Uhura's Mazda
Banned
Ming looks a lot like Jonathan Pryce in the header image there. It's the smile, I think.
EDIT: Oh, wow.
EDIT: Oh, wow.
TLIAF: Beneath an Amber Moon
- Thread starter shiftygiant
- Start date
shiftygiant
Gone Fishin'
Very nice.
That picture of Ming looks awfully like George McGovern...
IIRC, the image originates was from the 1998 Conference, when he was younger and had colour in his hair.
Good or bad?
There's a big one I left off the end, because I felt the time frames didn't match. I'm very tempted to reveal it, though I think I may hold it off for the next update.
I assume Yeos secret child either hasn't come out yet or isn't a problem?
And President Gore? Killed on 9/11?
*Realises this means President Lieberman*
*Cries*
shiftygiant
Gone Fishin'
It came out pre-PoD (1994), so it's the latter. As we'll see with the next LibDem, it's not a happy leadership.
Part Three: Kennedy (1/2)
shiftygiant
Gone Fishin'
Due to the length of time it's taken to get to this point, I've elected to just cut this update in two. Sorry, but I wanted to get something out as soon as; the second half will also come as soon as I can get it. Sorry, again.
And no, the gimmick isn't what you think it is.
---
And no, the gimmick isn't what you think it is.
---
Charles Kennedy
2003-2012
Charles Kennedy's life was a rapid rise; born in the remote Scottish Highlands to a Catholic family, at 22 he had left the University of Glasgow with an honours degree, a scholarship to America, President of the Union, and working for the BBC. By the age of 23, he was an SDP member of Parliament, gaining the new seat of Ross, Cromarty and Skye by defeating a Government Minister in the 1983 General Election with a majority so slender he had thought he had lost before the polls closed. The Baby of the House, he abandoned what would have been a fruitful academic life for a fruitful political one; if his predecessor was a latter-day Gladstone, then Charles Kennedy was a latter-day Arthur Balfour. Serving as the SDP Spokesperson on Social Security and Scotland, and following the 1988 merger, Liberal Democrats Spokesperson for Health, by 1991 Kennedy has become President of the new Party, a role he would serve until December of 1994. Ashdown, seeing the potential of this young man, made him Spokesman for Foreign Affairs. For Kennedy, the future was bright, and he dreamt that one day he'd be the man to succeed Ashdown- but the events of November 1995 would change that.
The death of Ashdown rocked Kennedy to the core, and when asked if he would run for Leadershp, he felt he didn't have it in him and passed over for the older Menzies Campbell. As a result of having lost a colleague close to him and having backed away from what he thought may have been his only chance at the leadership, he turned heavily to the bottle. Following the 1997 General Election his attendance in Parliament would become erratic, often appearing at meetings 'tired and emotional'. Whilst his relationship with Menzies Campbell was, at first, cordial, as Kennedy became more withdrawn it soured, resulting in his demotion in the 2000 reshuffle which sent him from Foreign to Rural Affairs. A chance conversation with Alistair Campbell, the New Labour Spin Doctor, at a Joint Cabinet Meetings shortly before the Christmas of 2000 would change what was otherwise a decline- Campbell, himself a recovering alcoholic, recognised what was happening to Kennedy and in a moment of sympathy reached out to offer his help. Kennedy would hesitantly accept.
When Menzies Campbell announced he would step down in late 2002, Kennedy saw he had a second chance, and it was one that he wouldn't let slip through his fingers. Over a year sober and coming off of a strong performance during the Foot-and-Mouth crisis, he was something of a dark horse candidate, quickly overtaking the more expected Malcolm Bruce and Simon Hughes. Part of this was thanks to the support he received from the Welsh Liberal Democrats, with Welsh leader Gwynoro Jones declaring he would "...back Charlie all the way"; the more influential Scottish Liberal Democrats were divided on the matter. Kennedy shared Campbell's vision that the Liberal Democrats should seek to replace the Conservatives, and believed they could do so by appealing to moderates in both parties. Bruce agreed, but Hughes was against it, looking to the future and believing that the Party would grow further if it positioned itself as an alternative to Labour. Kennedy won, narrowing Bruce out by some four-thousand votes thanks to a strong second preference from Hughes' voters. A few days later Bruce won the Deputy Leadership after Hughes declined to stand for the position again, turning his attention to prepare for his ultimately unsuccessful 2004 run for Mayor of London.
Kennedy's first electoral test as leader was the 2003 Local Elections, which saw the party take a substantial amount of council seats from Labour, whilst Tim Yeo's Conservatives were propelled into holding a majority of Councils and Councillors. For Kennedy these gains set a positive spin on his surprise victory, though it was uncomfortable that the Conservatives had pulled so far ahead. But two months later, the party would win two crucial by-elections, taking the seats of Brent East and Portsmouth North whilst leapfrogging over the Conservatives. Both were important as they were both Labour-Conservative marginals, and for Kennedy vindicated his belief that by appealing to both parties, the Liberal Democrats could succeed. They would also be important for another reason, as they showed a turnaround against Tony Blair and the gathering storm that was the impending Iraq War.
Following the 2001 attacks in America, the question of where Blair would charge into next had been one that was never fully addressed- in Afghanistan, where the attackers were being protected by the theocratic Taliban, NATO intervention was approved by the UN without much controversy. Simon Hughes, in his capacity as Deputy Leader during Campbell's last few months, had attempted to lead opposition within the Party to the intervention, but this was scuttled when Malcolm Bruce, unknowing of Hughes decision, voiced approval of the endeavour. But as the occupation wore on, a new front was emerging, and that was Iraq. Meeting with President Lieberman, Blair agreed that something needed to be done with the isolated state, which had become increasingly unstable within its own borders and had allegedly continued the development of biological weapons. And what must be done was intervention.
The Liberal Democrats did not oppose the idea of intervening in Iraq. In fact, given different circumstances they would have supported it, but the Party would not support the Government if it did not have the support of the international community in this endeavour. The community did not, and the question that had been on everyones lips since Sierra Leone was answered. With the vote scheduled for late-May, it was make or break for Kennedy. He had been Leader for only a few short months, and as Tim Yeo threw himself behind the war, the inexperienced leader emerged as the leading figure in Commons against the War. It is debated if Kennedy was ready for such an important moment so early on- in the debate, he was articulate, thoughtful, and laid out his arguments against intervention clearly and with much cognizant. But without a strong reputation in Foreign Policy, he was unable to turn back the tide. He failed, and the Goverment won the vote and by the end of the year Anglo-American Coalition forces entered Baghdad. But despite his failure, Kennedy emerged stronger, at least more so than his counterpart in the Conservative Party, who found his position unstable as, for a few short weeks at least, Kennedy had become the opposition. But on a personal level, the decision to break with Labour so dramatically ended his relationship with Alistair Campbell, and with that a personal line of support was gone. Kennedy would turn first to the Church for support, where he met his future wife, Inverness Councilwoman Sarah Leggate, but by 2008 he had turned back to drinking.
2004 would continue to see the Liberal Democrats make major gains in the Local Elections, raising some two hundred seats, behind the Conservatives in total net gains but ahead of Labour, who continued to sink. Hughes resigned from the Frontbench to run for Mayor of London; the Liberal Democrats hoped to build on their previous elections performance, but Hughes barely scrapped his deposit back. Despite this, results in the assembly were more encouraging, with the Liberal Democrats pulling ahead to equal seats with Labour. With Hughes gone, Bruce was moved back to Home Affairs, with Menzies Campbell taking his place as Foreign Spokesperson. In June, Labor took a beating in the European Elections, with the Liberal Democrats gaining four seats to a total of sixteen. Somewhat disconcerting was the rise of the Eurosceptic party 'UKIP', led by former Labour MP Robert Kilroy-Silk, which dramatically bolted into third place. In July, there were two major by-election gains- in Leicester South, Zuffar Haq overturned a thirty point majority, beating Labour and becoming the Liberal Democrats first BAME Member of Parliament, and perhaps more devastatingly in Hartlepoole, the recently resigned Peter Mandelson's former seat, Tim Farron beat Labour by some few hundred votes. Kennedy would relish in these successes, however, at the Parties August Conference, as he announced the parties plans to broaden for a broader national campaign in anticipation of the next General Election, news broke that Tony Blair had collapsed. The Prime Minister had suffered a catastrophic heart attack, and within a week resigned. Gordon Brown ascended to the Premiership, and the question of the next election was postponed for another year.
With this in mind, the Liberal Democrats devoted much of the next year to preparation. The Government would finally pass The Hunting Act and a series of pro-LGBT legislation, such as Civil Partnerships and the recognition of Transgender Rights, all with Liberal Democrats support. The Conservative Party would be more divided over the Acts. In local elections, Labour made further losses, though helped by a bounce in Brown's popularity (he was, as Ed Davey put it during a particularly rowdy PMQ's, "Just not Blair") the Party was able to halt any particularly damaging losses. The Liberal Democrats would use the opportunity to role out the prototype of their 'national campaign', for what had felt like the first time in a long time made more gains than the Conservatives. The result was not so much earth shattering as it was simply deafening- they didn't control the most council seats or councils, but pulling ahead in net gain gave Yeo a bloody nose. In Cheadle, the Party held their seat in a by-election, whilst in Livingstone the Party came third ahead of the Tories. It was also a good year for Kennedy personally, as he finally married Sarah Leggate in the Autumn. Just before New Years, they announced they were expecting. However, 2005 would also be the year of the publication of the Orange Book, a collection of essays produced by Liberal Democrat MP's, MEP's, and Peers that outlined a more Liberal course for the Party. For Kennedy, a man from the parties left, this was disconcerting, especially as a contributor was his Treasury Spokesperson, Vince Cable. But as 2005 ended, Kennedy's thoughts were elsewhere, and he was looking towards the coming election instead of the storm gathering on the horizon.
For the 2006 General Election, the Liberal Democrats sought a broader 'national' campaign instead of the previous strategy of sinking resources into a select number of target marginals. What this would entail was simply shifting away from pouring resources into marginals, and instead spreading them further across a variety of seats, with scalping given emphasis. The Party would also use this 'spreading out' in an effort to target new voters, particularly those in BAME communities and those on the left and right who were against the Iraq War. It is unsurprising that the parties slogan during the campaign would be 'The Responsible Alternative'. This notion of responsibility, as well as honestly, would form the main bulk of the manifesto- responsibility in Government, accountability on foreign and economic policy, and a pledge for a trustworthy and transparent leadership. Notable policies would be the parties economic plan, pledging a simplification of tax codes, an increase on upper earners, the scrapping of Council Tax and its replacement with a more coherent system that would see lower earners pay less, give the National Audit Office power to scrutinise budgets, and deliver a tax raise which the party promised would give the elderly social care and help end tuition fees. Of course, promises of responsibility and transparency were useless against Brown personally. Instead, it would cut deeply at Tim Yeo, who's private life- particularly concerning his secret love child- would be put under much scrutiny by the press as the election approached. The biggest draw for the Liberal Democrats would be the opposition against Iraq, and since the election of President McCain, the situation in the country had began to spiral out of control, with American troops regularly skirmishing with Iranian Boarder Soliders in the Zagros Mountains. Whilst Brown had made a clear red line over Iran, it was felt that he would bend to the pressure. Kennedy pledged that any Government made of or including the Liberal Democrats would fight further intervention tooth and nail.
The results were a cause for celebration. The Liberal Democrats, with 21.4% of the vote share, won 66 seats, against the Conservatives who won 210 seats with 31.1%, and Labour, who won 339 with 32.8% of the vote and an overall majority of 32. Brown and Labour were back, but the majority was drastically cut. Yeo resigned a short month later under pressure from his party, and was succeeded by the young Tim Collins. The decision to emphasis scalping also proved fruitful, with no less than three shadow Cabinet members (famously Theresa May, then Shadow Environment, David Willetts, Shadow Works and Pension, and Michael Howard, Shadow Foreign Secretary) loosing their seats to the Amber wave. Charles Kennedy was ecstatic, and with his fiefdoms of Cornwall and Scotland North of 'Red Clydesdale', declared he had seen the future, and it was Amber. Whilst in retrospect, this may have been hubristic on his part, at the time it was believed that such growth represented a major shift towards the Liberal Democrats. However, serious questions emerged during the autopsy pertaining to their base voters. Whilst the Election had gone well, the Party was looking at a high loss to gain ratio with the Conservatives. They had won a wash of Labour seats, but at the same time if Labour stabilised in the near future, the Liberal Democrats would be squashed between the and the resurgent Tories. A radical solution was needed, and for many Liberal Democrats, it was the Orange Book, not the Yellow Bible.
In August of the same year Kennedy's daughter, Mary, was born. At the Party Conference, the tired Father and Leader would receive a standing ovation. He praised the party for the campaign and their success, and pledged to take them further and beyond into the next election, whenever it would come. But for now, he promised he would get some rest. It was here, during the dwindling months of 2006, that behind the back of the exhausted Kennedy the groundwork of what would be called 'the Glorious Revolution' was laid.
(To be continued)
Last edited:
shiftygiant
Gone Fishin'
It's not so much that Campbell ditched Kennedy, but the latter was unable to reproach his relationship with the former over the issue of Iraq, and as a result the relationship fragmented.
Part Three: Kennedy (2/2)
shiftygiant
Gone Fishin'
So, the continuation.
---
In August of the same year Kennedy's daughter, Mary, was born. At the Party Conference, the tired Father and Leader would receive a standing ovation. He praised the party for the campaign and their success, and pledged to take them further and beyond into the next election, whenever it would come. But for now, he promised he would get some rest. It was here, during the dwindling months of 2006, that behind the back of the exhausted Kennedy the groundwork of what would be called 'the Glorious Revolution' was laid.
With no less than six elections in 2007, the year would be a trying one. The first came in Scotland, where the Labour-Liberal Democrats Coalition that had led the country since the establishment of the Devolved Parliament was pushed to the limit, with the Green Party of Scotland joining Government ranks in an effort to deny the SNP their time in the sun. Local Elections, held the same day, saw the Liberal Democrats make gains against Labour, but were dwarfed by the Conservatives under the modernising Collins. The Government would also pursue a second round of Devolution in June, this time holding Referendums on Welsh, North East, North West, and Yorkshire Assemblies. Kennedy would throw himself into the campaigns for each. The Conservatives would push back against the Assemblies, and framed the vote as a vote against the Government- this would be successful in the North East and North West, however failed in Wales and Yorkshire, who voted in favour of an Assembly. The Government and the Liberal Democrats would claim victory, however the pressure of the campaign would have its effect on Kennedy; away from his family and spending weeks in the battle bus, the Leader would begin to drink again, pouring himself glass after glass of whisky as it reminded him of home. Initially, he believed he could keep himself moderated and his drinking under control. However, it was quickly clear that he could not.
The year also saw a reshuffle on the Frontbench. It was felt that the Frontbench was long overdue for a shakeup, and as many of the new Liberal Democrats in Parliament were seasoned MEPs, there was a clear opportunity to exploit the new talent. Campbell and Bruce would both leave Foreign and Home- Campbell retired happily to the backbenches, whilst Bruce went and took the Whip. Their replacements were Nick Clegg and David Heath, respectively- Clegg was a young Policy Guru from the East Midlands who had previously served as the ALDE Trade spokesman in the European Parliament. Heath was a longtime MP who succeeded Ashdown in Yeovil and who had served in several Frontbench positions under Campbell and Kennedy, most prominently as the Parties Leader of the House. Other positions would be filled, such as Health, Transport, Justice, Agriculture, and Works and Pensions, to name a few, by the Orange Bookers. More prominent of these would be David Laws, who received the Justice Spokesmanship. Soon after the reshuffle Bruce resigned from the Deputy Leadership, Cable replacing him. Commentators would call the reshuffle a sign that the Liberal Democrats were "getting serious about entering Government".
As the year came to an end, the bottom fell out the economy. Caused broadly by the bursting of the mortgage bubble in the United States, for Britain the crisis was economic whiplash. Inflation increased sharply as economic growth slowed to a snails crawl, the value of housing fell and a credit crunch ensued. The Sterling saw its value shaved, and runs on the bank became common happenstance. For their part (as explained in detail in Part II, Chapter 5, 'Brown'), the Government was able to stop the worst of it and prevent a full scale meltdown. However, an unhelping burden during this time would be the Iranian Crisis- following a series of tense standoffs in the Persian Gulf and along the border with occupied Iraq, tensions between America and Iran began to reach boiling point, and, if they did not simmer down soon, were at risk of escalating into a full scale conflict. As President McCain began beating drums for military action in Washington, Brown met with Collins and Kennedy in Whitehall to keep them informed of the situation and that, whilst he was dedicated to their American allies and a friend of Israel, he was personally against military action. However, he couldn't rule it out if a diplomatic solution was unreachable, which was cause for concern- the Iranian question would dominate Kennedy and his relationship with the Government.
As the financial crisis deepened into the next year, the 2008 Local Elections reflected the tides of public opinion turning against the Government, particularly against Alistair Darling's belt tightening 'Crisis Budget'. The Conservatives rocketed ahead of Labour in council seats, whilst Labour withered, the Liberal Democrats making more modest gains. In the London Mayoral Election, the Liberal Democrats candidate Fiyaz Mughal falling third behind the incumbent Ken Livingstone and the new mayor, former Prime Minister John Major. The Government would decide against assisting America in Iran in a blow to McCain's planned Freedom Coalition, Brown receiving praise from Kennedy and Clegg for "avoiding the mistakes of his predecessor and putting the country first", however the threat of war in Iran remained until McCain's ousting in the election for that year. Consequently, during this period oil prices would steadily rise. The sudden passing of the Speaker of the House Gwyneth Dunwoody would take everyone by surprise, as would the Conservatives Parties victory in her Constituency of Crewe and Nantwich, their first by-election gain since 1982. This spelled trouble for the Liberal Democrats, as would their defeat in Glenrothes & Cardenden later in the year, where the SNP picked up the seat neighboring Menzies Campbell's and the Liberal Democrats lost their deposit. However, they would have success in the Speakership Election, with Alan Beith succeding Dunwoody- some had expected Campbell to run, however he ruled himself out, instead announcing his intention to resign at the next election.
As the belt was tightened further, 2009 proved to be the end of Gordon Brown, and the near end of Charles Kennedy. Local Elections went south for Labour, who fell dramatically further behind the Conservatives whilst UKIP emerged on the map in Labour heartlands. Kilroy-Silk's Party, obstinately isolationist in their objection to EU membership, would prove itself an interesting contrast to the internationalist Liberal Democrats, especially as the European debt crisis intensified. The assembly in Wales and Yorkshire would be surprising- in Wales, Welsh Nationalists Plaid Cymru would form a Coalition with Labour, whilst in Yorkshire the Conservative Party narrowed out Labour in a bitter campaign, forming a governing Coalition with UKIP and United Yorkshire. The Liberal Democrats fared well in both, but were accused of splitting Labour's vote by the media. The European Elections a few short months later would see the Liberal Democrats seat number fall to eight, whilst Labour sunk back further to twelve. UKIP shot into second place behind Collins and the Conservatives, who themselves saw no net gains or losses. A week later and following a stormy and tense period in Whitehall, Gordon Brown stepped down as Prime Minister, passing the torch to Blairite David Miliband. Alistair Darling would later be replaced within a year with Ed Balls, a Brownite acolyte. Kennedy's own position became increasingly unstable- his drinking became progressively more heavy, with Cable beginning to take his place at certain public events. Behind closed doors, his marriage was falling apart, with his Wife walking out on him due to his failure to be at home and his drinking issues- this was done privately as to avoid embarrassment in the press, though it would become Public knowledge by mid-2011. Kennedy's issues only became worse, and realising that Kennedy would become a liability in the next election, the Orange Bookers began to plan to remove him from Leadership. Whilst on reflection many would believe that it was because of a deep ideological divisions between the party and leadership, the truth of the matter was that Kennedy wasn't out of step with the Orange Bookers. The issue itself was the perceived weakness in Kennedy's leadership.
However, the plan was scuttled in February 2010 when Andrew George, the Parties Social Security Spokesperson, publicly challenging Kennedy for the leadership. George's plan was separate from that of the Orange Bookers, however his challenge exposed their plan. As a result, in an effort to save face Cable launched to Kennedy's defence. Most the party willing to stick it out with Kennedy, unaware of the extent of his issues, but for the public it only exposed divisions within the Party. The press would, at the time, reference the challenge as the 'Glorious Revolution', a nickname deriving from the narrative of the Orange Bookers seizing the Party from a weak Catholic Leader. In time the term would refer to the leadership of Kennedy's successor. As a result of the plot, Kennedy became paranoid of his Frontbench, and would reshuffle, removing Nick Clegg from Home Affairs and David Laws from Justice, and throwing them back to the backbenches in favour of Ed Davey and Chris Huhne, respectively.
Beyond this, 2010 was uneventful. Miliband was unable to gain any momentum in the polls, constantly flying beneath Collins, though high above the Liberal Democrats, whose polling seem to fluctuate depending on whichever way the wind blew. The Local Election reflected this- Labour fell, the Conservative climbed, and the Liberal Democrats plateaued. At a private meeting with Kennedy shortly before the August Convention, Cable revealed the true extent of the Orange Book plot, urging him to reconsider his position. Hesitantly, Kennedy informed Cable that he would resign in favour of him at the next election if he was unable to get the Party in Government. Cable accepted this, and would later note that this was the last time the two talked outside of Frontbench meetings.
2011 would be remembered like 1974 as the year of two elections. The first came in April- the Liberal Democrats pursued the same national campaign as before, but it was clear that Kennedy was no longer in the drivers seat. The campaign from all parties were ferocious, with Labour fighting for what seemed like its very existence in the face of an encroaching Conservative party seeking to carve deep into its marginals. Collins and his Shadow Chancellor, David Cameron, promised austerity and a strict financial regime that, in their minds, would bring the country to recovery. The Liberal Democrats positioned themselves as a sensible in-between, between the blood stained wielding butcher and hopeless lemmings, with Cable's economic plan receiving praise. Kennedy stood-by the parties manifesto, but it was an open secret that he had no hand in its authorship. An important event during the campaign would be when Miliband challenged Collins and Kennedy to debate- both agreed. Cable and his team frantically worked to ensure that Kennedy was ready for the debates, and, to their credit, were successful. However, when travelling to the BBC Studio, Kennedy would come across a piece of Labour Party campaign literature which accused him of being a drunk unfit for high office. Although it remains unclear if the literature was ever officially Labour Party (many have concluded that Kennedy simply mistook unofficial literature for the real thing), taking the slight personally, during the debate the enraged Kennedy would launch into an outright attack on Miliband, accusing him of being "an uncaring and petty man who lets his people play the dirtiest of politics" during what would have been a brief note of Healthcare Policies. This was something out of left field, and images of a speechless Miliband stumbling over his own words spread like wildfire in the press. But it also drew attention to Kennedy's drinking, and later his separation from his wife, and led to questions over his health and stability.
The result were shocking- Labour came back with 29.7% of the popular vote, but 303 seats- many on minuscule majorities- whilst the Conservatives pulled ahead to 31.2%, but fell extremely short by 262 seats. The Liberal Democrats achieved 19.9%, and fell 50 seats. Other parties, such as UKIP, broke through with 5 seats, having adopted the Liberal Democrats policy of sinking resources into specific targets. It was a hung parliament, and the Liberal Democrats found themselves the kingmakers; immediately, Coalition talks were be launched. However, they fell apart as soon as they began when Miliband and Balls refused to give the Liberal Democrats 'anything important', likely due to the bad blood caused by Kennedy's debate antics. On the advice of his Frontbench team, Kennedy declined to form Government with Miliband, instead offering supply and confidence in favour for a Parliamentary Vote on STV. Kennedy and Miliband reached an understanding when it was negotiated to AV. Labour would remain in power with the Liberal Democrats propping them up, but no one knew how long such an agreement would last- and it would turn out, it would only last until September.
Calls for Kennedy to resign increased as year wore on, emerging first in the Scottish Elections in May, where the Liberal Democrats lost two thirds of their representation as the SNP surged and displaced Labour, forming a minority Government with Green support. Kennedy accepted the resignation of a humiliated Ross Finnie, who's Party had fallen fourth behind the Scottish Conservative Party, who themselves came within a few seats of second. In the summer a wave of strikes in the public and private sector hit the nation, paralysing key industries and public services that were feeling the pinch in the budget. At the August Conference, in response to demands he step down as Leader, Kennedy announced his intention to step down once the Electoral Reform Act passed and no election was forthcoming. It was over. At least, it seemed that it was over.
The Government would fall in November following a motion of no confidence, the Liberal Democrats supporting the motion after Kennedy withdrew supply and confidence following the failure of the Government to pass the Electoral Reform Act (largely due to a backbench rebellion). The December election was one of the most dramatic in living memory, comparable to the 1979 and 1997 elections, and in the words of Treasury Secretary Ed Miliband, the "last rights of New Labour". The Liberal Democrats campaign was largely seen as a reheat of their May campaign, though tarred by their propping up of Labour. Despite this, they would campaign energetically, with Kennedy having made it clear that the party would not go quietly into election night. He knew that many in his Party could not survive if he simply let the big blue machine roll over, and fought vigorously in what was seen as the political equivalent of the Light Brigade charge.
But this likely saved the party, which saw a net loss of seven seats, bringing their total down to 43 seats with 18.1% of the vote. They would far better than Labour, who dropped to 246 with 27.3%, and UKIP, which only held two of their seats thanks to having depleted their war chest in May. In Scotland, the SNP surged, but were unable to significantly break though, largely due to the strange revival of the Scottish Conservatives. The Conservatives themselves won an outright majority- narrow, but with 330 seats and 37.7% of the popular vote, they were back in power.
Immediately Kennedy stood down, and in the New Year his successor- one of the young Orange Bookers- was elected. Kennedy would remain an MP, but he was a rare appearance on the backbenches, instead electing to spend most of his time recuperating alone at his home in Fort William. He would reconcile his relationship with Alistair Campbell following his successors resignation, and left Parliament in 2014 in order to receive treatment for alcoholism. In dissolution honours was made Lord Kennedy of Glenfinnan, and is among the 63 Scottish Peers invited and expected to take a seat in the Scottish Senate.
Kennedy's Leadership is often defined by his failure- the failure to maintain the momentum the Party experienced, the failure to reverse the decline, the failure of his sobriety, and the failure of his reaction to the Orange Book. Whilst Ashdown and Campbell are regarded well, even by the general public, Kennedy is oft forgotten and for good reason. Whilst Ashdown may have high hopes for the young man, had he lived to see what would become of him and his leadership it is doubtful he may have been impressed. Whilst he may not have led the Party into disrepute, Kennedy none the less failed, and the amber future he envisioned dissipated into nothing.
---
In August of the same year Kennedy's daughter, Mary, was born. At the Party Conference, the tired Father and Leader would receive a standing ovation. He praised the party for the campaign and their success, and pledged to take them further and beyond into the next election, whenever it would come. But for now, he promised he would get some rest. It was here, during the dwindling months of 2006, that behind the back of the exhausted Kennedy the groundwork of what would be called 'the Glorious Revolution' was laid.
With no less than six elections in 2007, the year would be a trying one. The first came in Scotland, where the Labour-Liberal Democrats Coalition that had led the country since the establishment of the Devolved Parliament was pushed to the limit, with the Green Party of Scotland joining Government ranks in an effort to deny the SNP their time in the sun. Local Elections, held the same day, saw the Liberal Democrats make gains against Labour, but were dwarfed by the Conservatives under the modernising Collins. The Government would also pursue a second round of Devolution in June, this time holding Referendums on Welsh, North East, North West, and Yorkshire Assemblies. Kennedy would throw himself into the campaigns for each. The Conservatives would push back against the Assemblies, and framed the vote as a vote against the Government- this would be successful in the North East and North West, however failed in Wales and Yorkshire, who voted in favour of an Assembly. The Government and the Liberal Democrats would claim victory, however the pressure of the campaign would have its effect on Kennedy; away from his family and spending weeks in the battle bus, the Leader would begin to drink again, pouring himself glass after glass of whisky as it reminded him of home. Initially, he believed he could keep himself moderated and his drinking under control. However, it was quickly clear that he could not.
The year also saw a reshuffle on the Frontbench. It was felt that the Frontbench was long overdue for a shakeup, and as many of the new Liberal Democrats in Parliament were seasoned MEPs, there was a clear opportunity to exploit the new talent. Campbell and Bruce would both leave Foreign and Home- Campbell retired happily to the backbenches, whilst Bruce went and took the Whip. Their replacements were Nick Clegg and David Heath, respectively- Clegg was a young Policy Guru from the East Midlands who had previously served as the ALDE Trade spokesman in the European Parliament. Heath was a longtime MP who succeeded Ashdown in Yeovil and who had served in several Frontbench positions under Campbell and Kennedy, most prominently as the Parties Leader of the House. Other positions would be filled, such as Health, Transport, Justice, Agriculture, and Works and Pensions, to name a few, by the Orange Bookers. More prominent of these would be David Laws, who received the Justice Spokesmanship. Soon after the reshuffle Bruce resigned from the Deputy Leadership, Cable replacing him. Commentators would call the reshuffle a sign that the Liberal Democrats were "getting serious about entering Government".
As the year came to an end, the bottom fell out the economy. Caused broadly by the bursting of the mortgage bubble in the United States, for Britain the crisis was economic whiplash. Inflation increased sharply as economic growth slowed to a snails crawl, the value of housing fell and a credit crunch ensued. The Sterling saw its value shaved, and runs on the bank became common happenstance. For their part (as explained in detail in Part II, Chapter 5, 'Brown'), the Government was able to stop the worst of it and prevent a full scale meltdown. However, an unhelping burden during this time would be the Iranian Crisis- following a series of tense standoffs in the Persian Gulf and along the border with occupied Iraq, tensions between America and Iran began to reach boiling point, and, if they did not simmer down soon, were at risk of escalating into a full scale conflict. As President McCain began beating drums for military action in Washington, Brown met with Collins and Kennedy in Whitehall to keep them informed of the situation and that, whilst he was dedicated to their American allies and a friend of Israel, he was personally against military action. However, he couldn't rule it out if a diplomatic solution was unreachable, which was cause for concern- the Iranian question would dominate Kennedy and his relationship with the Government.
As the financial crisis deepened into the next year, the 2008 Local Elections reflected the tides of public opinion turning against the Government, particularly against Alistair Darling's belt tightening 'Crisis Budget'. The Conservatives rocketed ahead of Labour in council seats, whilst Labour withered, the Liberal Democrats making more modest gains. In the London Mayoral Election, the Liberal Democrats candidate Fiyaz Mughal falling third behind the incumbent Ken Livingstone and the new mayor, former Prime Minister John Major. The Government would decide against assisting America in Iran in a blow to McCain's planned Freedom Coalition, Brown receiving praise from Kennedy and Clegg for "avoiding the mistakes of his predecessor and putting the country first", however the threat of war in Iran remained until McCain's ousting in the election for that year. Consequently, during this period oil prices would steadily rise. The sudden passing of the Speaker of the House Gwyneth Dunwoody would take everyone by surprise, as would the Conservatives Parties victory in her Constituency of Crewe and Nantwich, their first by-election gain since 1982. This spelled trouble for the Liberal Democrats, as would their defeat in Glenrothes & Cardenden later in the year, where the SNP picked up the seat neighboring Menzies Campbell's and the Liberal Democrats lost their deposit. However, they would have success in the Speakership Election, with Alan Beith succeding Dunwoody- some had expected Campbell to run, however he ruled himself out, instead announcing his intention to resign at the next election.
As the belt was tightened further, 2009 proved to be the end of Gordon Brown, and the near end of Charles Kennedy. Local Elections went south for Labour, who fell dramatically further behind the Conservatives whilst UKIP emerged on the map in Labour heartlands. Kilroy-Silk's Party, obstinately isolationist in their objection to EU membership, would prove itself an interesting contrast to the internationalist Liberal Democrats, especially as the European debt crisis intensified. The assembly in Wales and Yorkshire would be surprising- in Wales, Welsh Nationalists Plaid Cymru would form a Coalition with Labour, whilst in Yorkshire the Conservative Party narrowed out Labour in a bitter campaign, forming a governing Coalition with UKIP and United Yorkshire. The Liberal Democrats fared well in both, but were accused of splitting Labour's vote by the media. The European Elections a few short months later would see the Liberal Democrats seat number fall to eight, whilst Labour sunk back further to twelve. UKIP shot into second place behind Collins and the Conservatives, who themselves saw no net gains or losses. A week later and following a stormy and tense period in Whitehall, Gordon Brown stepped down as Prime Minister, passing the torch to Blairite David Miliband. Alistair Darling would later be replaced within a year with Ed Balls, a Brownite acolyte. Kennedy's own position became increasingly unstable- his drinking became progressively more heavy, with Cable beginning to take his place at certain public events. Behind closed doors, his marriage was falling apart, with his Wife walking out on him due to his failure to be at home and his drinking issues- this was done privately as to avoid embarrassment in the press, though it would become Public knowledge by mid-2011. Kennedy's issues only became worse, and realising that Kennedy would become a liability in the next election, the Orange Bookers began to plan to remove him from Leadership. Whilst on reflection many would believe that it was because of a deep ideological divisions between the party and leadership, the truth of the matter was that Kennedy wasn't out of step with the Orange Bookers. The issue itself was the perceived weakness in Kennedy's leadership.
However, the plan was scuttled in February 2010 when Andrew George, the Parties Social Security Spokesperson, publicly challenging Kennedy for the leadership. George's plan was separate from that of the Orange Bookers, however his challenge exposed their plan. As a result, in an effort to save face Cable launched to Kennedy's defence. Most the party willing to stick it out with Kennedy, unaware of the extent of his issues, but for the public it only exposed divisions within the Party. The press would, at the time, reference the challenge as the 'Glorious Revolution', a nickname deriving from the narrative of the Orange Bookers seizing the Party from a weak Catholic Leader. In time the term would refer to the leadership of Kennedy's successor. As a result of the plot, Kennedy became paranoid of his Frontbench, and would reshuffle, removing Nick Clegg from Home Affairs and David Laws from Justice, and throwing them back to the backbenches in favour of Ed Davey and Chris Huhne, respectively.
Beyond this, 2010 was uneventful. Miliband was unable to gain any momentum in the polls, constantly flying beneath Collins, though high above the Liberal Democrats, whose polling seem to fluctuate depending on whichever way the wind blew. The Local Election reflected this- Labour fell, the Conservative climbed, and the Liberal Democrats plateaued. At a private meeting with Kennedy shortly before the August Convention, Cable revealed the true extent of the Orange Book plot, urging him to reconsider his position. Hesitantly, Kennedy informed Cable that he would resign in favour of him at the next election if he was unable to get the Party in Government. Cable accepted this, and would later note that this was the last time the two talked outside of Frontbench meetings.
2011 would be remembered like 1974 as the year of two elections. The first came in April- the Liberal Democrats pursued the same national campaign as before, but it was clear that Kennedy was no longer in the drivers seat. The campaign from all parties were ferocious, with Labour fighting for what seemed like its very existence in the face of an encroaching Conservative party seeking to carve deep into its marginals. Collins and his Shadow Chancellor, David Cameron, promised austerity and a strict financial regime that, in their minds, would bring the country to recovery. The Liberal Democrats positioned themselves as a sensible in-between, between the blood stained wielding butcher and hopeless lemmings, with Cable's economic plan receiving praise. Kennedy stood-by the parties manifesto, but it was an open secret that he had no hand in its authorship. An important event during the campaign would be when Miliband challenged Collins and Kennedy to debate- both agreed. Cable and his team frantically worked to ensure that Kennedy was ready for the debates, and, to their credit, were successful. However, when travelling to the BBC Studio, Kennedy would come across a piece of Labour Party campaign literature which accused him of being a drunk unfit for high office. Although it remains unclear if the literature was ever officially Labour Party (many have concluded that Kennedy simply mistook unofficial literature for the real thing), taking the slight personally, during the debate the enraged Kennedy would launch into an outright attack on Miliband, accusing him of being "an uncaring and petty man who lets his people play the dirtiest of politics" during what would have been a brief note of Healthcare Policies. This was something out of left field, and images of a speechless Miliband stumbling over his own words spread like wildfire in the press. But it also drew attention to Kennedy's drinking, and later his separation from his wife, and led to questions over his health and stability.
The result were shocking- Labour came back with 29.7% of the popular vote, but 303 seats- many on minuscule majorities- whilst the Conservatives pulled ahead to 31.2%, but fell extremely short by 262 seats. The Liberal Democrats achieved 19.9%, and fell 50 seats. Other parties, such as UKIP, broke through with 5 seats, having adopted the Liberal Democrats policy of sinking resources into specific targets. It was a hung parliament, and the Liberal Democrats found themselves the kingmakers; immediately, Coalition talks were be launched. However, they fell apart as soon as they began when Miliband and Balls refused to give the Liberal Democrats 'anything important', likely due to the bad blood caused by Kennedy's debate antics. On the advice of his Frontbench team, Kennedy declined to form Government with Miliband, instead offering supply and confidence in favour for a Parliamentary Vote on STV. Kennedy and Miliband reached an understanding when it was negotiated to AV. Labour would remain in power with the Liberal Democrats propping them up, but no one knew how long such an agreement would last- and it would turn out, it would only last until September.
Calls for Kennedy to resign increased as year wore on, emerging first in the Scottish Elections in May, where the Liberal Democrats lost two thirds of their representation as the SNP surged and displaced Labour, forming a minority Government with Green support. Kennedy accepted the resignation of a humiliated Ross Finnie, who's Party had fallen fourth behind the Scottish Conservative Party, who themselves came within a few seats of second. In the summer a wave of strikes in the public and private sector hit the nation, paralysing key industries and public services that were feeling the pinch in the budget. At the August Conference, in response to demands he step down as Leader, Kennedy announced his intention to step down once the Electoral Reform Act passed and no election was forthcoming. It was over. At least, it seemed that it was over.
The Government would fall in November following a motion of no confidence, the Liberal Democrats supporting the motion after Kennedy withdrew supply and confidence following the failure of the Government to pass the Electoral Reform Act (largely due to a backbench rebellion). The December election was one of the most dramatic in living memory, comparable to the 1979 and 1997 elections, and in the words of Treasury Secretary Ed Miliband, the "last rights of New Labour". The Liberal Democrats campaign was largely seen as a reheat of their May campaign, though tarred by their propping up of Labour. Despite this, they would campaign energetically, with Kennedy having made it clear that the party would not go quietly into election night. He knew that many in his Party could not survive if he simply let the big blue machine roll over, and fought vigorously in what was seen as the political equivalent of the Light Brigade charge.
But this likely saved the party, which saw a net loss of seven seats, bringing their total down to 43 seats with 18.1% of the vote. They would far better than Labour, who dropped to 246 with 27.3%, and UKIP, which only held two of their seats thanks to having depleted their war chest in May. In Scotland, the SNP surged, but were unable to significantly break though, largely due to the strange revival of the Scottish Conservatives. The Conservatives themselves won an outright majority- narrow, but with 330 seats and 37.7% of the popular vote, they were back in power.
Immediately Kennedy stood down, and in the New Year his successor- one of the young Orange Bookers- was elected. Kennedy would remain an MP, but he was a rare appearance on the backbenches, instead electing to spend most of his time recuperating alone at his home in Fort William. He would reconcile his relationship with Alistair Campbell following his successors resignation, and left Parliament in 2014 in order to receive treatment for alcoholism. In dissolution honours was made Lord Kennedy of Glenfinnan, and is among the 63 Scottish Peers invited and expected to take a seat in the Scottish Senate.
Kennedy's Leadership is often defined by his failure- the failure to maintain the momentum the Party experienced, the failure to reverse the decline, the failure of his sobriety, and the failure of his reaction to the Orange Book. Whilst Ashdown and Campbell are regarded well, even by the general public, Kennedy is oft forgotten and for good reason. Whilst Ashdown may have high hopes for the young man, had he lived to see what would become of him and his leadership it is doubtful he may have been impressed. Whilst he may not have led the Party into disrepute, Kennedy none the less failed, and the amber future he envisioned dissipated into nothing.
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shiftygiant
Gone Fishin'
Well, there are two routes that could go.
My lips are sealed for obvious reasons.