#25.) William Jennings Bryan - Reform
(1897-1905)
Vice-President:
Thomas Edward Watson, Reform (1897-1905)
Governor of Nebraska Bryan, elected in the 1890 gubernatorial election, was nationally popular for his oratory, his merging of the various third parties out west into the Reform fold (not least of which the Prohibitionists who dominated the rural counties of the west) and for being able to counter a 20 to 1 spending disadvantage by the Federalist's who
desperately wanted to defeat the young charismatic politician. Bryan's ally, Vice-President Poynter, tapped him for a run in 1896, with permission from President Weaver and the belief that everything will flow smoothly from Weaver's to Bryan's Administration. Bryan agreed, but made it clear he was his own man, and did not intend to be bossed around by his allies.
Former President Harrison turned down another chance at office, instead promoting his former cabinet member, Robert Todd Lincoln. Lincoln too felt not quite right about running for President, as son of the 16th, he always felt like people were expecting too much from him due to his lineage. Instead he preferred to lead from behind and not attract too much attention to himself, rising from famous Representative to Chairman of the Judiciary Committee and later Attorney General. Ironically, if it weren't for his zeal to prove himself as a man in his own right, he might not have ever received the experience or positions he did, and wouldn't have been all but forced to run. He reluctantly accepted the nomination.
The Bryan campaign did quite possibly one of the most clever things in the history of pre-1900 electioneering. They challenged Lincoln to a debate. While lower level races included the candidates debating, be it Mayor, Governor, Senator, or something else, Presidential elections were seen as "above" running like that. In an open letter, Bryan attacked the whole thing as a sham, including the silliness of having candidates "happen" to have speeches written and read on their front porches. The Lincoln campaign refused and was made to look by Reform newspapers as cowards and stodgy old men who refused to keep with the times. They later changed their minds in the last few months of the election in hopes of reversing that image, but all that did was make them look desperate and alienate some of their old members who disdained the levels their party would sink to court a few votes.
Most newspaper coverage was partisan in the days and often read in tandem with other papers to glean some measure of truth from them. Even Federalist papers had to admit the strength of Bryan's clarity, intelligence, and rhetoric. Lincoln wasn't bad per say, but Bryan ran around him faster then the old man could keep up. Lincoln accepted his loss rather gratefully, happy even with his "duty" over. He would remain in Washington as an occasional lawyer and biographer.
Bryan inherited a Reform Congress and a Reform Cabinet, and put to work all of them. Early prohibition attempts were beaten back by the Federalists, but aside from that the Bryan years were quick and long reaching in terms of their laws. The then-highest income taxation, reciprocation agreements with most of Latin and Southern America, national insurance for farm crops, and a blockade of arms to Europe as the Hapsburg Civil War began to involve all of the powers in Europe. While America had remained fairly isolationist since the Van Buren Administration, their embassies have maintained constant presences out in the world. So when Franz Josef was assassinated by a Bosnian anarchist in 1894, the United States was quick to sent their regrets and refuse any arms or money to go to the Bosnian's. The Bryan Administration expanded this from the Bosnian government to the whole of Europe, claiming "Capital is the greatest weapon in war," and greatly limited the borrowing and credit of the warring powers, and wholly restricting the sale of arms and munitions.
In 1900 New York Governor Theodore Roosevelt challenged Bryan on his foreign policy, seeing how popular his economic policy was among the lower classes. Roosevelt charged Bryan with abandoning their European allies and engaging in "foolish moral games" instead having of a true foreign policy. Unfortunately for Roosevelt, his allies cared more about attack Bryan on his strengths, then his weaknesses. Foreign policy under Reform Presidents tended to be not as well formulated as their Federalist counterparts, lacking the many connections that high-ranking Federalists often had in Europe. The Federalists understood the resentment many European powers had against one another, and how far they were willing to crush the others. Bryan remained optimistic he could get them to peace with the help of various other world leaders.
While Bryan worked with the various Southern American Presidents, and strangely enough the Japanese Emperor, to try and bring the warring powers to disengage, the Federalists merely hit him on economics. The peace attempts went nowhere, and could have been propagandized as incompetence. But the Federalists wanted revenge for his "anti-rich" economics and didn't realize the popularity of his economics and the relative ignorance most Americans had on the European War, which translated as widespread support for ending bloodshed. Bryan himself tried to be a statesmen in his actions, and collected allies who felt the same about war, like Mexico's. President Francisco León de la Barra called an end to the "mindless catastrophe in Europe" that had been going on for so long. Eventually Roosevelt lost, but retained much respect even from older Federalists for his ability to combat Bryan and his strength in the lone debate the two had.
Europe's war raged on, Bryan's economics became more and more helpful to the average Americans, and the next 4 years whizzed by. He eventually found a place for Weaver, appointing him to the Supreme Court, and shuffled around the cabinet here and there. He rejected any calls for a third term, despite his youth and popularity, and endorsed Vice-President Watson for his office. Bryan is remembered fairly fondly as far as Reform Presidents go. A trendsetter in modern electioneering, and willing to appoint many Negro men to office, some condemn him for focusing too much on rural poverty and ignoring the growing numbers and pains of the urban working class. Reformers would so undergo a generational shift, with the urban wing becoming ascendant and industrial reform coming to the forefront. Some go as far as to call this the Radical Reform Party and consider it a wholly different party from that of Smith, Butler, Weaver, and Bryan. But the last two men stuck with the party throughout their lives, occasionally bucking standard dogma for younger members, but never running away from it.