Bettino Craxi
(1989-1991)
The Curtain Falls
Benedetto Craxi had been a low-level bureaucrat with a grey, uninspiring appearance to match for almost fifteen years before he was made an aide to Giangiacomo Feltrinelli, the adept Foreign Minister of the Technocracy, in 1973. He attended numerous international conferences and congresses, learning the art of diplomacy and offering advice to the headstrong minister on rare occasion. But, Craxi was overlooked for promotion in the aftermath of Feltrinelli’s assassination. He was moved to the Central Planning Authority instead, where he served as Agnelli’s deputy for two years before Cossutta took control and Agnelli went down with Lamborghini’s resignation. Craxi then spent his time as Bruno Trentin’s deputy. Trentin was in the centre of the Party, but was also willing to agree with Cossutta’s objective of returning to the economics of il Togliattismo. Craxi served ably and faithfully in his role as Trentin’s subordinate, which earned him the recognition of the resurgent liberal minority in the Party.
In 1987, with the rising tide of pro-democracy protests and activism, Craxi suddenly resigned from his position in disgust at the authoritarian policies Cossutta was implementing at the time. When his close ally, Silvio Berlusconi, was fired from his position, Craxi knew that Cossutta’s days were numbered. Cossutta also seemed to know this, as he brought Craxi back into the height of government as a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. This put Craxi in a prime position to succeed Cossutta and, when the time came for Cossutta’s resignation, Craxi stepped up as the candidate of the reforming right.
The only man to oppose Craxi was Bruno Trentin, his former superior at the Central Planning Authority. Trentin had the support of Cossutta’s hardliners due to his close working relationship with the former Premier. But, he was still a man in the centre of the Party, and could speak to those who were unsure if reformism would entail an outbreak of anarchy or not. The vote was not a coronation for either side and many historians have said that Trentin might have won had he not praised the leadership of Heinz Kessler in East Germany and his “refusal to bow to American saboteurs” two days before Kessler committed suicide and a state of emergency was declared. The feeling embarrassment caused many to vote for Craxi and embrace reform in a last-ditch attempt at keeping their country together.
Craxi immediately set about opening up the borders in a large public ceremony, joined by King Vittorio Emanuele IV and Prime Minister Salvatore Lima from South Italy, and removing the powers of the Ministry of Culture to censor media items for their political content. In the few months following the election in February 1989, civil unrest subsided and people returned to their work after Craxi unveiled the policy of “autonomia”. This was a blanket policy covering government structure, economic planning and social policy. The Regional Planning Boards that Nilde Iotti had promised back in 1961 were finally implemented, the ban on free association and organisation of political organisation was lifted, and more autonomy was given to the regional governments of the nation. It seemed as if Craxi’s reformist objectives would be reached and North Italy could carry on whilst the rest of the Warsaw Pact fell into disarray and dissolution.
That was not to be the case, however.
Craxi had, by lifting the ban on political organisation, allowed protests on a scale unseen throughout the history of the RPI. The opening of the borders and the policy of autonomia created the perfect storm for a Northern section of the United Italy party to be formed, demanding the reunification of North and South Italy. Between August 1989 and September 1990, the membership grew from 12,000 to 150,000. It was the fastest-growing political party in the North, sending shockwaves throughout the Communist Party leadership. Craxi was soon faced by petitions calling for the reunification of Italy. The protests resumed in the autumn of 1990, this time driven by chants of unity and Italian nationalism instead of democracy and reform. Craxi, whilst reluctant to oversee the destruction of the state he’d endeavoured his whole life to improve, felt that he could not hold onto power if the people did not will it.
On the 16th March 1991, Bettino Craxi announced that the People’s Republic of Italy was to be disestablished and the administration of North Italy was to be handed over to an interim government which would negotiate the terms of the reunification of North and South Italy. The Kingdom was slowly recovering from its own economic strife in the late 80s, but readily agreed to discussions with the new government. In August 1991, around the same time as the USSR finally dissolved into its constituent republics, the Palermo Conference was help to decide the course of reunification.
By the end of the year, the two Italies had united once more. Craxi would briefly re-enter politics in 1996, standing as a Social Democratic parliamentary candidate in Milan. Unfortunately for him, he was beaten by the Italian Communist Party splinter, “Socialists for Independence”, which had a strong showing in that year’s election throughout the former People’s Republic.
When he died in 2004, at the age of 70, the North was totally divided on how to react. Some believed that he was the undertaker of Italian socialism and the independence of North Italy, whilst others saw him as a great statesman who was able to reunify a deeply divided peninsula and provide an example of peaceful transition to the post-communist world.
Just like the legacy of North Italy, Craxi’s own legacy is still very much in dispute.
In 1987, with the rising tide of pro-democracy protests and activism, Craxi suddenly resigned from his position in disgust at the authoritarian policies Cossutta was implementing at the time. When his close ally, Silvio Berlusconi, was fired from his position, Craxi knew that Cossutta’s days were numbered. Cossutta also seemed to know this, as he brought Craxi back into the height of government as a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. This put Craxi in a prime position to succeed Cossutta and, when the time came for Cossutta’s resignation, Craxi stepped up as the candidate of the reforming right.
The only man to oppose Craxi was Bruno Trentin, his former superior at the Central Planning Authority. Trentin had the support of Cossutta’s hardliners due to his close working relationship with the former Premier. But, he was still a man in the centre of the Party, and could speak to those who were unsure if reformism would entail an outbreak of anarchy or not. The vote was not a coronation for either side and many historians have said that Trentin might have won had he not praised the leadership of Heinz Kessler in East Germany and his “refusal to bow to American saboteurs” two days before Kessler committed suicide and a state of emergency was declared. The feeling embarrassment caused many to vote for Craxi and embrace reform in a last-ditch attempt at keeping their country together.
Craxi immediately set about opening up the borders in a large public ceremony, joined by King Vittorio Emanuele IV and Prime Minister Salvatore Lima from South Italy, and removing the powers of the Ministry of Culture to censor media items for their political content. In the few months following the election in February 1989, civil unrest subsided and people returned to their work after Craxi unveiled the policy of “autonomia”. This was a blanket policy covering government structure, economic planning and social policy. The Regional Planning Boards that Nilde Iotti had promised back in 1961 were finally implemented, the ban on free association and organisation of political organisation was lifted, and more autonomy was given to the regional governments of the nation. It seemed as if Craxi’s reformist objectives would be reached and North Italy could carry on whilst the rest of the Warsaw Pact fell into disarray and dissolution.
That was not to be the case, however.
Craxi had, by lifting the ban on political organisation, allowed protests on a scale unseen throughout the history of the RPI. The opening of the borders and the policy of autonomia created the perfect storm for a Northern section of the United Italy party to be formed, demanding the reunification of North and South Italy. Between August 1989 and September 1990, the membership grew from 12,000 to 150,000. It was the fastest-growing political party in the North, sending shockwaves throughout the Communist Party leadership. Craxi was soon faced by petitions calling for the reunification of Italy. The protests resumed in the autumn of 1990, this time driven by chants of unity and Italian nationalism instead of democracy and reform. Craxi, whilst reluctant to oversee the destruction of the state he’d endeavoured his whole life to improve, felt that he could not hold onto power if the people did not will it.
On the 16th March 1991, Bettino Craxi announced that the People’s Republic of Italy was to be disestablished and the administration of North Italy was to be handed over to an interim government which would negotiate the terms of the reunification of North and South Italy. The Kingdom was slowly recovering from its own economic strife in the late 80s, but readily agreed to discussions with the new government. In August 1991, around the same time as the USSR finally dissolved into its constituent republics, the Palermo Conference was help to decide the course of reunification.
By the end of the year, the two Italies had united once more. Craxi would briefly re-enter politics in 1996, standing as a Social Democratic parliamentary candidate in Milan. Unfortunately for him, he was beaten by the Italian Communist Party splinter, “Socialists for Independence”, which had a strong showing in that year’s election throughout the former People’s Republic.
When he died in 2004, at the age of 70, the North was totally divided on how to react. Some believed that he was the undertaker of Italian socialism and the independence of North Italy, whilst others saw him as a great statesman who was able to reunify a deeply divided peninsula and provide an example of peaceful transition to the post-communist world.
Just like the legacy of North Italy, Craxi’s own legacy is still very much in dispute.