President Kaiser's renomination was hardly in doubt going into 1948. Sure, it seemed likely that a southerner or progressive or even both could launch a challenge in the primaries or at the convention, but with the defection of high-profile left-wing members of the Democrats to the new Progressive Party, any challenge from that end would likely be by some second-rate Congressman. Meanwhile, the Southern wing was brought into line with the endorsements of powerbrokers Richard Russell of Georgia and Harry Byrd of Virginia for the President. In the end, though, one man did throw his hat into the ring. Former Representative Samuel B. Pettengill, a staunch opponent of the New Deal during the Roosevelt administration and critic of the President (despite his generally pro-business policies, which were favored by Pettengill) threw his hat into the ring. Pettengill hoped to make a stand in the Midwest, particularly Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin, and West Virginia. A narrow loss in the West Virginia primary on April 13th dampened the hopes of the small faction backing Pettengill, yet he vowed keep fighting, to the convention if need be. It turned out West Virginia was Pettengill's best state, despite his eight point loss there. Kaiser rallied, and won every following state by double-digits.
Pettengill's fight at the convention was just as disappointing. The Indiana Representative received only 3.2% or 39.5 votes from the delegates, most of them from Indiana and Texas. It was clear that the conservative wing would largely stand behind the President and back him for reelection. Kaiser selected Senate Majority Whip Scott Lucas of Illinois to serve as his running-mate. Lucas, a moderate, had support from in his state from both labor leaders in Chicago and rural interests downstate. His selection would likely swing the Land of Lincoln to the Democrats, but might not be especially helpful elsewhere. Southerners were pleased that Lucas had been uneasy with Taft-Hartley before its passing, yet were glad that he had ultimately voted in favor. His nomination would not be controversial enough to create a splinter Southern ticket, like what happened in Texas in 1944, but on a much larger scale. Northern Progressives, however, were not in favor of Senator Lucas. His vote in favor of Taft-Hartley had energized union activists against him, and was viewed as a betrayal by some union workers who had previously voted for him. Despite these reservations, Lucas was confirmed to the ticket on the first Vice Presidential ballot, but a strong showing for a scattering of more labor-friendly candidates forshadowed later issues for the Democratic ticket. Even despite all this, there were several attempts to get slates of unpledged electors on the ballot in many states, but this succeeded only in Louisiana and Texas. Pettengill, who had considered an independent run, declined to do so, but was nominated as an independent in South Carolina alongside Richard Russell Jr. of Georgia.
Coming into 1948, many Republicans hoped they would be able to nominate Sumner Sewall for President. The Democrats looked divided after the controversial Taft-Hartley vote and the subsequent formation of the Progressive Party. Sewall waffled in the early part of the year, but ultimately opted not to run, citing the reconstruction of Germany as a crucial job that was necessary to be handled properly and avoid a second German Revolt. Even despite this, Sewall remained immensely popular and his name was thrown around for every position from Cabinet down to Senator from Maine. Up to a dozen candidates appeared on various state primary ballots, chief among them General Douglas MacArthur, the hero of the Philippines and military Governor of Japan, and Earl Warren, de facto head of the liberal wing since Thomas Dewey's embarrassment in the 1944 election. Then there was Robert Taft. Taft, son of the former 27th President and 10th Chief Justice, had become one of the most popular conservative figures following his guidance of the Labor-Management Relations Act (Taft-Hartley to the less politically astute) through the Senate and unwavering support of it as it went through the House.
The primaries were inconsequential, as was to be expected. Warren and former Minnesota Governor Stassen received the most delegates from those contests, but Taft had momentum going into the convention as enthusiastic supporters in state parties eagerly awaited casting their votes for him at the national convention in New York. The choice of New York was somewhat controversial, as many had hoped to capitalize on the presence of major cable networks in Philadelphia, yet the choice of New York was, in a way, a snub at Former Governor Dewey. Taft was nominated in four ballots. The liberals were clearly on the back foot, but MacArthur surged in support. Taft initially wanted to select Raymond Baldwin of Connecticut or Samuel Arnold of Missouri, but was persuaded to choose Douglas MacArthur. MacArthur was considered a good choice as he was personally popular, but also could be tied to the eternally popular Governor of Germany Sumner Sewall. The platform adopted there was much more conservative than party liberals like Earl Warren and the infamous Thomas Dewey had hoped. These liberals were particularly incensed that segments in favor of statehood for Hawaii and Puerto Rico, as well as an Amendment for Equal Rights were narrowly voted down.
Henry Wallace was the clear favorite for the Progressive nomination and it was hard to imagine anyone other than the former Vice President getting it. Unsurprisingly, he did. Several minor challengers, businessmen and activists challenged the Governor of Iowa, but were wildly unsuccessful. Upwards of 90% of the vote went to Wallace, and no one else received upwards of 3%. Wallace initially wanted to choose Glen Taylor as running-mate, but was persuaded not to in favor of Claude Pepper in hopes of making the Progressive ticket more competitive in the south. The Progressive platform was incredibly, well, progressive and included planks advocating universal healthcare, the immediate repeal of the Taft-Hartley Act, an Equal Rights Amendment, and statehood for all the territories and commonwealths.