Furthermore it wouldn’t prove to be the last time Svantesson would be incapable of controlling his fervent supporters.

As morning came, smoke was still gushing in over the city whilst the passages to the island were besieged by Sture troops. Having been alerted to the scene, young Svantesson mobilised his entire force and rode out to confront Erik Trolle himself. Hopelessly outnumbered, Trolle caved in. The council of the realm might have been able to stave off an unruly mob, but they stood no chance of resisting the assembled might of the Sture pretender, let alone contending the many castles and cities proclaiming him regent.

Consequently, on the 23rd of July 1512, Sten Svantesson was proclaimed Lord Steward and immediately afterwards began to style himself as Sten Sture, taking the hallowed name of his great-grandmother. He was only 19 years of age[3].


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Vädersolstavlan (The Sun Dog Painting) is the oldest preserved depiction of the city of Stockholm in colour. The city’s strategic location at a point where Lake Mälaren flows into the Baltic Sea led to it prospering by way of trade with the Hanseatic cities. Consequently, Stockholm had deep economic and cultural ties to mercantile hubs such as Lübeck and Danzig. By the turn of the 15th century the city had a sizeable German population.


However, as his clever play to his family’s traditional base of support goes to show, the younger Sture was no youthful amateur. In 1510 he had received much praise for his conduct on the battle decks of the Hanseatic fleet as it scourged the Danish shores and he had even fought in a pitched battle against the later Christian II outside the walls of Bohus in Norway.

Still, although a settlement had been reached with the council, the cleavages in Swedish society had deepened after the Battle on the Riddarholm. A testament to this is the fact that even at the conciliatory feast at Stockholm castle, the two sides came to blows. Erik Abrahamsson Leijonhufvud got into a heated argument with Gustav Kristersson Vasa over the fighting on the island and mortally wounded him with his sword[4]. Leijonhufvud fled the city and took sanctuary at a nearby Dominican monastery. The remaining bishops and temporal councillors soon scattered, fearing the retribution of the victorious Sture.

The younger Sture, however, did not retaliate and proved to be rather magnanimous in his triumph. Leijonhufvud was passed over as fief-holder at any important castles and forced to pay compensation to Vasa’s family, but was not harmed in any other way. Feeling secure in his command over the realm, the new Lord Protector began a tour of his provinces and worked to tighten his grip over the country even further.

In the summer of 1513 another reprieve was agreed upon with the Danes whether the Swedes would accept Christian II’s as their king or pay the stipulated tribute. Sten Sture the Younger, however, had no intention of accepting either terms. The extension of the truce between the two halves of the Kalmar Union would serve as the cover from under which the Lord Protector would strive to undo the knots tying the union together. By 1514 he had begun to formulate claims on the Norwegian border province of Bohus as well as other alleged grievances against Christian II.


It was then, in the moment of the Sture party’s apparent triumph that a new player entered the stage.


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Archbishop Jakob Ulvsson Örnfot as depicted in the church of Yttergran, approximately 50 km from Stockholm. Ulvsson's resignation paved the way for the entrance of the Stures' most deadly enemy upon the political stage of late medieval Sweden.


In the autumn of 1514, the archbishop of Uppsala, Jakob Ulvsson Örnfot, had proclaimed his intention to resign his high office. After 45 years of service in the church and sickened by the bloody power struggle between the two pro and anti union forces, the 80 years old Ulvsson was in declining health. As his successor, he nominated the 26 year old Gustav Trolle, son of the deposed Lord Steward Erik and newly elected dean of the bishopric of Linköping[5].

Having finished his studies at the University of Cologne[6], the younger Trolle had speedily relocated to Rome when he learned of his chances of succeeding to the archbishopric and was thus eminently placed to further his own candidacy at the very knee of the holy father. Despite the support of both the incumbent archbishop and, grudgingly, Sten Sture the Younger, the papal court made slow process of accepting Trolle and only endorsed him the in the autumn of 1515. However, when the pope finally gave the young prelate his nod of approval he also bequeathed on him three important boons. First of all, Trolle received the power to place a person or persons under interdict, denying them the right of partaking in mass and receiving communion. Secondly, he was granted papal mandate to equip and maintain 400 men-at-arms for his own defence. If his personal forces would not suffice, he was, thirdly, given the right to request assistance from the head of the temporal authorities: i.e. the king, Christian II.

This was, of course, unacceptable to the Younger Sture. Gustav Trolle’s fanatical hatred of the new Lord Steward’s family was well known and his new papal-given powers were seen as a dire threat to the Stures’ political programme of enforcing a strong central authority. Furthermore, as the peace with Denmark expire, the prospect of Trolle inviting Christian II into the country if the Swedish spiritual and temporal authorities were to come to blows sent a chill down the spine of every anti-union magnate.

Before Trolle had even returned to his native Sweden, the Sture response materialised. The archbishopric’s castle, Almarestäket, was situated at a strategically significant position on lake Mälaren. From its impressive walls, the defenders not only commanded the economically important road towards Enköping and Bergslagen, but were also in a position to dominate the sea route between Stockholm and Uppsala, the temporal and spiritual centres in Sweden. Deeming such a fortress to be too important to leave in his opponent’s position, Sten Sture demanded the archbishop surrender the castle.

For a man of such pride and ambition as Gustav Trolle, such a demand was ludicrous. He was the defender of the holy catholic church in Sweden, the spiritual equal of the Lord Steward, the natural heir to the pro-union party and he had no desire to hand over his most impressive military asset. Despite the ardent efforts of the rest of the council of the realm, the political power struggle between the two young men soon escalated into open warfare as both sides feuded with each other. In the summer of 1516 Sture troops stormed the city of Nyköping, which had been held by Steen Oxenstierna, a noble associated with the Peace Party[7]. As the forces of the Lord Steward approached the fortifications, they were met with scorn and disdain from the garrison who openly proclaimed their loyalty to the king in Copenhagen by drinking toasts to his health in full view of the besiegers. However, the Lord Steward’s men made short work of the defenders and Oxenstierna was taken in irons to Stockholm where he soon began to denounce his allies as traitors in league with the Danes.

Based on Oxenstierna’s testimony, the Younger Sture struck against his other enemies. The old archbishop, Ulvsson, was placed under house arrest whilst the former Lord Steward Erik Trolle and many other members of the aristocracy were imprisoned alongside Oxenstierna in Stockholm.

By October 1516, the Stures finally felt secure enough to move against Almarestäket. Seeing the troops of the Lord Protector in front of his wall whilst his remaining allies, friends and family were taken away to an uncertain life in prison, one would think the young archbishop would have had ample opportunity to consider caving in. However, Gustav Trolle refused to do so. He dauntlessly paced the battlements whilst giving good cheer to his beleaguered garrison and denouncing any of the besiegers who came within earshot for persecuting him and the church. Indeed, his position was not at all as grim as one would’ve thought. The canons and deacons of Uppsala remained loyal, whilst dissatisfaction amongst the nobility over the Lord Steward’s wanton imprisonment of his political adversaries increased by the day.

Furthermore, even though it seemed that no help would be forthcoming from the domestic enemies of the Lord Steward, Trolle had other strings on his bow.

He had invoked his papally ordained right to request temporal assistance in the defence of the church by writing Christian II in Copenhagen and begged him to come North and protect the church with all his power and might.


The king, he would soon discover, was all too happy to oblige.



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Author's Note:

Whew! Almost two months without an update! Life's been happily busy for me lately: I went to see my girlfriend's family in the Low Countries, participated in a seminar where I presented the findings of my BA-paper and got two new jobs! Besides, for some reason, it was really difficult writing this update. Consequently, thoughts and criticisms are very much appreciated! Also, do people like the 15/16th century Scandinavian quotes? Or would you prefer the to see only the English translations?

Footnotes:

[1]
Meaning Night and Day

[2]This ALMOST happened in OTL. Only the presence of cooler heads prevented the stand-off from turning into a battle. Everything else up to this point is OTL.

[3]I’ll refer to Sten Svantesson as Sten Sture the Younger from this point on.

[4]This happened too in OTL, only the quarrel was over something else and Vasa didn’t die. I have a hard time finding out exactly which Vasa this guy was and what his relation to the Gustav Vasa is. Erik Abrahamsson Leijonhufvud had married a Vasa noblewoman in january 1512, so this encounter really strikes home how deep the division in the Swedish nobility was. Any help would be appreciated.

[5]As OTL. The Archbishop of Uppsala and the bishop of Linköping were the most prestigious and powerful ecclesiastical titles in late medieval Sweden.

[6]As I mentioned in the prologue, Northern Germany was primarily the place where Scandinavian churchmen studied.

[7]And by all accounts a pretty dishonest person.
 
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Glad to see this, was a bit worried you had stopped.

I definitely like the quotes as they are. You clearly have access to sources I don't, so I'm genuinely learning new stuff in all your updates.

So the main POD this chapter was the riot actually turning into a small skirmish, thus raising tensions in multiple ways between the two factions. And now we come to the OTL entrance of Christian. Christian really needs something to win over the peasantry if he doesn't want things to end up like IOTL, a new claimant rising afterwards. It sounds like Sten is moving aggressively enough that even the Swedish nobles are getting nervous, especially with the Sture Party supposedly advocating a strong, centralized monarchy in Sweden.
 
Nordic history isn’t my strongest area of knowledge but I’m really enjoying this so far. Your maps are incredible.

Very happy to hear that you're enjoying it! As I said somewhere else whilst paraphrasing Voltaire, I hope to make this a timeline with a series of maps rather than a series of maps with a timeline :D

It is fantastic to see you back! Hope to see more from you as we move forward, but RL comes first.

Thank you! More is indeed to come. Next update will see a major divergence - to the extent that Nordic history at this point of time is well-known enough to have any divergences of any major size! I felt as if I were committing heresy when I had the Riddarholm battle develop the way it did!

Glad to see this, was a bit worried you had stopped.

I definitely like the quotes as they are. You clearly have access to sources I don't, so I'm genuinely learning new stuff in all your updates.

So the main POD this chapter was the riot actually turning into a small skirmish, thus raising tensions in multiple ways between the two factions. And now we come to the OTL entrance of Christian. Christian really needs something to win over the peasantry if he doesn't want things to end up like IOTL, a new claimant rising afterwards. It sounds like Sten is moving aggressively enough that even the Swedish nobles are getting nervous, especially with the Sture Party supposedly advocating a strong, centralized monarchy in Sweden.

No fear needed! I'm almost done with Chapter 5 too. Just need to finish the maps :)
Also, glad to hear you enjoy the quotes - I take the most pleasure in digging them up from my dusty tomes and putting them in new contexts :D
 
Will there be a Danish/Scandinavian colonization of the Americas beyond a few Caribbean islands in this timeline?

Haven't given it much thought, but given the fact that Christian II was very interested in reestablishing contact with Greenland as well as commercial enterprises, I think it probable that it'll be touched upon in the future. Plus there's the fact that I've never made a proper map of North America.
 
Haven't given it much thought, but given the fact that Christian II was very interested in reestablishing contact with Greenland as well as commercial enterprises, I think it probable that it'll be touched upon in the future. Plus there's the fact that I've never made a proper map of North America.
Vinland?
 
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