TLIAW: To Hell With Hatton

This is very good. Great writing, grim and atmospheric.

Poor Coventry. The RAF bombing what is essentially a war memorial (the old Cathedral) will have repercussions surely? I love the detailed geography you've worked to - I could probably map the Rise and Fall of the PRC from the text alone.

Presumably Nellist will be for the firing squad, despite the surrender?
 
This is very good. Great writing, grim and atmospheric.

Thank you so much!

Poor Coventry. The RAF bombing what is essentially a war memorial (the old Cathedral) will have repercussions surely?

*sneaky wink*

I love the detailed geography you've worked to - I could probably map the Rise and Fall of the PRC from the text alone.

I spent 20 minutes poring over a map I downloaded from the Coventry City Council website, looking for the most proletarian and the most defensible areas of St Michael's ward, which was Nellist's main base of support IOTL. After he was defeated in '92, he was a Councillor for the ward from '98 to 2012.

If Nellist had been thinking straight, he could have blocked off double the area he had under his command by setting up the Terry Road barricade further South, where it meets St George's Road (everything beyond that is new build, so that might have been the end of the estate at the time, meaning that a barricade wasn't required, but again, troops attacking from across the River Sherbourne would naturally have established a bridgehead in the CofE school nearby) and the Northfield Rd one to the gates of Gosford Park Primary, thus including a corner shop - and, therefore, basic supplies - inside the PRC.

This lack of strategy may have cost him a day or two of survival.

And yes, I did over-think this. ;)

EDIT: Other defensive structures would have been needed on St George's Street and along the Sherbourne to hold off the Army if he'd gone with this plan. He probably didn't have the men or the materiel, though.
Presumably Nellist will be for the firing squad, despite the surrender?

Maybe. Maybe not.
 
I would be willing to go as a character witness for Citizen Dave, except its about 10 years before I met him, however, my point would be that a lot of political people of all parties in the wider West Midlands would make recommendations that Dave Nellist should be treated leniently.

There again, you have Wackford Squeers as PM and, FFS, Neil Hamilton as Foreign Secretary, so policy isn't exactly going to be rational. Dare one ask where the dread Christine is? And who is in charge of the Home office, Spanker Proctor? von Marlow? Teresa Gorman?

At least Portillo is in charge of Defence, it could have been Alan Clark.
 
Thank you so much!



*sneaky wink*



I spent 20 minutes poring over a map I downloaded from the Coventry City Council website, looking for the most proletarian and the most defensible areas of St Michael's ward, which was Nellist's main base of support IOTL. After he was defeated in '92, he was a Councillor for the ward from '98 to 2012.

If Nellist had been thinking straight, he could have blocked off double the area he had under his command by setting up the Terry Road barricade further South, where it meets St George's Road (everything beyond that is new build, so that might have been the end of the estate at the time, meaning that a barricade wasn't required, but again, troops attacking from across the River Sherbourne would naturally have established a bridgehead in the CofE school nearby) and the Northfield Rd one to the gates of Gosford Park Primary, thus including a corner shop - and, therefore, basic supplies - inside the PRC.

This lack of strategy may have cost him a day or two of survival.

And yes, I did over-think this. ;)

EDIT: Other defensive structures would have been needed on St George's Street and along the Sherbourne to hold off the Army if he'd gone with this plan. He probably didn't have the men or the materiel, though.


Maybe. Maybe not.

If it were Sheffield rather than Coventry people would be making jokes about the People's Republic of Treacle Mine Road already (on this thread; even if Terry Pratchett's going in TTL he won't write Night Watch for another decade or so).

I can't really see even Wackford Squeers managing to make corporal punishment effectively compulsory, particularly not within two years, but he could probably terrify a few particularly stupid Heads into acting as if it was, and the gibbering horror inspired by OFSTED when it was introduced iOTL would help (though I'm not sure a Labour 1980s would have invented it in the first place).

Presumably Leon Brittan's included in the Kitchen Cabinet as either Home Sec. or the power running the Home Office behind someone less divisive - if the former, well, we could still do worse as Iain has just pointed out rather terrifyingly.

The idea of someone just going off to kiss hands and assuming the party will follow along after the fact is genius, though I'm not sure where the rule about two weeks to name a new government before calling a snap election would have come from - the Labour Right would never go for it, it's like a big neon sign saying "entryists attack here".

I almost wonder nobody's ever tried it OTL in a futile attempt to stave off a general election five more minutes. Ramsay Mac in 1931 I guess is the nearest; if I remember rightly he un-resigned still unsure whether the Tories could deliver enough votes to keep him in.
 
I would be willing to go as a character witness for Citizen Dave, except its about 10 years before I met him, however, my point would be that a lot of political people of all parties in the wider West Midlands would make recommendations that Dave Nellist should be treated leniently.

There again, you have Wackford Squeers as PM and, FFS, Neil Hamilton as Foreign Secretary, so policy isn't exactly going to be rational. Dare one ask where the dread Christine is? And who is in charge of the Home office, Spanker Proctor? von Marlow? Teresa Gorman?

At least Portillo is in charge of Defence, it could have been Alan Clark.

1) I do have a bit of a soft spot for Dave Nellist, although I haven't met him (yet). I hope this comes across in his scenes, but reading back, I might have made him a bit too image-conscious.

2) Bear in mind that the Rt. Hon. Mr Squeers, MP, came to power after fifteen years of Wet domination, while Labour have been led by comparative centrists for a bit longer. The Ultra-Tory backlash of the mid-90s is comparable to Corbynmania, except without anybody being called a Blue Communist. Middle-of-the-road Tories are still present in Real Cabinet, but since Boyson-Wet relations are becoming so fractious, the Kitchen Cabinet has assumed all the real power. Chris Patten is actually Home Sec, but Brittan as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and MoJ is, let's say, very influential, as Machiavelli Jr postulated.

3) I was going to give Christine a scene, but I've still got far too much other plot to get through by the end of the week.

If it were Sheffield rather than Coventry people would be making jokes about the People's Republic of Treacle Mine Road already (on this thread; even if Terry Pratchett's going in TTL he won't write Night Watch for another decade or so).

I can't really see even Wackford Squeers managing to make corporal punishment effectively compulsory, particularly not within two years, but he could probably terrify a few particularly stupid Heads into acting as if it was, and the gibbering horror inspired by OFSTED when it was introduced iOTL would help (though I'm not sure a Labour 1980s would have invented it in the first place).

Presumably Leon Brittan's included in the Kitchen Cabinet as either Home Sec. or the power running the Home Office behind someone less divisive - if the former, well, we could still do worse as Iain has just pointed out rather terrifyingly.

The idea of someone just going off to kiss hands and assuming the party will follow along after the fact is genius, though I'm not sure where the rule about two weeks to name a new government before calling a snap election would have come from - the Labour Right would never go for it, it's like a big neon sign saying "entryists attack here".

I almost wonder nobody's ever tried it OTL in a futile attempt to stave off a general election five more minutes. Ramsay Mac in 1931 I guess is the nearest; if I remember rightly he un-resigned still unsure whether the Tories could deliver enough votes to keep him in.

1) Night Watch is one of my favourite things in existence, so I kinda had to plagiarise it at some point in my life.

2) As implied in some earlier Chapters, the original modus operandi that allowed Boyson to survive the week was that he'd get free reign over Education while most other policy remained gradualist. Then the Monetarists took over the Treasury and at this point, Boyson has just repealed Alt!In Place Of Strife. OFSTED's remit is covered by several different groups of busybodies with clipboards (including the National Behavioural Standards Authority) whose constant interference produces a pervasive sense of surveillance by higher-ups, thereby intimidating Heads and Teachers into following the new rules, despite 90% of them not wanting to.

3) The dash to Buck Palace was based on a skit from Time Trumpet in which Gordon Brown and half a dozen others race to be the first to meet the Queen after Blair's resignation, but Tony takes so long with Her Maj that Brown just ends up going round a roundabout for four hours. As to the two week limit, I was under the impression that this was the case IOTL, but reading up on the no confidence vote against Callaghan, it doesn't look like there was an actual limit for the formation of an alternative government. The two week limit came in under the FTPA, it appears. I can't be bothered to edit, so let's just say that Gilmour changed it at some point.
 
1) I do have a bit of a soft spot for Dave Nellist, although I haven't met him (yet). I hope this comes across in his scenes, but reading back, I might have made him a bit too image-conscious.

2) Bear in mind that the Rt. Hon. Mr Squeers, MP, came to power after fifteen years of Wet domination, while Labour have been led by comparative centrists for a bit longer. The Ultra-Tory backlash of the mid-90s is comparable to Corbynmania, except without anybody being called a Blue Communist. Middle-of-the-road Tories are still present in Real Cabinet, but since Boyson-Wet relations are becoming so fractious, the Kitchen Cabinet has assumed all the real power. Chris Patten is actually Home Sec, but Brittan as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and MoJ is, let's say, very influential, as Machiavelli Jr postulated.

3) I was going to give Christine a scene, but I've still got far too much other plot to get through by the end of the week.



1) Night Watch is one of my favourite things in existence, so I kinda had to plagiarise it at some point in my life.

2) As implied in some earlier Chapters, the original modus operandi that allowed Boyson to survive the week was that he'd get free reign over Education while most other policy remained gradualist. Then the Monetarists took over the Treasury and at this point, Boyson has just repealed Alt!In Place Of Strife. OFSTED's remit is covered by several different groups of busybodies with clipboards (including the National Behavioural Standards Authority) whose constant interference produces a pervasive sense of surveillance by higher-ups, thereby intimidating Heads and Teachers into following the new rules, despite 90% of them not wanting to.

3) The dash to Buck Palace was based on a skit from Time Trumpet in which Gordon Brown and half a dozen others race to be the first to meet the Queen after Blair's resignation, but Tony takes so long with Her Maj that Brown just ends up going round a roundabout for four hours. As to the two week limit, I was under the impression that this was the case IOTL, but reading up on the no confidence vote against Callaghan, it doesn't look like there was an actual limit for the formation of an alternative government. The two week limit came in under the FTPA, it appears. I can't be bothered to edit, so let's just say that Gilmour changed it at some point.

Cool. Patten in the Home Office is a nice touch but yeah, the Boyson ministry would ignore him. I'd forgotten about that TT bit, it was a great skit.

I think the coalition-building aspect of the two-week limit is the sticking point (as the third party in TTL is Militant, who are not going to be makeweight coalition partners), but maybe if the SNP are very strong, or one of the administrations went down to some kind of procedural trickery which didn't really reflect "no confidence in the government" so much as "the Opposition are really devious and managed to call a confidence vote when half the Government benches were in Timbuktu" and this was widely considered undemocratic, Gilmour brought in the change as a cooling-off period after confidence votes to show his (ill-thought-out) commitment to the Will of the People.
 
Chapter Seven
08:52 AM, 8th August 1995
Fifth Day of the Revolution

It was grotesque chaos that morning. The News showed the horrifying scenes from Coventry, with good old Dave being hauled off into a van covered with camouflage paint and a morbid tale of one of the Coventry rebels - the "Bear-Red" - psychopathically beating his enemies to death with a sledgehammer. This had not been fantastic for morale, as Lesley discovered as she got into the waiting taxi. Aziz, who had been shipper every day previously, was slumped over the wheel in a state of dejection, but he jolted up when Lesley clunked the door shut.

"Who're we picking up today, then?"

"One of the plazzies, then Degsy. Should be there by half nine." They moved off.

"Mr Hamilton, speaking at the United Nations in New York, has defended the events being dubbed the 'Three Days of Coventry' and has asked all foreign powers to remain calm. A Resolution to - "

"I don't think the radio is a good idea, Aziz."

The main difference in Revolutionary Liverpool was the abundance of posters. Rubbish was still being collected, schools were still open, and shortages weren't really being felt, as yet. Not that they'd started rationing - that was a job for yesterday, if ever there was one. But that Vinny Wagner had a graphic designer mate with a colour printer and had got him to plaster slogans all over corner shops and pub windows. There was "Report ALL Counter-Revolutionary Activity" in Comic Sans; and that one which had been half denatured by leakings from an overflowing gutter looked like it had been "Sharing is Caring - DON'T HOARD!" with its picture of three buxom women gathered around a full shopping trolley, marveling at the treasures within; and over there was - was that fucking face. "Avenge Heidi Range" it read, and her sweet little smile burned itself onto your frontal lobe so that any lack of eagerness for the Revolution short-circuited in your brain and...

Lesley remembered the facts - the girl had blown herself up for some reason. Maybe she'd hated the Tories, or hated school, or hated British tyranny over Ulster, or been put up to it by Degsy. That wasn't common knowledge, though. The official line was that an extremist faction in the Conservative Party had staged it to discredit the people of Liverpool and their elected representatives. Heidi Range had been the only fatality who wasn't wearing a dinner jacket, so she was naturally appropriated by the Powers that had only recently begun to Be. Lesley wondered if anyone had spoken to the parents.

Ted Grant jogged from the front door of his B&B, gave a quick wave from a slightly crouched position so as to be seen through the car window - it was a private hire taxi, so not as tall as the LTI ones. As he got in the back with Lesley he flashed her a grin and said "I've had an idea. You were responsible for education in the City Council, weren't you?" Lesley confirmed this. "Well, why don't we start some adult ed courses - and children's Summer School stuff as well, if you like - to teach people what this is all about."

"You mean, Marxism?"

"Yes, just the story of our movement, underscored by basic theory - Hegelian view of History, difference between Socialism and State Capitalism, Degenerated workers' states, and all that sort of thing. We need to educate all our new comrades, not just tell them when to strike. Then we'd be no better than what went before." He was beaming. Perhaps he didn't know that there was no food coming in.

Peter Taaffe had warned Lesley about Ted Grant on several occasions in the last few days. She hadn't been that familiar with the Party bigwigs until she'd been put on the Committee for Public Safety - had that been to keep her quiet? No - but the various factions had made themselves clear as soon as they tried to get any actual work done. Peter would sidle up to people and talk about Ted being "senile" and "past it". Peter was a brilliant activist: he'd get thousands of people marching on a whim, and his sheer personality must have been responsible for about half of the Party membership. Perhaps he was a bit jealous of the other leaders - Alan Woods was a "mere theoretician" while Rob Sewell was "another Plekhanov". To be honest, Lesley was surprised that he knew who Plekhanov was, because for all his skills, Peter's knowledge of Marxist Theory and History was... poor. What was to be done? Ted had his head in the clouds while Peter had his head in the sand - Derek Hatton was the only halfway level-headed leader they could hope for, and he was happy to keep John Hamilton as their front-man.

Speaking of which, here he was now, with another fitted suit clinging to his shoulders and a winning smile to his face. Lesley and Ted had, by an unspoken assumption, left the front passenger seat for him out of an un-Militant sense of deference, but Degsy strode over the the back door, requiring Lesley to leap across to the middle seat which - with the best will in the world - wasn't quite wide enough for a full-grown woman. When Derek pulled the door to and did up his seatbelt, there was literally no oxygen in the back. Looking at Aziz' face in the rear-view mirror, Lesley could have sworn she saw a silent grin before his morning dourness set in once more.

"So what's the plan for today, then, Degsy?"

"We need to talk about rationing, but that can wait until the afternoon. We really need to raise morale now that Dave's gone and cocked up in Coventry - no offence meant - and the UN have voted to send in the Peacekeepers to Mrseyside. We can't just rely on firebrand oratory. That's why I'm thinking of inviting a few celebrities to do a benefit concert."

"Like who?"

"People like the Beatles, don't they?" Even Ted Grant laughed at that - Lennon and McCartney were never going to get back on the same stage for love nor money.

"So apart from organising a gathering of aging hippies, what are we doing of substance today?"

"We're ensuring Public Safety. The first trials start today - just quick tribunals for food-hoarding, counter-revolutionary activity and the like. You'll really like the first one, Lesley."

---
Some Time Later

Dave Nellist didn't know where he was. It was dark and dank, and all there was in the room was a camp bed and a pot to piss in, so it was fair to say that if he was expected to pay for his accommodation, he was going to write to Trading Standards. They'd bundled him out of the van hours and hours ago, blindfold on, and frog-marched him up several flights of stairs. He'd heard a key in the lock. He wished they'd at least have taken the blindfold off: the images that had been burned into his head were not pleasant at all.

A clank seized him out of his reverie.

"He's in here, see. Sir!"

"I see. May I go in?"

"We're to treat him as dangerous, Sir!"

"Does he look dangerous?"

"Um..."

"Just leave us in here for ten minutes - go down the hall, have a cup of tea or something, I'll scream if he pulls a shank on me. There's a good chap."

Another series of clanks and light footsteps culminated in a slam and the sound of that bloody key again. The guard's stomping echoed and died down, interspersed with the jangling of small bits of metal. The handcuffs were beginning to dig in.

"Do you know who I am, Dave?" It was a patrician voice, drawling with cold friendliness.

"No, mate."

"Let's keep it that way, for now. You, Mr Nellist, are an interesting man. I've had numerous phone calls from people across the country, from all parties, saying how they're absolutely dying to serve as character witnesses in your eventual trial."

"I'm getting a trial? That's better than I expected from you MI-5 spooks."

"Ha ha ha. But I'm afraid I'm going to have to correct you there, Dave. I'm not a spy. I'm a very influential man. Now, I don't want you to go to trial. That would just give you the opportunity to spread your views and make a mockery of your own treason - by the way, Rhodes is trying to bring back the death penalty, so don't get too comfortable here."

"I'll try not to."

"Listen to me, Dave. I've come to make you an offer."

"I - I stand by my actions, if that's what this is about."

"We can make it about that if you like."

"We fought for what we believe in. We put something on a higher pedestal than loyalty. Many of us fought and died, and I'd be happy to join them if Boyson gets his way. That's my position."

"Three thousand, two hundred and seven people died violently, to be exact."

"You bombed a fucking Cathedral! We survived the Blitz, but not the jolly old RAF, eh, old sport?"

"Calm down, Dave. I want the killing to end as soon as possible. I can tell that we have the same aims in that regard. As I said before, I think we can do... business together."

---​

The accused was tied to a chair in the middle of Conference Room C. The CPS (T. Grant, P. Taaffe, L. Mahmood, F. Dowling, A. Byrne and J. Hamilton) perched on the swivel chairs that they had found in the room as they had come in. None of them was in a fantastic state of repair. Some had no backs, others no cushions. Lesley's had no height function, so she was about ten inches off the floor with her knees around her ears.

Degsy swished in. "You, Mr Peter Kilfoyle, MP, are accused of hoarding food for the purposes of siege profiteering; distributing seditious pamphlets and general counter-revolutionary activity. Can you explain yourself?"

"Well, yes I can. I swore an oath upon entering Parliament to serve my country, and I intend to keep that oath. Perhaps you people ought to remind people like - ooh, let's think - Tony Mulhearn, Terry Fields, Bob Parry, Eddie Loyden, Bob Wareing and Dave Fucking Nellist of their oaths."

Felicity Dowling spoke: "Wait, why not the other Militant MPs?"

"Because they haven't committed treason yet. And good on them. You Trots are making a mockery of the Labour movement - you're basically ensuring Eternal Tory Government."

"He does have a point," said John Hamilton, Protector of the Workers' State, "there are more important things to get on with than witch-hunting any Labour MPs we can lay our hands on. I mean to say," he chuckled nervously, "I'm a member of the Labour Party myself!"

"Not for long, you traitorous dog." Hamilton gulped. He hadn't signed up for this. A quick glance at Degsy told him he really was in this for the long haul, though thick and thin. That reminded him: there wouldn't be enough crumpets for tomorrow.

"Look, Peter," said Lesley Mahmood, "when old Eric passed on, we both stood for his old seat. You won, I've got no bones with you. But you constantly slandered Militant thoughout the whole of that vicious campaign. "Twisted Trots", "Brown Reds" and so on. I'm sick of being treated this way by the rightists of the Establishment! I'm sick of being told that Socialism Doesn't Work! As you can see, it works here - "

"It works better than your chair, I'll give you that."

"Don't be a wanker, Peter. You've done nothing your whole life but talk the Left down and weed out brave entryists. You're a traitor to the people you claim to represent, and - and if I had my way, you'd hang!" That had been a bit too hyperbolic, but Lesley had never liked that Kilfoyle bastard. He had been Labour's main witch-hunter during the entryist phase. that was long over now, but she still thought of him as the reincarnation of Matthew Hopkins.

But however strong her distaste for the man, she was shocked at what happened next.

"Let's put it to the vote, then." said Degsy.

---​

[Proclamation from the Plenary Session of the Trades Union Congress, 10th August 1995]
The TUC, after consultation with all affiliated unions, has resolved to come out in a general strike in sympathy with the protesters across the country who have had enough of Tory Governments. All workers are requested and required to set down their tools, be they caulking guns or computers, and engage in picketing, leafleting or marching, whichever their local representatives see fit.

We are, as a nation of working people, frankly disgusted by the actions of the Government over the last few months. Beginning with the de-democratisation of industry in June, we have been even more sceptical of the goodwill of the Tory Government than we would normally be, but recent events have forced us to declare that this government has made enemies of us. They have bombed Coventry Cathedral, a memorial to the cruelty of fascism and the dependability and strength of the British Working Classes. What has survived the Nazis has not survived the intrinsic anti-proletarian violence of the Tory Party and the High Command of the Armed Forces. And then they fired on protesters and civilians. they bombed their houses and sent tanks into British neighbourhoods. This will not stand. Therefore, not only do we declare a General Strike, we also prevail upon ordinary soldiers to refuse to follow orders which seek to betray the British body politic. Foreign Secretary Hamilton has even allowed a UN Peacekeeping Force to be sent to Liverpool to set up a cordon sanitaire between Liverpool and the rest of Britain. This is a betrayal of our sovereignty and a death sentence for those who are besieged and blockaded within that City.

If we can stand any chance of restoring peace to this Land, the HMS Lancaster must allow shipping into the Mersey, Dave Nellist and all other PoWs must be freed and Workplace Democracy For the Twentieth Century must be reinstated in full.

Cast out the oppressors!​
 
Chapter Eight
15:00 PM, 13th August 1995
Tenth Day of the Revolution

Norman St John-Stevas, Baron St John of Fawsley, was a Tory. You could tell by the name.

He wasn't using his real name at this clandestine meeting, though. He wasn't sure exactly why, since he was very familiar indeed with the other two, but 'Simpson' had said that Intelligence might be listening in, or some claptrap. At any rate, it made the whole enterprise deliciously sneaky, which appealed to Lord St John's more secretive side, which had been finely honed during his youth. Simpson had decided to call him 'Simon', which was apparently a reference to a famous Saint, although Lord St John was damned if he could remember where he came on the Calendar of Saints. The other man, just as old as Lord St John, was to be known as 'Stony', which was a bit obvious, really. A sight more obvious than Lord St John's inscrutable appellation, to be sure.

Simpson was speaking. "...and Boyson is completely out of touch. All he achieved by sending the troops in to Coventry was to kill and maim a bunch of civilians and destroy a Cathedral - I'm sure you were very sad to see it go, Simon - while the situation in Liverpool has just stagnated over the past few days, with the Peacekeepers keeping the rebels alive and the Army bored and restless. There has been no Leadership for about a week now, and I can confirm that the Kitchen Cabinet are at a standstill as to how to deal with the current situation. It is time to make Peace, not only between the major Parties, but with Militant as well. I'm sure that moderate men such as ourselves can bring Peace to this country and guard it in the immediate aftermath of the Emergency."

"The General Strike is, of course, an embarrassment," replied Stony. "It took me three hours to get here today because all the roads were blocked by ex-miners and ex-hippies. We need to make sure the TUC doesn't excercise any influence over the resolution of the crisis, let alone turn violent."

"Perhaps if Militant were to deal with us, their acolytes would acquiesce." suggested Simpson. "I have made a preliminary extension of the hand of friendship to a certain gentleman from Coventry, who shall, of course, remain nameless." Simpson evidently enjoyed the sneakiness of their little conspiracy as well, but it was all hogwash. It was plainly Nellist that he was talking about. Simon rolled his eyes.

"A settlement with Militant and the TUC is a sine qua non of our Unity Programme as I understand it," he said, adjusting his purple tie, "but we must be firm as regards the rule of law and, more importantly, the protocol of government. As Bagehot opined, the English are stupid - we need not throw the banana of novelty to the apes of public opinion, merely to present ourselves as the guardians of the status quo ante. Fundamentally, this so-called Revolution is an aberration from the English psyche, and, like all Revolutions, it will end at the same place as it began."

"Let us hope that some good can be gained from the exit of Sir Rhodes, at least. I ...heard he threatened some strikers with a cane when they surrounded his car outside Downing Street the other day. He's caned children, he's bombed Coventry, and he's threatened to cane grown men. How is he any better than a common thug?" offered Simpson.

"Well, he's certainly common, isn't he?" said Stony in a voice dripping with mock-pugilistic sarcasm.

So that was it. Lord St John didn't enjoy being involved in coups, but even he could see that Boyson wasn't accountable to the Party. He wasn't aware of Cabinet being summoned in full for more than half an hour at a time over the last week or so, and while needs must when the Devil drives, well... the chants of the demonstrators in Parliament Square were only getting louder. Lord St John was ready to do things that the oak-beams of the British Constitution would never bear. But Select Committees had been introduced after his long campaign back in '89, and that had been pretty bloody revolutionary on its own. A Government really ought to be accountable to its backbenchers, especially at a time when unity was needed more than ever.

---

10:22 AM, 16th August 1995
Thirteenth Day of the Revolution

It had been supposed to be a public execution, but fear had gotten the better of the Committee for Public Safety. After the first raids on the Community Food Banks by counter-revolutionary wreckers (and starving Scousers) some of the more moderate members had become slowly resigned to the idea that they wouldn't be cast as the good guys if there was ever a film made of this True Story. This wasn't going to be Battleship Potemkin all over again.

Councillor Lesley Mahmood had been rather dispirited recently. As well as being on the CPS, she was also a member of local government - the only effective Government available to the Liverpudlians at the moment, since their five Militant MPs were disqualified due to Parliamentary elections having no democratic legitimacy for various reasons that made perfect sense for about forty seconds after Degsy had explained them to you. They were meeting in the Liver Building every day, calling themselves the Quorum and having interminable conversations about national matters. Many of the protesters were listening to them, and if the Quorum ever came out against the City Council and the Committee, well... there would be trouble.

Neither faction wanted to be responsible for the lack of food. This was the only resource which was drastically short, but it was a major one. The UN Peacekeepers did their bit, of course, but what with the no-fly zone and the one-ship blockade of the Mersey by the Royal Navy, precious little was getting in by other means. Lesley didn't know how much longer they could hold out, materially. Probably longer than they could hold out with regard to morale. At least they'd managed to smuggle in Ringo Starr from Birkenhead in a dinghy. That was something.

So this execution - the only one in the Red Terror, for after Lesley's hyperbolic outburst, nobody had been stupid enough to mention the death penalty in any trial - was going to be a private entertainment for the pleasure of the Committee for Public Safety and select members of the Council. The Quorum were specifically barred, for fear they'd leap to the defence of their former colleague. Kilfoyle wasn't a fundamentally bad man. Yes, he'd stockpiled a few tins of beans, but who in their right minds wouldn't? What his crime was, thought Lesley, was to prove by his very existence that the Militant Party's dominant position was no longer electorally tenable. He'd defeated Lesley in the by-election after Eric Heffer's death, turning Liverpool from a one-party state to a competitive area. Meanwhile, this Proportional Representation farce would prove that Militant were never going to get more than 40% of the vote generally in the City, and would lose control of the Council in '96. Kilfoyle was, when all was said and done, a memento mori for Degsy's big project. The ego boost from killing a reminder of your own doom was not an appropriate occasion to be drinking champagne.

The makeshift gallows in Conference Room F had a few bottles of the stuff dotted around the ledges. You could pour it yourself, which made it more of a party for all concerned - comparatively speaking, of course. Those who didn't want to be there at all were drinking heavily and grimly. This cohort formed most of the people who had been invited, but Degsy was swishing round in his bloody fitted suit, almost forcing an espresso shot of confidence down the throats of his carefully targeted victims. Lesley couldn't believe she had ever liked the man.

She found herself standing next to John Hamilton, the Protector, in a corner which was home to a table covered with cucumber sandwiches and about fifteen doilies (each of a subtly different design) provided by the ladies of the local Methodist Church. "Enjoying the refreshments, John?"

He was more worried than she'd ever seen him, she realised - even worse than when they'd blackmailed Healey into subsidising their budget deficit back in '85. He whispered: "I don't think I'll get out of this alive, you know."

Lesley remained silent. She looked around to see if any of Derek's minions, or any of the more rabid Taaffeites (who were now in the ascendancy over Grant's drier Trots, who themselves were rather unsuited to enthusing an embattled populace) were listening in.

"They'll do me just like we're doing Peter Kilfoyle, you know. I can feel it. Derek's gone too far and the country hasn't followed our lead. He promised the country would follow our lead! The Three Days of Coventry do not a mass popular uprising make!" There tears in his eyes now; he was pleading for a friend. Lesley knew that Tony Byrne, his fellow Labourite, was getting very close to the Quorum group, presumably out of cynicism. If so, he was playing the long game. "You don't happen to have any cyanide pills, do you?"

"No, John. Hang in there, won't you? We're going to need you... afterwards. To rebuild. Whatever happens." Lesley paused. It was almost impossible to say this to a person who had dedicated his life to a Party of the bourgeoisie, leaving workers in the lurch ever since Bevan died, but... "I do regard you as a friend, John. You know that, don't you?" The old, idealistic man gave a wan yet warm smile. Lesley couldn't bear to look at his eyes.

Just then, a couple of People's Volunteers dragged Kilfoyle into Conference Room F. He let out a gasp at the surprisingly well-built gallows that Degsy had apparently spent the night constructing with the help of two of his carpenter pets. This gasp wasn't the first thing Lesley noticed about him, though. First came the uneven growth in his beard, then the horrific state of his nails. And then the fact that he had no thumbs. Lesley was pretty sure that he'd had thumbs last time. It was the kind of thing people tended to notice.

Peter Kilfoyle MP seemed very unwilling to climb up, and then he bucked his head like nobody's business while the Volunteers tried to get the rope around his neck. Degsy had managed to acquire a black hood, somehow. Maybe he'd found a particularly morbid Methodist to make it for him.

"I, Derek Hatton, Deputy Protector of the workers' State of Liverpool, am charged with carrying out the sentence of death by hanging that the Committee for Public Safety have handed down.You're a traitor, Pete, and a counter-revolutionary. Hanging's too good for you. The worse thing is, you wouldn't even tell us about your conspiracies against the proletariat of this fine city! Do you have anything to say for yourself?"

"I do, actually." The condemned man drew himself up. "You're not going to get away with this. You're guilty of treason already, and now you're all complicit in the murder of a democratically elected Member of Parliament. You won't last long. You'll starve to death, or they'll send the troops in, or something. But the point is, you've got no prospects; no hope. And you'll be arrested, not for trumped-up political nonsense, like me, but for actual crimes, those of you who survive - at best, some of you will escape to Havana or Pyongyang, and then you'll be all alone, with no direction home, as the good bard said. So if I've done wrong, and I hope I haven't, well... I'll see you all in Hell. Will you do the honours and join me, Derek?"

Clunk! Snap! Creak!

It wasn't a pretty sight at all, not least because Degsy hadn't got round to actually putting the hood on yet.

Derek Hatton gave a theatrical yawn. "What a boring bastard! Now, who's for more champagne?"

---

11:47 PM, 18th August 1995
Fifteenth Day of the Revolution

"Come on, yer bastard, sell me some fuckin' fish! My stock's proper anwacky, like! Yer can't serve people with off fish when they're feelin' jarg about the whole political shite!"

Bert spat. He had been down these docks every night for the past week, trying to cajole any fisherman who would listen to keep his chippie going for another day. All he had left was a cod which was, truth be told, more bogey than batter as it stood. Bert's cold still hadn't subsided.

There was only one fisherman down the docks that night. To be honest, none of them were even going out now that half of the Royal Navy was camped outside the harbour. They'd arrived that morning to support HMS Lancaster and immediately began bombarding the city for all they were worth.

Boom! Boom! Boom!

Bert didn't even flinch anymore. It was surprising how easy you just adapted to it, by raising your voice and stoically expecting that this next one would have your name on it. It wasn't even a distraction anymore - just a nuisance. This must have been what it was like in the war. Most of the spare people - principally the dockers and fishermen - had been levied up to fight fires and pull people from the rubble and heroic shite like that. They were used to it, of course. It was ridiculous to think back to how shocked everyone was by the terrorist attack on the Municipal Annexe, and how heartwarming it was that the first people on the scene formed a bucket chain out of sheer good-person-ness. Now, it was the Hallmark of Workers' Co-operation, and it was a grudging matter of course whenever a bomb fell.

Mate, don't piss yer kecks," said the fisherman, Carl, "all us sons of the sea have jibbed off from fishing since the fuckin' Navy arrived to blow us sky high. Haven't you seen how flat the old city's looking this evenin'?"

"Why're you here then, on yer bill?"

"What's it look like? Nickin' tackle."

The sound of singing came over on the breeze. It was some high-pitched Southern bloke doing a duet with Craig Charles. Bert had had a look in at the big Solidarity concert on the way down, but everyone said the Beatles hadn't been on yet, so there wasn't much point in waiting about. Bert had seen them first time round, anyway. He'd rather sleep at this point.

"What we call freedom in the North
means our freedom to use you
and if you don't co-operate
we'll cut off your supply lines.
But you'll be free to re-connect
if you beg our forgiveness."

Bert turned round, despondently. He wouldn't open the chippie tomorrow - nothing to sell. Might as well get a bit of kip. He still had to creosote the garden fence - that'd do as a job for tomorrow. And, wrapped up in his own head, Bert trudged off.

Snap! Splash! "Fuck!"

Bert was rudely snapped back into the real world by the sound of the fisherman's neck being wrung and his corpse dropped into the sea. However, he only worked this out after having spun around and caught sight of at least forty figures in wetsuits. Most of them were carrying blunt instruments, and the others, some of whom had long, wet hair which they were teasing out of their eyes, were in karate poses.

One of the figures stepped forward, spinning a pair of nunchuks lackadaisaically. "The name's Thatcher. Mar - "

Bert had a very decent turn of speed, for someone who literally breathed saturated fat for a solid proportion of the day.
 
Incredibly happy, especially with the last two lines. :D

That makes it all worthwhile. :) Gotta love cheesy non-cliffhangers.

Very interesting scenario.

That's truly horrifying, well done! :eek:

4,000 words about how dystopian the Workers' State of Liverpool is wouldn't have been one tenth as unsettling as the image of a jackboot stamping on the face of a typographer, forever.
 
Mark Thatcher in that teaser penultimate line? Mum will presumably be down the pier selling "99"s.

I know that its an idiot's task to draw conclusions about an author's stances based on their alt-historical fictional portrayal of politicians, but whereas you're sympathetic to Nellist I'm assuming that you really don't like Hatton. That hanging scene was chilling - so matter-of-fact, carried out with the banality of any other local government meeting.

I'm also enjoying our nostril-mining batter merchant. Is this the genesis of another breakout character who actually does nothing? A Chipshop Powell?

Wonder what Al Bore is doing in this universe...

Keep going :)
 
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