The revelations in the press spread like wildfire inside and outside the Parliamentary Labour Party. Were the allegations true or not? If they were who could it possibly be? Healey, after all, was a former Communist Party of Great Britain member, could it be him? Harold Wilson was at Oxford only a few years after Kim Philby and the other members of the Cambridge Five had attended Cambridge, who is to say that there wasn't an Oxford Spy Ring? Stonehouse was a clean family man, surely it couldn't be him? George Brown drank like a Ruskie... while the Mahons were Irish Catholics, did they want to bring the country down from the inside? Crosland had written 'The Future of Socialism' perhaps he was the entryist? Perhaps it was even the Prime Minister himself, he, after all, was surely above suspicion? The suggestions, allegations, and even finger-pointing seemed to be endless, especially with little to no evidence supporting the claims of the Sketch and the Guardian. Perhaps it was just some hard-right nut in the security services or political fringes who saw the reds everywhere and who was annoyed that their God given right from birth to control the country had been seemingly swept away after the 1964 general election. The allegations would, however, not die down in the days up to the next ballot for the leadership of the party.
The allegations were taken very seriously by officials within the security services, none more so than MI5's head of counterintelligence, Peter Wright. Wright was in many ways Britain's answer to Angleton, He too had taken the allegations and supposed revelations of Anatoliy Golitsyn extremely seriously. Wright learned of the existence of Soviet infiltration of government, military and education establishments in the 1930s; for instance infiltrating a supposed secret left-wing homosexual 'clique' at Oxford and Cambridge, which Wright later claimed included the likes of Roy Jenkins and Tony Crosland (in allegations published after all their deaths.) Wright believed that there had indeed been a communist infiltration within the political establishment of the United Kingdom, especially within the Labour Party. While he couldn't be definitively sure, his sights were set on a number of left-wing or left-leaning cabinet members, including several candidates in the running for the party leadership. As a result, using his sources within the government (such as the Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Power, Sir Dennis Proctor) and the Parliamentary Labour Party, to keep the whisper campaign alive. His reasoning being that eventually allegations concerning one or several of the candidates would 'come out', ensuring that they did not win the leadership of the party and thus the country as a whole.
The allegations appeared to have some bearing on the results of the next round of leadership election. Wilson continued to lead the field, winning the votes of 82 of his fellow MPs (taking his total to 83.) George Brown succeeded in leapfrogging ahead of Healey into second place, taking 79 votes to his name; Healey meanwhile won 62 votes. John Stonehouse saw his support inflate as well, taking 52 votes, while Peter Shore won the support of 31 MPs, while Mahon gained a respectable 28 votes. As a result, Mahon was eliminated from the race on account of coming in last place, he proceeded to endorse Brown for the leadership, reasoning that of all the candidates from the party's right-wing, he had the best chance of victory. Peter Shore, eyeing up the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer subsequently dropped out and announced that his long-awaited endorsement would go for Wilson. The two frontrunners, based on basic maths from the second round, were assumed to have the support of over a hundred of their fellow MPs each, meaning that a Wilson-Brown 'showdown' was likely in the final round. Still, Healey and Stonehouse remained adamant that they would remain in the race to the end.
The Deputy Leadership race was also concluded at this stage, with Michael Foot emerging victorious after seeing off challenges from Merlyn Rees and Patrick Gordon Walker.
The fox was now in the hen house.
It was around this time that news from across 'the pond' concerning the governance of Canada, was heard in the British press. The prior October, the large Commonwealth member state had gone to the polls for the first time in four years to decide the governance of their nation. In 1968 Minister Paul Hellyer had been elected leader of the Liberal Party and thus Prime Minister of Canada. A period of 'Hellyermania' ensued, and he was elected to a strong majority government in that year's election; which saw the opposition Progressive Conservatives, still led by the ageing John Diefenbaker slump into the high sixties in terms of seats, and the smaller New Democratic and Social Credit parties, who made headway at the Tories' expense. Fast forward four years and Hellyermania had begun to wear away, in the face of a bombing campaign conducted by the far-left Quebec separatist paramilitary group, the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ), who had begun their terror campaign with the bombing of the Montreal Stock Exchange in 1969, soon followed by a full bombing guerilla campaign in 1970, which saw the kidnapping and murder of Quebec Labour Minister Pierre Laporte and British Trade Commissioner James Cross, and the attempted assassination of Union Nationale Premier Daniel Johnson, Sr. in early 1971 (this saw the UN rebound after a close victory in 1970 to a landslide victory in the 1973 provincial elections.) Hellyer responded by a hardline crackdown on the group, leading to ire among some Francophone Quebec citizens, in turn gaining many votes for the Social Credit Party and it's somewhat nationalistic leader, Real Caouette. Hellyer's campaign, while popular, was seen to be rather ineffective and contributed to the feeling of malaise with the government.
The 1972 federal election saw the Tories, still led by Diefenbaker, now well into his seventies; come first with a good plurality over Hellyer's Liberals who slumped into double figures. The New Democrats and Creditistes both managed to win over thirty seats each, with the NDP notably strong in the Northern Territory, British Columbia and Saskatchewan; the SoCreds performed well in the Alberta heartlands and exceedingly well at the Liberal expense in Quebec, as well as holding their two seats in British Columbia.
After months of wrangling and Hellyer appealing, first to the NDP and the SoCreds to gain his majority; Diefenbaker would be sworn in once again as Prime Minister, with Social Credit confidence and supply support (many SoCreds remembered the wipeout in 1958 at Diefenbaker's hand.) The federal election seemed to resonate with many in Britain, who saw the campaign of the FLQ as a direct parallel to the increasing amounts of violence in Ulster, conducted by Irish Republican terrorists and various Ulster Loyalist groups; all the while Brian Faulkner clung on for dear life at Stormont.
The Labour leadership race began to enter its endgame soon after the second ballot. The once wide array of candidates had been culled down to a mere four candidates vying for the top spot. The press was awash with columnists, statisticians, and commentators, each trying to make sense of the results and trying to explain why they were right while everyone else was wrong. In a Times editorial, editor William Rees-Mogg argued for a victory of anyone but Wilson and appealed to whoever emerged victorious to form a 'Government of National salvation' akin to the National Government of the 1930s. 'Mystic Mogg' wrote that "it appears highly likely that the victor, in the end, will be someone who will have, at most, the support of around fifteen to twenty percent of his parliamentary colleagues." In this regard 'Mystic Mogg' was correct, he famously predicted Tory victories in the 1966 and 1970 general elections, both times the Callaghan government was returned; on this occasion, he refrained from making any sort of prediction as to who would emerge victorious in the leadership race.
The day after the editorial appeared a bombshell was dropped upon the race. John Stonehouse called a press release on midday, the day before the third round of voting. At it, he announced that he would be suspending his campaign for the leadership, due to "personal reasons" and would be backing the campaign "of a man I know to be an effective operator and a great parliamentarian and colleague of mine - George Brown." Despite multiple questions being put to him as he was shuffled out a nearby door by some aides and supporters, no one was quite sure as to why he had opted to withdraw from the race. Perhaps it was due to a backroom deal in one of the many 'smoke filled' bars of Westminster, or perhaps it was the fact that he would have been almost certainly in last place had he fought in the third ballot. Many years after Stonehouse's death, it emerged that an unscheduled 'meeting' between him and several members of the security services had taken place the night before his announcement. As to what was discussed or why the meeting was called, no one knows or is prepared to come out in public to say, but it is assumed that it was probably linked to his announcement.
With the announcement, the race was turned on its head. The third ballot was called and saw Brown shoot into the lead with 135 votes to his name. Wilson followed behind him with 118 MPs, while Healey brought up the rear with 82 votes to his name. The once front-runner had now been eliminated before the fourth and final round of the race. Healey, in front of the full glare of the press, refused to comment, simply stating that he wished his MPs would vote for the better man "who will continue the legacy that the Prime Minister and this party has constructed over these past nine years in office." This veiled endorsement was seen as effectively 'sealing the deal' for Brown. Indeed five days after the third ballot, on the 10th of April 1973, George Brown emerged victorious in the race, winning 183 votes to Wilson's 152.
Later that day a smiling James Callaghan emerged from Number 10, stepping into a waiting vehicle, and was driven to the Palace, where he tendered his resignation to Her Majesty to the Queen. He then was driven back to Downing Street, where he (accompanied by his wife Audrey) gave a short speech where he reminisced about his time as Prime Minister and the "great and many leaps forward that we have made over the last decade." He concluded his premiership with a quote from the popular music hall song 'Waiting at the Church' (which he misattributed to Marie Lloyd)
'There was I, waiting at the church
Waiting at the church, waiting at the church
When I found he'd left me in the lurch
Lor, how it did upset me!
All at once, he sent me round a note
Here's the very note, this is what he wrote
"Can't get away to marry you today
My wife, won't let me!"'
As George Brown prepared to move into Number 10 Downing Street, James Callaghan had already moved into the history books (as well as Chequers, where he resided while he looked for a place to live.)
Jim Callaghan would remain a Member of Parliament until the next Labour government was elected, after which he was ennobled as Baron Callaghan of Cardiff. From the backbenches and then from the Lords he attacked any efforts to cut the defence budget or to curtail the power of the unions in the United Kingdom. In the early 1980's he would, along with his friend former US House Minority Leader Gerald Ford, form the AEI World Forum; he would also serve as a non-executive director of the Bank of Wales. Along with his wife, Audrey, who was a former chairman of Great Ormond Street Hospital, ensured that the hospital would hold a right to royalty in perpetuity despite a lapse of copyright on Peter Pan (which had been assigned by J. M. Barrie to the hospital); via an amendment he convinced Labour MPs to add to the Designs & Patents Act. In the 1990s he would famously on the record as one of only two British Prime Ministers who would say they would have ordered nuclear retaliation in the event of a nuclear attack on the United Kingdom. Callaghan himself is ranked routinely ranked within the top five and even top three best post-war British Prime Ministers (usually in contention with Clement Attlee and Harold Macmillan.) Indeed, most children and individuals of the post-war baby boomer generation, who came of age during his premiership in the the 1960s and 1970s are found in polls to routinely rate Callaghan among their favourite Prime Ministers (while his two predecessors have in recent years been the subjects of critical reevaluations, Butler in particular.) Sunny Jim is generally held in high regard by the public, having been ranked in the top 50 of the 2002 BBC television poll '100 Greatest Britons.' Academic views on Callaghan are generally moderately positive to lukewarm, while some regard his lack of social liberal agenda as a negative, some point to that being a key aim of his government (to prevent radical social change), supporters point to the relative political stability and general economic growth during his premiership, while detractors point out the economic downturn and the political turmoil of the final weeks of his premiership, when he failed to provide leadership and a steadying hand for the party and country.
Lord Callaghan, who made his last public appearance in 2002 at Buckingham Palace along with the serving Prime Minister and two fellow former Prime Ministers (both Tories), was known for his love of walking near his residence at Ringmer in East Sussex. It is there where he died on the 26th March 2005. He was predeceased by his beloved wife, Audrey (known by her nickname 'the Yorkshire Pudding' on account of her skills in cooking, and also her perceived poor dress sense and mildly disorganised appearance), by a mere eleven days. They were survived by their three children, Margaret, Julie, and Michael, and the numerous grandchildren.
Callaghan's legacy is best summed up in the statement to the House on the event of his death in March 2005, by Prime Minister Ruth Kelly, who said of him "he was the first truly modern British Prime Minister who transformed Britain into the modern independent state that we all know today."
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