How did you get my research folder?! :mad::p

Wrigglesworth probably won't get an equivalent or that ITTL - he doesn't really have any defining traits like Paddy's military service or David Steel's squeaky voice and poor fashion choices. (not from what I can tell anyway, someone can correct me if I'm wrong)
 
Just finished it - great timeline! I especially liked the Tony Blair irony.
One error - the first headline mentioning the 1988 Republican Vice Presidential nominee still says "Trump".
 
Just finished it - great timeline! I especially liked the Tony Blair irony.
One error - the first headline mentioning the 1988 Republican Vice Presidential nominee still says "Trump".
Glad you've read it! Tony will make another few appearances in future updates as well.

Corrected the Trump headline. Thanks for pointing that out.
 
The TORIES, PT. 2
Taken from The Irish Times, 2nd May 1997: 'Ashdown is British PM in substantial landslide'

MR Paddy Ashdown was swept to power in a landslide reminiscent of Labour's victory in 1945, as the people of Britain unleash vengeance on the Conservative party after an extensive 18 years in power...

...Mr Ashdown, who turned 56 this February, will be travelling to Buckingham Palace later this morning to take over from John Major. Ashdown, who is two years older than Mr Major and Margaret Thatcher when she took power in 1979, spoke at 12:40am, shortly after his victory in Tyne Bridge. Mr. Ashdown, with his wife standing close by, gave a humble statement, saying that he "was bestowed with a large mandate by the British people" and that he would "not simply be a man standing by as history soldiers on..."


Taken from The Conservative Party in the age of Labour by Timothy Spelling (Bloomsbury, 2010)

Though the drubbing of 1997 had been expected by the politically aware, especially since the departure of the pound from the ERM five years earlier, many senior Tories considered it disheartening to stand with the smallest amount of seats for an opposition party since Michael Foot and the "Longest Suicide Note in History"[31]. Much of the cabinet and rising talent had been knocked out in one fell swoop, and the party found itself of which direction to take now that Ashdown looked secure for at least four more years.

Seconds after John Major exhaustively declared that "
when the curtain falls, it is time to leave the stage[32]", all eyes fell upon the candidates to succeed him. The field had been thinned from potential contenders, such as Malcolm Rifkind and Ian Lang, losing their seats at the general election, and it looked from the outset to be a straight-up battle between the "One Nation" Ken Clarke, who took credit for the economic recovery, and the brash star of the Tory right Michael Portillo[33], who reportedly got on John Major's nerves during his time in the cabinet[34]. Michael Heseltine, the colourful deputy prime minister whose hopes for the premiership left with Margaret Thatcher, bowed out of the contest due to growing concerns over his health, particularly heart attacks (Heseltine suffered one in Venice in 1993, which became a point of concern following John Smith's death in 1994). Stephen Dorrell, the former Welsh Secretary, would take charge of Clarke's team[35].

Other contenders included John Redwood, who gained enemies and admirers within the party for launching an unsuccessful challenge against the prime minister in 1995. His second bid would fail to catch fire due to Portillo's candidacy. The former Home Secretary Michael Howard would also make a stand. His leadership ambitions would dissipate over the weeks following the general election, largely due to a character assassination from former Prisons Minister Anne Widdicombe (later a supporter of Portillo), who quipped "there is something of the night about him." Also spelling doom for his candidacy was a particularly fiery interview on the BBC program Newsnight, in which Howard was quizzed by Jeremy Paxman on whether or not he had threatened to overrule Derek Lewis, a former prisons officer. Howard floundered, failing to answer the question after eleven prompts from Paxman[36].

Major, who was privately in support of Clarke, pleaded for a positive contest. He would get it, as the four candidates debated calmly for the first month. It was projected to be a straight two-man race, against the protestations of Redwood and Howard. Portillo and Clarke would split the support of old Thatcher-era ministers, as Norman Tebbit[37], Cecil Parkinson and Leon Brittan backed the former, and Ian Gilmour and Francis Pym backed the latter, to speak nothing of Michael Heseltine.

The first balloting took place on the 10th of June 1997, more than a month after the general election, and produced the following result:


Clarke 77
Portillo 76
Redwood 24
Howard 22

The near tie produced left both men dissatisfied. Clarke and Redwood met in private to discuss the possibility of a deal whereupon Redwood would back Clarke in exchange for a position within the Shadow Cabinet[38], but negotiations fell through. With Howard's withdrawal, Portillo looked as if he would take a lead in the second ballot, until the revelation in the June 11th edition of the Daily Telegraph that Portillo had homosexual experiences while studying at Cambridge[39]. Portillo had six days to respond without looking foolish. He failed. Certain Portilloistas, such as Peter Lilley, initially denied it before the campaign had time to publish a response. Portillo gave a rambled statement on the 13th, followed by an interview on the 14th which failed to clear things up. The matter left a bitter taste in many of his backers' mouths, and some, including Ann Widdecombe, ditched him altogether.

Gillian Shepherd, the former Education Secretary and Portillo supporter, announced her bid on the 14th. Often compared to Thatcher (a fate befallen by many a female politician in the modern era[40]), Shepherd was a close confidant during the last term of Thatcher's premiership. While the other candidates took hardline positions on Europe, Clarke pro and Portillo anti (Redwood doubly so), Shpherd threaded a fine line between the three. Her entrance was shocking, and it served as a spoiler for Portillo on the second ballot, which was taken on the 17th and showed the following result:

Clarke 86
Portillo 70
Redwood 27
Shepherd 21

A third ballot was taken, and both Redwood's and Shepherd's bids came to an end. It has been posited that Shepherd would have benefited if Portillo decided to withdraw outright, but such a decision was never a possibility and would only serve to benefit Clarke. Shepherd herself apologised personally and publicly to Portillo in 1998 over her conduct.

The third and final ballot produced this result:

Clarke 105
Portillo 94

Clarke's election was met with disdain from some on the backbenches, who supported Portillo in spite of the Cambridge revelations and who claimed that Portillo would've pulled it out if the Cambridge stories failed to manifest themselves. Clarke wasn't willing to placate them, not easily at least, but he did still put Portillo supporters in his cabinet. In an act of concession, Portillo himself was given the position of Shadow Home Secretary, as Clarke did not want a Eurosceptic in charge of the Foreign Department. He also came under fire for the appointment of freshwoman Ashford MP Theresa May[41] to the Shadow Cabinet. Portillo acknowledged that the next four or so years would be tough, especially with Clarke's 'take it or leave it' attitude towards the right.

Taken from The Ashdown Era by John Dane & Michael Halisham (Random House, 2018)


Ashdown, upon securing the second-largest majority in Labour party history[42], set upon appointing his 'team' at Number 10. He was rather relaxed about the whole process, not taking any radical steps (aside from appointing the black Oona King[43] to a position within the Number 10 Policy Unity). Sue Nye, who had previously worked for Michael Foot, was made Head of Government Relations[44]. Pat McFadden[45], a former Smith confidant, was made the Head of the Policy Unit while also being tipped as a future MP. Yvette Cooper, the wife of a Brown confidant who contested Pontefract in 1997, while not given a formal position, was given the power to direct civil servants.

Taken from Clarke by Michael Chapman (Pearson, 2001)

Clarke's first test following his controversial election as leader would be the Uxbridge by-election. Michael Shersby, who had been returned with a wobbly majority in the 1997 election, died a week later from a massive heart attack. The ensuing by-election for his constituency would be in July, mere weeks following Clarke's victory.

The Conservatives selected local department store owner John Randall, despite Clarke wanting former Health Secretary David Hunt to make a comeback. Labour, in a messy contest, picked their 1997 candidate David Williams[46], who sought to take the seat after a near miss months before. The Liberal Democrats put up businessman Keith Kerr. It would also be one of the last by-elections for the Monster Raving Loony candidate David "Screaming Lord" Sutch, who's depression was exacerbated following his mother's death in April[47].

The campaign featured two locals facing off in a fiery contest. Clarke and Portillo came to bat for Randall, while Home Secretary Cherie Blair visited the constituency in support of Williams. Constituency polls, regarded as quite dodgy by many, showed a close race between the two, with Kerr registering below 10%. In the end, Randall would come out victorious with a slim majority of 1000, slightly below what Shersby had secured. Clarke rested, but he knew that a loss would spell severe trouble for his burgeoning leadership.


Taken from Cutting Corners: The Blair Diaries 95-00 (HarperCollins, 2009), May 19, 1997

Cherie was out in Whitehall all day, so I had to mind the kids. Played football with Nicky, but Euan stayed indoors, stroppy as usual. Though dad would say that I was like that when I was his age.

Word from Chris says that nationalization of the railways will not be forthcoming. I, of course, am disappointed. Instead, there'll be this newfangled idea of "buyback" [48]. It's an interesting scheme, I shall admit, but it's more of Paddy letting us down as usual. "Be quiet, we'll do this when we get the public's confidence!"[49] he says to us, and when he actually does get that, he retreats! It's always one step forward, two steps back. Paddy claims to be a devotee of Clement Attlee, but had he been in his shoes, I am one to think that we wouldn't currently have the National Health Service on the grounds that it would be too radical.


Taken from Going Ashdown by Jamie Hyland (Random House, 2004)

...The first domestic test of Ashdown's leadership came several monts into his term, when Immigration Minister Jack Dromey was caught in an altercation at the University of Birmingham. Dromey, a former union official who had a short temper, was speaking at the UoB on the first of August, 1997. He was taking questions from the audience, when a student in the front row began questioning him on EU 'mandates' when the two got into an argument. Other students took notice as the two squared up against each other. Dromey didn't hit the student, but the two were yelling at each other. Dromey was recorded calling the student a "small minded bigot."[50]

The Daily Mail quickly leapt upon the story. Ashdown found himself in the tricky position of firing Dromey, which would upset his wife Harriet Harman, who was Secretary of State for International Development...

Taken from Soldier of War, Soldier of Politics by Paddy Ashdown (Random House, 2009)


Making Jack "redundant" was not something I wanted to do. I liked Jack and Harriet, and I believed that they were a formidable couple. The press coverage was becoming intense, and I did not wish to be cast in the dithering light like my predecessor. I consulted Cherie, who agreed that Jack needed to go. I spoke with Harriet, informing her of the decision. She solemnly accepted it, though I could see the disappointment in her eyes. Jack was informed via telephone, and he was similarly disappointed...

(The Shadow Cabinet, as composed under the Leader of the Opposition, The Rt. Hon. Kenneth Clarke, MP, June, 1997)

Leader of Her Majesty's Most Loyal Opposition and Leader of the Conservative Party - The Rt. Hon. Kenneth Clarke, MP
Shadow Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs - The Rt. Hon. Michael Mates, MP
Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer - The Rt. Hon. Michael Howard, MP
Shadow Secretary of State for Defence - The Rt. Hon. Michael Jack, MP

Shadow Secretary of State for the Home Department - The Rt. Hon. Michael Portillo, MP
Shadow Secretary of State for Health - The Rt. Hon. Stephen Dorrell, MP
Shadow Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food - The Rt. Hon. Nicholas Soames, MP
Shadow Secretary of State for Trade and Industry and Shadow President of the Board of Trade - The Rt. Hon. Norman Fowler, MP
Shadow Secretary of State for Scotland - The Rt. Hon. George Kynoch, MP
Shadow Secretary of State for Wales - The Rt. Hon. Rod Richards, MP
Shadow Secretary of State for the Environment - The Rt. Hon. Michael Ancram, MP

Shadow Secretary of State for Education - The Rt. Hon. David Curry, MP
Shadow Secretary of State for Northern Ireland - The Rt. Hon. William Hague, MP
Shadow Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport - The Rt. Hon. Theresa May, MP
Shadow Secretary of State for Transport - The Rt. Hon. David Willetts, MP
Shadow Secretary of State for Social Security - The Rt. Hon. Cheryl Gillan, MP
Shadow Secretary of State for International Development - The Rt. Hon. Francis Maude, MP


[31]: This was present iotl as well, though it was much worse.
[32]: What he said after the loss IOTL.
[33]: Many expected Portillo to secure the leadership iotl after Major, but his loss obviously spoiled that. Here, he's returned at Enfield Southgate.
[34]: True ITTL and IOTL.
[35]: Dorrell briefly contested the leadership IOTL. Here, with him stuck in a less prominent position, he does not have that notoriety. Keen eyes may observe that this stunts the career of a certain bald fourteen a day Yorkshireman...
[36]: This is total convergence, I'll admit, but it's too tempting to leave out.

[37]: IOTL Tebbit backed Redwood. Here, he's tempted by Portillo.
[38]: This deal happened IOTL, and ended up making both men look dishonest.
[39]: Portillo would reveal this himself in 1999.
[40]: Alas, this is true.
[41]: May stood at Ashford in 1994 along with Damian Green and David Cameron. Green won IOTL, but May pulls through here.

[42]: IOTL Blair secured the largest.
[43]: Not selected at BG&B ITTL (the selection contest was very messy and easily butterfliable). Instead, Claude Moraes wins.
[44]: The position she had under Gordon Brown IOTL.
[45]: McFadden was a Smithite who ended up being shafted by Blair. He'll do a bit more TTL.

[46]: This is as IOTL, unfortunately. :frown:
[47]: IOTL it was the non-local Andy Slaughter, who upset the local Labour party. Ashdown wisely decides to stay out ITTL.

[48]: An idea supported by Alistair Darling during his time at Transport Secretary which Blair ruled out in 2001.
[49]: Blair did support Public Ownership in opposition, but then quickly went back on that.
[50]: Based on an OTL incident that occurred in 2016.
 
Last edited:
Crossposting from the wikibox threat.

RcyV3M.png
 
Hitchens.
Taken from The Express, 21st June 1997: 'Ken Clarke, Europhile-in-chief'

With all of the votes in and counted, Kenneth Clarke, a veritable John Falstaff for the modern age, has been elected as leader of the Conservative party. The 200 or so Conservative MPs are now led by a Europhilliac, more than happy to dance merrily to whatever tune Paddy Ashdown wishes to play on all manner of issues. The Conservative party will soon be no more. It shall continue to use the motif, but by all measures bar the ones used by only the most fanatic of Marxist and Trotskyite doctrinaires, it will be entirely similar to the Labour party.

The choices in this election were dire, indeed. Between Kenneth Clarke, who wishes to take us into a European Superstate and essentially copy the Labour manifesto line for line, and Michael Portillo, a weasel exuding slime who pretended to pray at the shrine of Margaret Thatcher in order to curry favour with the likes of The Lord Tebbit, patriotic conservatives faced a nasty choice this past week. Either man would have trampled over the values people such as me hold vigorously. However, Clarke was at least honest in his intentions to speed up the creeping liberalization of the Conservative party. Portillo showed no such honesty, and instead continued to make platitudes to people of my stripe while accepting favours from Clarke, as his appointment to the Shadow Cabinet makes painfully clear.

But, of course, we have a ruthless media willing to silence anyone who dares question this line of thinking. We must accept what has been set out, they say. We must sit down and have our oats and not say a word. The current state of affairs is dismal, it's repugnant, but the figures in the media are comfortable with it.

Have we all forgotten those left behind who want an opposition that genuinely holds the government to account? What will we see at this year's conference? Pledges for "equality, fairness, and liberty?" What's next, will Clarke and co outright copy pages from Colonel Paddy's Little Red Book? What I am positing is more than speculation, as it is already happening. The new leadership is determined to set us on a slippery slope, whereby 2010, all parties will cast policies and principle out to the sea and instead campaign in the mold of Colonel Paddy, meaningless slogans and all. The EU will reign supreme, not a peep from our establishment as British laws are stripped to the bone.

What a dire future to behold for our children[51].


[51]: My Hitchens is a little heavy handed here, but what can you do.
 
Opening to the Ashdown government
Taken from Going Ashdown by Jamie Hyland (Random House, 2004)

Nita Clarke, who Ashdown appointed to the role of Downing Street Chief of Staff[52], was faced with a growing backlash from the "Dromey Debacle." Ashdown himself had given thanks to Dromey for his brief but memorable tenure at Immigration, but Clarke and McFadden were forced into assuaging fears from concerned members of the cabinet, such as the Foods minister Michael Meacher who was already growing weary over Ashdown's percieved abandonment of the working class[53].

Taken from Clarke by Michael Chapman (Pearson, 2001)

Clarke had left the Major government with his popularity more intact than when he entered it[54], but he still held radical pro-European positions that were not only at odds with the generally unsure British public, and especially so with the bitterly opposed Conservative voter base. Clarke's closest campaign associates, Andrew Tyrie[55] and David Curry[56], were more malleable in their sympathies to the EU, but Ken himself was very much stringent in his stance[57]. He did not see himself as one to shift with the political winds on any topic, not least of which the dividing issue of Europe, which had doomed many a prime minister in the past. Against the wishes of his former Special Adviser David Ruffley[58], Clarke began to crack down on certain voices of dissent within the party.

William Hague, the 37 year old bald Yorkshireman famous for his appearance at the Tory conference in 1977[59], was sacked from his post as Shadow Northern Ireland Secretary (which wasn't a prestigious one in the first place) in a prompt and unexpected manner in March of 1998, to be replaced by the Eastwood MP Paul Cullen[60].

Michael Portillo, having sat as Shadow Home Secretary for nearly a year, looked on uneasily, fearing that Clarke's hammer would fall upon him next. The two never shared a special cordiality in government, and tensions were heightened in the leadership contest, with Portillo only being slotted in as a conciliatory gesture from Clarke. Even though Portillo was starting to come around to Clarke's mooted modernisation of the party, notably attending the opening of the redesigned Conservative youth organisation 'Conservative Future[61]' in July 1997, he was still on the lookout. He hired the Australian journalist Amanda Platell[62] to be his press officer, as well as strategist Mark MacGregor[63] to be a spin doctor of sorts.

Ashdown's keen agreement with Clarke on the topic of the European Single Currency gave members of the 1922 Committee jitters. In March of 1998, the Commission ruled that 11 Member States would adopt the Single Currency by the time the New Year rolled around[64]. Ashdown, ever a Europhile owing to his service in the marines, was very open to the prospect of Britain joining the Eurozone. His Chancellor, Jack Straw, initiated a series of 'economic simulations' to test the possibility in October 1997[65]. After their conclusion, Straw gave the go ahead in spite of allegations that he put his thumb on the scales.

Clarke set up an informal inquiry on the topic, to be lead by the moderately pro-Euro David Hunt, fresh off of a razor-thin victory in the Beckenham[66] by-election, and Thatcher-era speechwriter Paul Howell[67], with contribution from members of the Shadow Cabinet such as Gillian Sheppard. It was 'Clarke's way or the highway', it declared, praising the economic value of the single currency.

The likes of John Redwood were stung badly, and these internal troubles forewarned similar such divisions in the 2002 Referendum, which would threaten the Tory party even more...

Taken from Yevgeny Primakov and the Struggle for Russia by Angus Roxburgh (IB Tauris, 2012)

...After the founding of the Fatherland Party in November 1998, Primakov became the target of an all out media offensive from tycoon Boris Berezovsky, who had a close affiliation with President Yeltsin[68]. This was not to last however. Berezovsky was fired from his po
sition as Secretary of the Commonwealth of Independent States, as he had a corrupt reputation which Yeltsin did not wish to be connected with[69].

Primakov saw his opportunity to mend relations with the ailing president, whose frosty relations dated all the way back to 1993, when Primakov declined to announce support for Yeltsin's command of the country when his leadership was in crisis[70]. The Communist dominated Duma plotted to remove Yeltsin from office via impeachment. Primakov craftily condemned the proceedings, winning him the trust of the president, and securing him in his position as Prime Minister of Russia[71]...


...Skirmishes in Chechnya lead to a growth in domestic terrorism. Ibn al-Khatbab and Abu Omar al-Saif, Arab militants fighting in the region, planned to detonate bombs in apartment complexes located in southeast Moscow and Buynaksk in August 1999. Luckily for residents in the target areas, police detained the two and intercepted the undetonated bombs[72]...

...The 1999 Duma elections bore much fruit for Primakov. Though Zyuganov's Communists held a clear plurality of seats (110), Fatherland were in a strong second on 80, well ahead of the Unity Party (69)[73]...

...Yeltsin had recorded a resignation statement, informing his daughters Tatyana and Elena, before the event itself on New Years' Eve 1999. Primakov, safe as Prime Minister, took over in quick succession[74].

...Primakov won a strong majority in the 2000 Presidential Election, garnering a 2:1 voteshare advantage over Zyuganov. Fatherland was set to perform well at the next election of the Duma, and while Primakov pledged a foreign policy not dependent on the United States[75], growing troubles in Chechnya meant that a Security Official by the name of Vladimir Putin was on the rise...

___

[52]: IOTL, Clarke, who is the daughter in law of Tony Benn, served as an adviser to Blair later on in his term. Here, she gets in earlier with Cherie's influence.
[53]: Meacher IOTL was quite eurosceptic.
[54]: This is true. Clarke was seen as quite likable by the general public, though this failed to translate into success in leadership elections.
[55]: MP for Chichester and Clarke's Campaign Manager in 2001. Here, with Clarke as leader, he enters the tent earlier.
[56]: A confidant and ally of Clarke in 1997 and 2001 IOTL.
[57]: Clarke's very rigidly pro EU, both ITTL and IOTL. This is partially (mostly) why he had trouble winning in 1997, 2001, and 2005 IOTL.
[58]: IOTL MP for Bury St. Edmunds. He had quite a quest to get the seat, having narrowly been beaten by Norman Lamont in Harrogate and Knaresborough before that. TTL, Theresa May's selection at Ashford leads to Damian Green seeking Maidenhead and Bury St. Edmunds being sought by...David Cameron. Ruffley's out on his arse here, but he might be scouted for a by election.
[59]: This is basically all he's known for ITTL. Poor Willie.
[60]: Elected here. Jim Murphy will have to wait before he can sort it all out ITTL.
[61]: This happened in 1998 IOTL. With Clarke more determined, it comes into existence earlier.
[62]: IOTL William Hague's Press Secretary. Attacked Portillo in the 2001 race after speaking positively of him, but 1998 is a different environment.
[63]: IOTL ended up as Chief Executive of Conservative Central Office during the Duncan Smith years.
[64]: As IOTL.
[65]: Brown did this IOTL, but with the clear intention of ruling it out. Straw's doing it for the opposite reasons ITTL (so that entry doesn't happen Just Because).
[66]: IOTL won by Jacqui Lait.
[67]: IOTL went on to voice support for the Pro Euro Conservative Party. Not exactly balanced...
[68]: This is true IOTL as well.
[69]: This happened IOTL.
[70]: True IOTL.
[71]: IOTL Primakov held his breath, cementing Yeltsin's distrust of him. Here, he takes action.
[72]: These were successful IOTL, and killed over 200. In their absence, Vladimir Putin's rise will take a little longer.
[73]: IOTL the Communists and Unity did better, while Fatherland lingered in third.
[74]: The situation IOTL, swap out Putin for Primakov.
[75]: Contrary to some reports, Primakov held a Putinian position of establishing Russia as independent of the USA.
 
Last edited:
Cammers
Taken from Living History by David Cameron (Macmillan, 2016)

In my second year as MP for BSt.E, I began to strike up a close friendship with the most unlikely of men. Tony Blair, the youthful unofficial leader of Labour's 'looney left' and husband of the home secretary, was in support of a platform completely antithetical to my own. To give an example, he fervently supported renationalization of all British industry. I, of course, did not. I lent my support to the efforts of those seeking to mediate the crisis in Kosovo (brought upon by the Kosovo Liberation Army's refusal to disarm following the fracas at Rambrouillet), he considered any act in the region to be a pointless affair, caused by those who dabbled in his fabled 'western imperialism'.

However, when we met on the floor of the House of Commons during a vote on fox-hunting, we found ourselves in a long conversation dotted with jokes and anecdotes alike. To our own surprise, we eventually came to realise that there was an issue on which we were in crystal clear unity: The matter of Europe's single currency, the euro. Tony and I, as we agreed at future dinners that I shall never forget, thought that Paddy and Ken were making a dreadful mistake in diving us headfirst into the euro and ditching our pound, the currency we were so proud of. I had always been skeptical of Britain's involvement in the European project, and it was that issue that led to to vote against Ken in 1997, when I was still merely an MP in my infancy, and to vote against him again three years later. Cherie differed with us both on the matter, having served on the Labour frontbench for years and years...
 
Last edited:
Top