It will, but it's paper-writing week combined with election week plus getting ready for Christmas in Spain week, so it'll continue, except this week-ish is a hiatus, I hope to past something again on the 21st or so, unless I win the lottery in which case I'll just go straight to buy cava and caviar.
TLIAW: Memorias de nuestros padres
- Thread starter Nanwe
- Start date
It will, but it's paper-writing week combined with election week plus getting ready for Christmas in Spain week, so it'll continue, except this week-ish is a hiatus, I hope to past something again on the 21st or so, unless I win the lottery in which case I'll just go straight to buy cava and caviar.
Today is 21st...
Shhh.
Well, it's been a crazy Christmas and I've been sick. In any case, I have had time to think and write parts of stuff. I've also procured (or procuring today) several books that should help me give some more depth onto some issues. For instance, did you know Pujol's fame comes from when he was detained in 1960 after a scandal involving the editor of La Vanguardia going to a church and seeing the service being done in Catalan and then going to the priest yelling at him swearing at the Catalans' and then leaving... I hope to finish the book (Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya by A. Santamaría) tomorrow and post on Wednesday, since tomorrow I have classes from 9 til 6.
Anyway, a tip for my next update: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1USp1D12mWk
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I didn't know that Pujol had anything to do with the sad Gasolinga affaire...you never know...
I'm glad you feel better now.
I'm glad you feel better now.
Same here. Your TL has been VERY interesting so far, between yours and Kurt's in fact.
Aprendiendo a aprender
Much like the education systems of most European countries, although the Spanish education system has been reformed with time, in its more general form, it dates back to the 1970s, concretely to the LGE of 1970s, by Francoist minister Villar Palasí, in it, education was taken away from the Church, streamlined, professionalised and received increase funding. At the same time, it provided for the current structure of Infantil, EGB (1), BUP-COU (2) or Formación Profesional (3) and increased the years of compulsory education to 6 to 14 years of age. That is not to say that education in the later days of Francoism became wonderful, far from it, Spain still suffered from overcrowded schools, with unmotivated teachers and a meddling administration with a top-down and ideological approach to education. The LGE, however did provide the State - because it did not provide the schools, as they were not autonomous - with the means of improving and funded the construction of many schools in the recently-formed working-class neighbourhoods of bursting Spain (1).
During the Transition, as with much that was not essentially political in nature, education was left in the back-burner only to reappear in the 1980s - concretely in 1980 - with the same degree of urgency as all other matters that had been set aside for most of the past decade. In the Constitution, one of the most difficult points of consensus between centrists (as well as the Catalan and Basque groups) and communists - and socialists of all various branches - was the issue of education. Reminiscent of the Second Republic and wary of the large influence of the Church in education, the PCE and the socialists parties sought the elimination of private schooling and the creation of a single, secular and comprehensive education system. Instead, the centrists favoured liberty of education to a much larger degree than the one reflected in the Constitution, with private schools practically beyond the scope of the education inspectors and free from a common minimum curriculum. Instead, a consensus was reached - largely thanks to Miquel Roca (CDC) and Gregorio Peces Barba (PS, later UCD), whereby public education would be prioritised yet private schooling would continue to exist, if in a more limited fashion than originally envisioned by the UCD's magnates.
Once education's very general outlines had been set down in the constitutional text, after 1979 came the time to adjust the existing educative legislation to the new constitutional reality. With that goal in mind, the Suárez government's Education Minister, José Manuel Otero Novas sought to expand education - massively - (5) and adjust the LGE to the political reality of a democracy. Under him, a new Organic Law of Education was drafted, the LOECE, more generally known as the 'Estatuto de los Centros Escolares' (6), which, without any dramatic changes to the LGE, but creating the figures of the Statute of the Student and of the Teacher, which set down their rights and duties in their respective roles within the school. Although in general the law generated a degree of consensus, there were three main sticking points which, unattended by the Government, led the PCE to present a recourse before the Constitutional Tribunal in 1980. The Party claimed that the Articles 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 20, 22, 24.1, 25.1 and 25.2, 28.3, 38 and 39. These articles dealt chiefly with the degree of liberties awarded to private centres in their own self-management, for-profit nature and especially their capacity to impose an ideological bent to the instruction they provided; the role of the State in determining the management of the schools and the limited role to be played by the parents and lastly, certain measures included were deemed belonging to ordinary legislation and violating the education competencies of Catalonia and the Basque Country, the two regions that already were autonomous at the time.
The Court would give its verdict soon enough, in February 1981. It deemed constitutional the section dealing with the autonomy of the private centres and education and in line with the constitutional text's liberty of education right. However, it did consider unconstitutional the provisions regarding the lack of autonomy of public schools from the ministry and the interference with the rights of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The Government of Calvo Sotelo, with ministers Ortega (Jan. - Dec. 1981) and later Mayor Zaragoza (Dec. 1981 - Sep. 1982) would have to deal the issue. Given the challenges that the Government faced with the LAU, the Government would simply change the LOECE's text to adjust it to the mandate of the Constitutional Tribunal, increasing the autonomy of the centres and expanding considerably the role of teachers and parents in the running of the schools and deleting those articles deemed as breaching regional competencies.
If the situation with primary and secondary education had been complicated, by 1982, the Calvo Sotelo Government would face during the last two years of legislature one of its hardest battles - which shook the UCD to the core - on the reform of the laws governing Spanish universities. The universities' student body had increased by 5 since the 1960s, with an overcrowded and politically radicalised student body with outdated structures, both in terms of infrastructure and of education methods. The response to the problems from the UCD was the LAU, Ley de Autonomía Universitaria, which set down the new principles guiding universities in Spain. It gave them the autonomy already recognised in the Constitution and sought to establish a system of tuition fees, with the amount varying on the basis of the applicant's students' family income. Furthermore, the text had difficulties balancing out the autonomy of the regions in educative matters with the autonomy of universities themselves, which, unlike that of primary schools, the Government largely accepted and did not attempt to circumscribe. The text arose its biggest opposition from the expected "trouble-makers", the students but also from an unexpected quarter, the UCD itself. 1980-1983 was the period when the party's right, and concretely the Christian democrats sought to take over the party and give it an ideological - as opposed to technocratic - outlook. That a supposedly more conservative government than that of Suárez would insist on passing a law that constrained the autonomy of private universities, and particularly their capacity to issue degrees and setting the curricula was seeing as a betrayal by many. As a result, and helped by the AP, the party's right revolted on the issue.
The rebellion, similar to those instigated during the last year of Suárez's premiership was troubling so close to the elections. As a result, after a round of talks with socialists, Catalans, Basques and the main leaders of the party's right (Lavilla, Garrigues Walker, De Miranda, Herrero de Miñón), the Government would not find sufficient consensus. Nevertheless, and given the derelict status of the universities, Calvo Sotelo personally obtained the abstention of the party's right and the support of the non-Communist groups to pass the law. In exchange for the abstention of slightly less than a fourth of the party's deputies, Calvo Sotelo promised a reshuffle that would increase the presence of Christian democrats and liberals at the expense of Suarists and social democrats and the head of Mayor Zaragoza, who would remain Education minister, but with the new Universities and Research portfolio assigned to Manuel Cobo del Rosal.
During the Transition, as with much that was not essentially political in nature, education was left in the back-burner only to reappear in the 1980s - concretely in 1980 - with the same degree of urgency as all other matters that had been set aside for most of the past decade. In the Constitution, one of the most difficult points of consensus between centrists (as well as the Catalan and Basque groups) and communists - and socialists of all various branches - was the issue of education. Reminiscent of the Second Republic and wary of the large influence of the Church in education, the PCE and the socialists parties sought the elimination of private schooling and the creation of a single, secular and comprehensive education system. Instead, the centrists favoured liberty of education to a much larger degree than the one reflected in the Constitution, with private schools practically beyond the scope of the education inspectors and free from a common minimum curriculum. Instead, a consensus was reached - largely thanks to Miquel Roca (CDC) and Gregorio Peces Barba (PS, later UCD), whereby public education would be prioritised yet private schooling would continue to exist, if in a more limited fashion than originally envisioned by the UCD's magnates.
Once education's very general outlines had been set down in the constitutional text, after 1979 came the time to adjust the existing educative legislation to the new constitutional reality. With that goal in mind, the Suárez government's Education Minister, José Manuel Otero Novas sought to expand education - massively - (5) and adjust the LGE to the political reality of a democracy. Under him, a new Organic Law of Education was drafted, the LOECE, more generally known as the 'Estatuto de los Centros Escolares' (6), which, without any dramatic changes to the LGE, but creating the figures of the Statute of the Student and of the Teacher, which set down their rights and duties in their respective roles within the school. Although in general the law generated a degree of consensus, there were three main sticking points which, unattended by the Government, led the PCE to present a recourse before the Constitutional Tribunal in 1980. The Party claimed that the Articles 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 20, 22, 24.1, 25.1 and 25.2, 28.3, 38 and 39. These articles dealt chiefly with the degree of liberties awarded to private centres in their own self-management, for-profit nature and especially their capacity to impose an ideological bent to the instruction they provided; the role of the State in determining the management of the schools and the limited role to be played by the parents and lastly, certain measures included were deemed belonging to ordinary legislation and violating the education competencies of Catalonia and the Basque Country, the two regions that already were autonomous at the time.
The Court would give its verdict soon enough, in February 1981. It deemed constitutional the section dealing with the autonomy of the private centres and education and in line with the constitutional text's liberty of education right. However, it did consider unconstitutional the provisions regarding the lack of autonomy of public schools from the ministry and the interference with the rights of Catalonia and the Basque Country. The Government of Calvo Sotelo, with ministers Ortega (Jan. - Dec. 1981) and later Mayor Zaragoza (Dec. 1981 - Sep. 1982) would have to deal the issue. Given the challenges that the Government faced with the LAU, the Government would simply change the LOECE's text to adjust it to the mandate of the Constitutional Tribunal, increasing the autonomy of the centres and expanding considerably the role of teachers and parents in the running of the schools and deleting those articles deemed as breaching regional competencies.
If the situation with primary and secondary education had been complicated, by 1982, the Calvo Sotelo Government would face during the last two years of legislature one of its hardest battles - which shook the UCD to the core - on the reform of the laws governing Spanish universities. The universities' student body had increased by 5 since the 1960s, with an overcrowded and politically radicalised student body with outdated structures, both in terms of infrastructure and of education methods. The response to the problems from the UCD was the LAU, Ley de Autonomía Universitaria, which set down the new principles guiding universities in Spain. It gave them the autonomy already recognised in the Constitution and sought to establish a system of tuition fees, with the amount varying on the basis of the applicant's students' family income. Furthermore, the text had difficulties balancing out the autonomy of the regions in educative matters with the autonomy of universities themselves, which, unlike that of primary schools, the Government largely accepted and did not attempt to circumscribe. The text arose its biggest opposition from the expected "trouble-makers", the students but also from an unexpected quarter, the UCD itself. 1980-1983 was the period when the party's right, and concretely the Christian democrats sought to take over the party and give it an ideological - as opposed to technocratic - outlook. That a supposedly more conservative government than that of Suárez would insist on passing a law that constrained the autonomy of private universities, and particularly their capacity to issue degrees and setting the curricula was seeing as a betrayal by many. As a result, and helped by the AP, the party's right revolted on the issue.
The rebellion, similar to those instigated during the last year of Suárez's premiership was troubling so close to the elections. As a result, after a round of talks with socialists, Catalans, Basques and the main leaders of the party's right (Lavilla, Garrigues Walker, De Miranda, Herrero de Miñón), the Government would not find sufficient consensus. Nevertheless, and given the derelict status of the universities, Calvo Sotelo personally obtained the abstention of the party's right and the support of the non-Communist groups to pass the law. In exchange for the abstention of slightly less than a fourth of the party's deputies, Calvo Sotelo promised a reshuffle that would increase the presence of Christian democrats and liberals at the expense of Suarists and social democrats and the head of Mayor Zaragoza, who would remain Education minister, but with the new Universities and Research portfolio assigned to Manuel Cobo del Rosal.
Notes:
(1) Educación General Básica (General Basic Education). Ages 6 'til 14.
(2) Bachillerato Unificado Polivalente (Unified Versatile Baccalaureate). Ages 14 to 17. Curso de Orientación Universitaria (University Orientation Course). Ages 17-18.
(3) Vocational, technical education.
(4) This problem of working-class neighbourhoods, built from scratch, without practically any supervision and overnight to house the massive rural exodus of the 60s and 70s meant that many of these areas had no public provisions and schools, hospitals, even parks were amiss. The 80s were a time, OTL and TTL, of correcting those problems.
(5) In his term as Education minister (1979-80), 930,000 non-university public spots were created, that is one for every five pre-existing ones.
(6) School Centres' Statute.
It seems that the "old friends" are still around (I only "miss" Alfonso Osorio in that pack, I suppose that ITTL he left UCD as in OTL...), as willing to give a hand to the boss as always.
It seems that the "old friends" are still around (I only "miss" Alfonso Osorio in that pack, I suppose that ITTL he left UCD as in OTL...), as willing to give a hand to the boss as always.
Yeah. But no worries, the party's right is in ascendant... Once they are on top (Lavilla PM? Alzaga PM?), they'll see that the Christian democrats and the liberals don't actually like each other so much. Yeah, Osorio is gone, but he'll probably be back or at least remain influential.
Very, very, very interesting, Nanwe. As someone who's only too painfully aware of how quickly education issues here in my area of the States can get very political fast, God only knows how it would even function for a place like Spain. Then again, at least we're all here and managed to survive, so we must have done something right.
Heys guys,
I wanted to explain why I haven't posted in a while. As we get into the 1980s, which is not my area of expertise, I wanted to get a sounder footing, which means reading much more for background knowledge as oppose to simply looking at reference dates and writing from memory and some notes. Then, I've been very busy with what have been my two most hectic weeks of the master's so far and on top of that I've started dating someone, which kind of means that I can not yet use my free time to ignore her and focus on this Lastly, I want to change the style of the updates, which will keep the header (because I like them but feedback on this is appreciated!!), but I want to make them longer and more detailed.
In any case, do not worry too much, updates will come when they come, and the next one is about Catalan nationalism, and I'd like it to get to 1984 elections straight away so that we can move forward faster. Reading some new materials has shown me some very interesting possibilities, like how CiU TTL is going to have a lot less social strength, indeed in 1977 and 1979 OTL, it was the third and fourth most voted party in the general elections and TTL the 80 election (which I'll get to) and later 84 will be very very close between CiU and UCD for dominance of the centre-right (helped by the fact that AP refused to run candidates and endorsed the UCD instead to stop Pujol).
I wanted to explain why I haven't posted in a while. As we get into the 1980s, which is not my area of expertise, I wanted to get a sounder footing, which means reading much more for background knowledge as oppose to simply looking at reference dates and writing from memory and some notes. Then, I've been very busy with what have been my two most hectic weeks of the master's so far and on top of that I've started dating someone, which kind of means that I can not yet use my free time to ignore her and focus on this
Lastly, I want to change the style of the updates, which will keep the header (because I like them but feedback on this is appreciated!!), but I want to make them longer and more detailed.In any case, do not worry too much, updates will come when they come, and the next one is about Catalan nationalism, and I'd like it to get to 1984 elections straight away so that we can move forward faster. Reading some new materials has shown me some very interesting possibilities, like how CiU TTL is going to have a lot less social strength
, indeed in 1977 and 1979 OTL, it was the third and fourth most voted party in the general elections and TTL the 80 election (which I'll get to) and later 84 will be very very close between CiU and UCD for dominance of the centre-right (helped by the fact that AP refused to run candidates and endorsed the UCD instead to stop Pujol).Something similar happens to me, Nawne, so don't be sorry. You only have to care if you begin to talk about the UCD, Suarez, la Casa de la Pradera and operations Galaxia and Almendros to that girl instead of... something completely different.
Something similar happens to me, Nawne, so don't be sorry. You only have to care if you begin to talk about the UCD, Suarez, la Casa de la Pradera and operations Galaxia and Almendros to that girl instead of... something completely different.
Cheers. I'm already practising songs from tunas.
Ouch... Well, at least I only began to talk about the Carnation Revolution to a lady... I didn't get as far as "tunearla"...
We'll wait, Nanwe!Heys guys,
I wanted to explain why I haven't posted in a while. As we get into the 1980s, which is not my area of expertise, I wanted to get a sounder footing, which means reading much more for background knowledge as oppose to simply looking at reference dates and writing from memory and some notes. Then, I've been very busy with what have been my two most hectic weeks of the master's so far and on top of that I've started dating someone, which kind of means that I can not yet use my free time to ignore her and focus on this
In any case, do not worry too much, updates will come when they come, and the next one is about Catalan nationalism, and I'd like it to get to 1984 elections straight away so that we can move forward faster. Reading some new materials has shown me some very interesting possibilities, like how CiU TTL is going to have a lot less social strength
Mmmh... tempting... I see hard time for Pujol... unless he changes sides
Actually CiU-UCD (1) was his preferred coalition. He just lacked one deputy to get the absolute majority.
Foment del Treball will suffer a massive, collective orgasm though.
(1) Keep in mind that the UCD in Catalonia was very different from the PPC, Centristes de Catalunya may have put the stress on conservative over Catalan, but they still came from Unió (a splinter from the least catalanist factions), and many of them, Cañellas included, came from the exact same ideological and social background as Pujol, so CC and payeses. The main difference here is who supports them, UCD was stronger in rural Lleida and Tarragona, CiU in Girona and rural Barcelona, UCD was supported by the great families (Güell and so and such), while CiU was a more upper-middle class affair. When Banca Catalana explodes (and there will be no La Vanguardia, no TV3 to rescue Pujol), PSUC is going to be sooooooooo happy.
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