1996-2005: Dominic Lieven (Free Democratic and Liberal)
The aristocrat who brought government to the people and healed the wounds of war
As Romanov left the Ministerial Compound - his legacy in tatters - the first Liberal Premier since 1982 was being sworn in. Dominic Lieven, scion of the Princely Livonian family, had been a surprising choice for the leadership, squeezing past a number of more experienced rivals in the contest that had followed Trebeck’s resignation after three successive defeats in 1991. From these unassuming beginnings, Lieven enjoyed a decent gig as Leader of the Opposition - criticising Romanov’s Russocentric government at every stage possible. When the Liberals found themselves the benefactors of the fractured right-wing vote at the 1996 election, few were surprised when Lieven presided over a comfortable majority after a last-minute leadership challenge by the Shadow Minister for Eugenics and Labour, Andrei Mironov, failed to amount to much.
Dominic (a name he professes to dislike, preferring the diminutive ‘Chai’) Lieven represented a far more mercurial figure than his immediate predecessors. His political hero is Nabokov, with whom he shared a common love for the arts, education and the overall betterment of society. Within days of taking over, he rescinded almost all of Romanov’s restrictions on the arts, ushering in the so-called “Cultural Revolution”, whilst also embarking on a major decentralisation of power from Moscow to the regions. After decades of campaigning, Sloboda, Chechnya and the Russian Turkistan were finally rewarded with legislative assemblies of their own, whilst Moscow, Petrograd, Minsk and the other major cities gained directly elected mayoralties of their own. As the reforms were taking place, the opposition in the Duma embarked on the traditional civil war. After various alliances, divorces and the occasional fist-fight, the old right eventually rebadged themselves as the Progressive Conservatives - finally expelling the last of the headbangers to Dugin’s explicitly xenophobic “People's Front!”
Lieven presided over a far more open government than those that had preceded him. For the first time in years - Ministers were expected to be held accountable for their actions in the public press. Lieven led from the front in this, subjecting himself to a three-hour interview with the notoriously prickly cinescreen presenter, Erasmus Dalikova. He also pioneered the concept of “Mobile Government”, wherein the Cabinet would travel from city to city in order to hold their meetings throughout the vast territory of the Russian Republic. Lieven - no doubt enamoured by the traders of ancient Muscovy - preferred to use riverboats, visiting ports and fishing villages along the vast watercourses of the Don, Volga and Oka. The portly-figure that would hop onto land, often having to disembark in waders if no jetty was available, soon became a common sight throughout European Russia. The scheme did much to improve perceptions of the government as being prepared to visit the public directly and has since been adopted throughout Europe. Recently, the President of Spain, Miguel Portillo, visited every major town on the Salamanca-Cartagena Line over the course of five weeks.
Internationally, Lieven achieved a major goal in 1999 with the ratification of the Settlement of Borisov. The agreement, signed by Kaiser Hans-Oskar, President Struve and President Gaultier of France (with King Jan IV of Poland, the Grand Duke of Livonia and the Prince of Lithuania acting as witnesses) finally settled the ‘Eastern Question’ in a way that was suitable to all parties in the region. The last bout of reparations for the War of Iron Pact were cancelled, whilst Russia formally renounced all claims to Polish territory west of the Montague-Barlow Line. The agreement, which also merged the Eastern Customs Union with the European Commonwealth, came into effect in time for the new millennium, which Lieven saw as an opportune time to celebrate “Twelve Hundred Years of Russia” in a grand year of festivals and exhibitions. Initially, the decision greatly antagonised the Galician government, who saw themselves as the true heirs of Oleg and the Kievan ‘Rus, but the diplomatically minded Premier was at pains to invite his contemporaries to co-host the main event - lighting a vast line of beacons from Kiev, to Moscow, to Petrograd. The symbolism was not lost, and the establishment of ‘The East Slavic Association’ two years later further consolidated the relationship between the nations of Eurasia.
The multi-polar world was far from over, obviously. In 2004, Lieven suffered a personal humiliation when Russia’s first manned cosmos mission - ‘Perun’ (named after the Proto-Slavic god of thunder and lightning) - was destroyed on the launchpad. Lieven was forced to admit that the project had been brought forwards by the Ministry for Technology against the advice of the Chief Scientific Consultant in order to upstage the Anglo-Italian fly-past of Venus. Although the Prime Minister was not culpable for anything, he was still forced to sack three senior Cabinet figures, who had waved through the decision when Lieven had been out of the country to address the League of Nations in Geneva.
Further setbacks came with Polkan re-call of 2004. The Polkan, “The New People’s Car for the 21st Century” had been launched to great fanfare the previous year, becoming the first Russian-made vehicle to enjoy export success outside the Motherland. However, problems with the suspension resulted in a number of serious crashes throughout the winter, forcing the manufacturer to withdraw them from sale. The resulting costs, coupled with the negative newspaper headlines, caused the company’s share price to collapse, and the government was forced to bail out the entire firm, despite protests from the cyberneticians at the Finance Ministry. The resulting controversy further damaged Lieven’s standing. He resigned in the new year.
Today, Lieven is a prominent figure on the world stage and was recently appointed as Chairman of the Red Swastika, heading up the humanitarian efforts in the Indo-Chinese Civil War. He is also a visiting lecturer in International Government at the London School of Economics.