Discussion in 'Alternate History Books and Media' started by David bar Elias, Aug 17, 2008.
A reduced-size Japanese Empire could be a usefull US puppet and a way to exert US influence in asia
Against who? Russia is their ally, so is China, and it will probably stay that way for the foreseeable future. There is no reason to keep around the state that's been causing so much trouble for decades.
A Liberated Japanese Empire means multiple potential puppets/allies, and sealing their alliance with the Third or Fourth Largest Nation on the planet.
With Australia as an ally to the Americans, Almost all of Asia would be influenced by America.
On the Flipside, make a Puppet out of Japan and letting it keep a part of it's empire does absolutely nothing to make the newly independent nations of Asia want to ally with the US.
Trying to use a former Oppressor as your number one way of exerting Influence isn't going to work very well.
In that scenario, the Russians, Ottoman-Brazil Pact, and the others can start to move in on the Asian Nations, and build their own allies/puppets.
I suppose the Japan of this TL will be reduced to the same territory as the Japan of OTL?
If the US decides to be nice.
Let's hope it does.
January, 1969 onwards—As the Fourth Pacific War begins to wind down in favor of the United States and the C.D.S., a small number of evacuees who fled the West Coast for the interior begin to return to their homes. Many evacuees, however (especially those old enough to remember the Confederate devastation of Philadelphia at the end of the Second Great War), elect to remain in their temporary homes until the conflict has concluded.
In Manchuria and northern China, C.D.S. forces race to find the remaining laboratories of Unit 731 and its affiliates. Thanks to knowledge gleaned from captured administrators and scientists, the remaining labs are methodically found and destroyed throughout the course of 1969.
In Southeast Asia, the Japanese Civil War continues in parallel with the other local conflicts: in Indochina, the Vietnamese rebels in Haiphong manage to capture Hanoi after the timely defection of the northern city’s Imperial Indochinese forces. In Haiphong itself, the rebels proclaim the establishment of the Vietnamese Republic on January 6, 1969. This declaration also effectively formalizes the end of Indochina as any kind of united entity; the Vietnamese, who have been liberally supplied by the O.S.S. during their war against the Japanese, also express their desire to join the C.D.S. after the conclusion of the conflict.
In contrast to the Vietnamese, the Cambodian and Laotian rebels both have sought help from the Independence Movement in securing their independence, as well as favorable borders against the Vietnamese.
The border war between Burma and Thailand continues, to varying degrees of intensity. The scale of the fighting is somewhat limited by the ongoing Independence Movement-assisted campaigns in both nations against the remaining Japanese troops within their respective borders.
In January, Indonesian forces, assisted by soldiers from Bengal and Bharat, secure the island of Bali. By the end of the winter of 1969, Indonesia has asserted control over the remainder of the Lesser Sunda Islands (outside of former Japanese Timor, and the island arc of Flores, which are both under C.D.S. control by the end of that time period).
In China, fifteen percent of C.D.S. forces in Korea and Manchuria are redeployed south to assist the Chinese in securing the rest of their territory: with U.S. help, Chinese troops liberate Shanghai on January 30. Elsewhere in China, the Japanese continue their long retreat towards the coasts. The new Chinese National Army begins to restore order in the areas in which they control, cracking down as best they can on banditry in the countryside.
Throughout Japan, now descending into chaos outside of the major cities, hatred for General Ishii burns brightly throughout the population. The dictator is blamed for plunging the Empire into a catastrophic war, as well as (by much of the population) for plotting to undermine the Emperor’s rule.
The Rodo Undo continues its incitement of Japan’s workers, bringing about a general strike that begins on January 3. General Ishii is forced to call up military reservists to keep Japan’s transportation system from completely failing, leading to more mutinous grumblings from the ranks. However, after the Days of the Butterfly Swords, many soldiers remain afraid to express what they actually think of Ishii and his regime out loud.
One officer who increasingly doesn’t care about such consequences is Colonel Sakamoto Hayato. Sakamoto, formerly a staunch loyalist to the government’s policies, has lost all five of his brothers in the war, in Manchuria and New Guinea; Sakamoto’s wife has also died, in a B-64 raid the previous summer. Although spared from death during the Days of the Butterfly Swords, Sakamoto has lost contact with a number of his friends in the high command, including his mentor, General Ochi Daisuke.
As of January, 1969, Sakamoto is now in charge of “managing” the refugees who have congregated at a temporary camp outside of Kobe (and suppressing the growing activities of the Rodo Undo). However, Sakamoto has been driven to the edge by the traumas, both personal and national, of the previous year. His hatred for General Ishii now rivals his loathing of the Americans and the C.D.S.
Having read many of the Rodo Undo’s pamphlets, increasingly circulated amongst the refugees, Sakamoto has, to his own personal astonishment, started to find himself in agreement with large portions of their worldview, especially the need to “level” Japanese society as a prelude to sweeping away the “degeneracy, madness, and inequality” of the entire world.
January 1, 1969 onwards—Russia and Mongolia sign a “treaty of eternal peace and friendship” at a ceremony in Urga. This accord effectively Mongolia into a protectorate of the Russian Republic, a development that will become a major source of contention between Moscow and Beijing.
January 20, 1969—Hubert Humphrey is inaugurated for his third term as president. His speech primarily addresses the coming postwar world, promising that America and the C.D.S., “…will leave no grounds for a new war.”
Within Humphrey’s cabinet, there is a division between the realists (who expect to leave Japan with some of its prewar territory intact), and the “hawks” who want to pursue the total dismantlement of the Japanese Empire itself. Neither side, however, wants an American military occupation of the Home Islands.
This division within the Executive Branch will be rendered moot, however, after the outbreak of the Japanese Revolution, at the end of the month.
January 27, 1969-March, 1969 onwards—Throughout 1968, and into January 1969, Emperor Hirohito has been plunged into utter despair. General Ishii has led his realm into an unwinnable war, and the misery that the general population of the Home Islands has been reduced to has reached the highest levels of the Imperial regime.
Urged by Prince Konoe Fuminaro , the leader of what little remains of the pre-purge “Peace Faction,” Hirohito finally decides that he must circumvent the “mad general” and address the masses himself, and appeal for an end to the fighting. Konoe, eager to move forward with the plan as quickly as possible, arranges for a radio broadcast to go out from the Imperial Palace on January 27.
Unfortunately, the plan is leaked by one of Ishii’s cronies in the Palace Guard to members of the Yuzhona secret society. Critically, however, the Guardsman does not know who is going to give the radio address, and assumes that Prince Konoe is attempting to “betray” the Emperor by inciting the population against the war.
Enraged by this act of “duplicitous, cowardly treachery,” the Yuzhona decides to “remove” Prince Konoe before the address can take place. Two death squads arrive at the palace, and break into the bunker where the broadcast is to take place—the bodyguards having been removed by Ishii’s agent. Plunging into the studio, the fanatical officers brutally kill everyone in the room; among the dead is Emperor Hirohito.
Enraged by what has happened, and certain that Ishii is responsible for his sovereign’s demise, Prince Konoe and Lord Keeper Kido  make their radio broadcast to the Japanese people. The news is made over visible sobs: “The Emperor is dead. General Ishii has murdered the Showa Emperor.”
As Thiago Amaral later describes the consequences of what is later called the “Funeral Broadcast,”—“Within the hour, there was an eruption of untold national rage. A people driven into the depths of human despair were now suddenly united, in a way that they never had been behind the Ishii War [the Japanese Worker’s Republic’s name for the Fourth Pacific War].”
January 28, 1969 onwards— Throughout Japan the consequences are almost immediate. Soldiers, even those ostensibly dependable to the regime, mutiny, along with their officers. Colonel Sakamoto, who hears the broadcast at the Kobe refugee camp, is among the mutineers, inciting both his soldiers and the refugees to action.
In Tokyo, in his fortified bunker complex beneath the war ministry building, General Ishii only realizes that something is wrong when contact is abruptly cut off to the outside world. Ignorant of the Yuzhona attack, the general dies in an attack staged by several ultra-nationalist officers—his former cronies—who assume that he ordered an assassination of the Emperor.
The capital, and the rest of Japan, now collapses into a state of anarchy. Several military units converge on the war ministry, determined to bring Ishii to justice for this final crime. Colonel Sakamoto arrives from Kobe on January 29, and quickly assumes control of the assault force preparing to seize the war ministry.
The assault begins on January 30, and quickly overwhelms the few remaining Yuzhona fanatics who stand in their way. Ishii’s corpse is retrieved from the depths of the ministry, and is publically burned on Sakamoto’s orders.
Sakamoto, like many of the soldiers involved in the brief firefight, has seen what’s left of his worldview shattered by the death of the man held up for decades as a divine figure. The colonel, seizing Tokyo’s largest radio station, makes an address to the nation. In his strident remarks, Sakamoto declares that, “History has turned. The madness of the evil, traitorous Ishii dictatorship is over. In order to move forward, Japan must be reformed and redeemed…” Sakamoto then proclaims, with the end of the Showa Emperor, and the anarchy now rife through the country, the establishment of, “a new republic: for and by the workers of our country. A Japanese Worker’s Republic.” He also proclaims himself the nascent government’s “First People’s Friend.”
This address is heard by many in the country, and quickly earns the colonel the allegiance of the scattered leadership of the Rodo Undo. Using his soldiers, Sakamoto orders the immediate arrest of all remaining officials of the old regime. His forces, with assistance from the city’s plethora of armed gangs of displaced workers, also seize the Imperial Palace, placing Konoe under effective house arrest.
This process is repeated throughout many of Japan’s industrial centers and refugee camps. However, in spite of this brazen seizure of power, not all military units in the Home Islands recognize Sakamoto new regime. The assorted Japanese warlords scattered across the former Co-Prosperity Sphere also refuse to recognize Sakamoto’s government. This begins a new and brutal sideshow of the Japanese Civil War, as the Home Islands quickly divide into factions support “First People’s Friend” Sakamoto, and the miniature warlord armies that call for the retention of the Imperial Way. Caught in the crossfire are Japan’s ordinary civilians, who, increasingly, care little about who wins the fight for supreme power—only for their own survival.
By March, the battle lines, while fluid, have somewhat stabilized: the Japanese Worker’s Republic, centered in Tokyo, controls the southern half of the country—while the north is ruled by an anti-syndicalist junta, under the joint domination of Colonel Maruyama Susumu and Colonel Maeda Yuuta, centered in the city of Sapporo, on Hokkaido.
This conflict also sees, like the ongoing battles in the Philippines, a clash between the two branches of the Japanese military: many naval units defect to the syndicalists—in revenge for the Days of the Butterfly Swords. These naval units—renamed by Sakamoto as the “People’s Fleet,” will give the Tokyo government a crucial advantage in this conflict, allowing the syndicalist government to raid, almost at will, enemy positions in the north.
In Washington, the reaction is confused. Although news of Ishii’s death triggers widespread celebrations across the country, the president’s reaction is far more guarded. Humphrey knows that the fall of Ishii’s regime will not bring about the surrender of the other Japanese warlords in East Asia. His Russian counterpart, however, is jubilant; Viktor Turov pushes Humphrey for a joint Russo-American landing in the north of the Home Islands—the Russian president hopes to regain not only Sakhalin and the Kuriles, but also a measure of control over Hokkaido in the final victory.
Humphrey, while non-committal about extending Russia’s control over Hokkaido, does agree that an assault against the anti-syndicalist forces could bring about a faster end to the war. Hard pressed against the syndicalists, the Northern Military Council is ill equipped to confront the full might of the allied armies.
March 3, 1969-July 1, 1969 onwards—March opens with the first stage of Operation Tiger Shark: the invasion of Hokkaido—dispatched on the night of March 3, the assembled Russo-C.D.S. force lands on the west coast of the island near the town of Otaru, after a massive air and seaborne attack. The allied armies, commanded by Generals Golovin and MacArthur respectively, quickly establish a beachhead after the demolition of the local coastal defenses.
In spite of bad weather, the allies manage to land a huge volume of men and material on the island. On March 6, the city of Sapporo falls, effectively dealing a deathblow to the cause of the Northern Military Council. With no time to establish proper fortifications elsewhere on the island, the Japanese are smashed in one skirmish after another across the length and breadth of Hokkaido. Colonel Maeda dies during the capture of Sapporo, while Colonel Maruyama eludes the invaders until May 25, when he is cornered and killed by Irish soldiers in the Sōunkyō gorges, along with the rest of his entourage.
Japanese resistance on Hokkaido, already demoralized by the death of Hirohito and the ascendance of Sakamoto, completely collapses after the death of Colonel Maruyama. Subsequently, Hokkaido is placed under a military government jointly coordinated between generals Golovin and MacArthur.
During the course of Operation Tiger Shark, Russian forces liberate the Kurile Islands, with assistance from U.S. naval and air forces, in Operation Vengeance.
The landing of allied forces on Hokkaido also dooms the anti-syndicalist forces on Honshu. Sakamoto’s forces route the undersupplied and demoralized Council troops, capturing many—a large number of ordinary soldiers defect in exchange for a steady supply of food.
Sakamoto uses the miniature civil war to remake Japanese society in the name of syndicalism. Now a zealous convert to this political cause, Sakamoto proclaims the nationalization of all land (and natural resources) in a series of decrees passed in March. Power is declared, in the “Interim Worker’s Constitution” to derive from, “…the Japanese people, through their elected worker’s beneficent government and management.”
Besides land and resource nationalization, Sakamoto and his allies in the new regime push for other radical reforms during the spring of 1969—women gain the right to vote, all “feudal titles and awards” are declared “voided,” and steps are taken to encourage the restructuring of Japan’s economy along syndicalist lines. However, political freedom and expression remains sharply curtailed, with the Syndicalist Party guaranteed a permanent “monopoly” on political power by the newly drafted constitution, and the government continues to concentrate power in the hands of a small group of hardline ideologues.
Quietly, Sakamoto, in spite of his anti-Americanism, dispatches a personal envoy to meet with the allied powers on Hokkaido: the food supplies controlled by the syndicalists are running critically low, and the former colonel fears for the worse if the war continues.
The envoy, Rodo Undo leader Ono Noboru, arrives in Sapporo on June 15, after the allied forces receive (and accept) Sakamoto's secret radio appeal. Ono’s primary request is for the C.D.S. to end its blockade of the Home Islands, to relieve the food shortages. In exchange, Ono states that People’s Friend Sakamoto will accept the allied demand for unconditional surrender.
In Washington, President Humphrey pushes for the cabinet to accept the proposal: the Treaty of Sapporo, signed in that city on July 1, 1969, ends the war between the Japanese Worker’s Republic and the C.D.S. and the Russian Republic. The treaty’s main clauses include:
• The Japanese Worker’s Republic will turn over all war criminals sought out by the allied powers: this includes any surviving allies of General Ishii, and any scientist, administrator, or soldier involved in Unit 731 (and similar units). All surviving military planners behind the November 1967 chemical attacks on Australia are also to be turned over to the allies.
• The Worker’s Republic is forced to renounce all of Japan’s claims to territories beyond the Home Islands.
• The armed forces of the Worker’s Republic will be reduced to a standing army of 200,000 men, a skeletal naval coast guard, and no air force.
• All research into weapons of mass destruction is forbidden.
• C.D.S. and allied forces reserve the right to inspect any and all merchant ships approaching the Home Islands: upon the formal conclusion of the conflict, allied ships will spearhead food deliveries to the Japanese population.
• Hokkaido is to remain under joint Russian-C.D.S. military rule.
• The Kurile Islands, Sakhalin Island, and the Siberian provinces seized by Japan after the end of the Second Great War are to be turned over to the Russian Republic.
• The Bonin Islands, Guam, the Mariana Islands, the Marshall Islands, Micronesia, and the Ryuku Islands are to placed under U.S. military rule.
• The state of war between China and Japan is brought to a close, with Japan forever renouncing all claims to Chinese sovereign territory.
Unmentioned in the Treaty of Sapporo is the planned final status of Hokkaido. Privately, Sakamoto isn’t opposed to having the northern island outside of the Worker’s Republic’s control: it will, he hopes, provide a “safety valve” to those elements in Japan’s new society who cannot and will not accept syndicalist rule. For the time being, Hokkaido remains under joint Russian-C.D.S. control; the island is also used by the allied authorities as a point of refuge for Japanese civilians and demobilized soldiers leaving Manchuria and Korea.
Many syndicalists in the new government are upset at the harsh terms. But they realize that rejecting the proposed treaty will mean a return to war, and untold devastation for the territory that they do control.
The warlords throughout the rest of East Asia angrily denounce the Treaty of Sapporo. Privately, many realize that with the Home Islands neutralized, the C.D.S. will now focus their attacks on their home bases.
May 1, 1969—The German colonies of Gabon and Kamerun gain Advisory Councils.
July, 1969 onwards—U.S. naval forces begin a concerted push in Japan’s former Pacific Ocean territory. Resistance varies from island to island: many Japanese soldiers have been struggling to stay alive on reduced foodstocks since the beginning of the C.D.S. blockade. Many commanders, scattered across many remote Pacific islands since the start of the conflict, learn for the first time of the deaths of the Emperor, the fall of General Ishii, and the outbreak and success of the Japanese Revolution.
Most Japanese commanders recognize the futility of attempting to resist the overwhelming American force, and order their forces to surrender (out of a final spite to Ishii’s memory, in some cases). They also have no desire to offer their allegiance to the syndicalist regime in Tokyo.
The Americans do encounter more recalcitrant commanders in the Bonin, Mariana, and Ryuku Islands (which have been ruled by Japan for far longer than the other Pacific territories slated to come under U.S. control). The battles in these island chains will be gruesome for both sides, with the Americans finally winning do to overwhelming firepower and supply stocks. The fighting in the Ryukus will not come to a conclusion until early 1970.
July 3, 1969 onwards—The beginning of Operation Cassowary—the C.D.S. drive against the Japanese warlord rulers of Celebes [OTL Sulawesi] and the Moluccas [In OTL known as the Maluku Islands]. Operation Cassowary is planned as a two pronged attack against the islands of Ambon and Halmahera.
The invasions, expected to conclude by the beginning of August, are not successfully concluded until August 30: this is primarily due to the mountainous terrain of Ambon Island, which proves to be greatly advantageous to the defenders, as well as tougher than expected resistance from the Japanese.
In the Philippines, Admiral Watanabe quietly makes contact with the Americans via radio frequency. Watanabe offers to end his “state of conflict” with the C.D.S. in exchange for any immunity from any postwar prosecution for himself and his officers. In exchange, the admiral invites allied forces to assist him against the “pro-Ishii bandit” General Yamazaki.
On July 15, allied forces land unopposed at Manila, where their commander, Quebecois General François Talon, parlays with Admiral Watanabe. General Talon states that although Watanabe’s forces will be recognized as “co-belligerents,” in the specific fight against Yamazaki, this will hinge on the admiral returning, under C.D.S. custody, to Hokkaido, along with his forces, after the conflict. Knowing that he cannot defeat the allies in battle, Watanabe accepts these terms.
Watanabe is also forced to recognize the installation of a new civilian government in Manila, led by the Filipino nationalist (and former exile) Lumaban Gatan. Gatan proclaims, to widespread celebration in his new capital, the establishment of an independent Filipino Republic.
As one of his first diplomatic initiatives, Gatan petitions for his country’s admission into the Compact of Democratic States, which is quickly accepted at the C.D.S.’s New York headquarters.
Although Watanabe’s sailors and marines control Luzon and many of the immediate coastal areas of the Philippines, Yamazaki’s forces still control the interiors of many islands, including most of the southern island of Mindanao. Over the next seven months, allied forces, along with their Japanese “co-belligerents” continue a grueling assault against the recalcitrant forces of General Yamazaki.
With the Philippines now effectively neutralized as a major threat, a fresh wave of C.D.S. forces, under the command of Chilean general Alejandro Carrasco, sail from Australia and land at Haiphong on July 31, in support of the new Vietnamese government. General Tanaka, panicking, orders his remaining forces in Indochina to retreat southwards, in an attempt to delay an assault against Saigon. In short order, Vietnamese soldiers, with assistance from C.D.S. warplanes and armored forces, begin a brutal pursuit of the Japanese, capturing the cities of Thanh Hoa, Vinh, Hue, and Da Nang in rapid succession. By the beginning of September, allied forces are at the gates of Saigon itself.
August, 1969 onwards—With the withdrawal of Japanese forces from their territories, Cambodia and Laos both declare independence, on August 6 and August 8 respectively. Both countries promptly request admission into the Independence Movement, which is quickly accepted in public statements from the Brazilian and Ottoman foreign ministers.
On the ground, Bharati, Bengali, and Thai soldiers cross the Thai-Cambodian border into that country against the retreating Japanese forces. The Independence Movement forces, however, are not prepared for the brutal civil war that they find themselves in the middle of, as they begin (vain) efforts to stop the fighting between the Cambodians and Vietnamese.
August 9, 1969—Chinese forces, assisted by a small C.D.S. force, liberate Hong Kong.
September 3-15, 1969 onwards—Vietnamese and C.D.S. forces begin their final assault on Saigon, in Operation Scorpion. The following twelve days sees horrific urban fighting between the allies and their desperate Japanese enemies, and much of the city is devastated in the process of its liberation.
The fighting comes to an end on September 15, when a Japanese colonel, under a flag of truce, reveals to the allies that General Tanaka has committed seppuku. Subsequently, all remaining Japanese forces in the city are taken into custody.
The now disposed Emperor of Indochina will be summarily executed by Vietnamese forces within days of Saigon’s capture.
September 19, 1969 onwards—C.D.S. forces, under General Jade and General Torricelli, land on island of Celebes. Facing them are the forces of the warlord General Yoshida Kaito. In a grueling campaign that lasts until mid-December, allied forces methodically force the Japanese into a shrinking cordon of territory. The fighting will end on December 16, after what’s left of the Japanese army on the island surrenders, after General Yoshida commits seppuku.
September 20, 1969—Vietnam is formally admitted into the Compact of Democratic States.
September 27, 1969 onwards—Vietnamese and C.D.S. forces encounter Cambodian and Independence Movement forces in the Mekong Delta. With enforcement from both coalitions, the violence between the Cambodian and Vietnamese militias finally comes to an end—the end of the fighting also leads to a massive exchange of refugees, with Cambodians and Vietnamese caught on the wrong sides of the de-factor border leaving for their newly independent nations.
In the immediate aftermath of the Indochinese Theater of the war, the two coalitions attempt to negotiate a final accord between Cambodia and Vietnam on a new border. Talks breakdown between Phnom Penh and Saigon, however. On October 24, 1969, the “Peace Zone” (PZ) is established between the two countries, supported on the Cambodian side by soldiers from the Independence Movement, and on the Vietnamese side by the Compact of Democratic States.
October 1, 1969 onwards—In Togoland, the population of the German colony votes on its political future: in a surprise to Berlin, the colony’s citizens vote for full union with the German Empire, as a co-equal part of the nation, over the options of maintaining the status quo, a looser “confederation” with Berlin, or outright independence.
Togoland’s vote for union with Berlin will greatly influence similar referendums held in the early 1970s in Germany’s other West African colonies. German political scientists and historians will later point out the economic prosperity of Togoland as the deciding factor for the 1969 decision. The actual ascension of Togoland directly into Germany will not occur until 1979, however, after a decade of heavy direct investment into improving the colony’s civilian infrastructure and social services.
October 1, 1969-January 1970 onwards—October opens with the C.D.S. assault against General Yamazaki’s forces on Mindanao, in Operation Starfish. The campaign will be a long and grueling one, as Yamazaki’s soldiers resist fanatically.
October 4, 1969 onwards—In a surprise amphibious assault, C.D.S. forces, under General Carrasco, seize the city of Singapore, after a sustained bombardment of Japanese coastal positions by U.S. and Australian carrier-borne aircraft. The assault, codenamed Operation Cobra, is meant to compliment the Independence Movement’s invasion of Japanese-held Malaysia. The defenders of the city are quickly overrun, and all resistance ceases in the metropolis by October 10.
Bengali, Bharati, and Thai forces launch their attack into Malaysia on October 6, where they encounter a demoralized army commanded by the warlord General Oshiro Kohaku. Short on supplies, and not particularly eager to return to Hokkaido to face an uncertain future, Kohaku surrenders his forces at Kuala Lumpur to I.M. coalition forces on October 18, 1969. General Oshiro will accept Brazilian offers of sanctuary for himself and his soldiers.
A new Malaysia government is established in Kuala Lumpur, whose request to join the I.M. is quickly accepted.
Singapore remains, for the time being, under joint C.D.S. military rule, under General Carrasco. For now, the C.D.S. works on fortifying its new gains made over the previous year, in preparation for a possible operation against the Japanese forces still entrenched on the island of Borneo.
November, 1969 onwards—In a massive humanitarian operation, American and Brazilian naval forces evacuate some 250,000 South African refugees, in the first of two “Great Evacuations.” The refugees are fleeing from the slow breakdown of South African society, as the violent confrontation between the apartheid regime and an increasingly organized rebellion driven by the “South African People’s Union” (SAPU)—a syndicalist inspired group led by Jonas Guiri, increasingly escalates.
Most refugees are resettled in Brazil, while smaller numbers arrive in the United States. Another 50,000 refugees will be evacuated in December.
November-December, 1969 onwards—The Fourth Pacific War begins to wind down throughout much of East Asia and the Pacific. In China, large numbers of Japanese POWs and civilians are evacuated with assistance from C.D.S. naval forces. Most of these evacuees are resettled on Hokkaido.
People’s Friend Sakamoto feels secure enough in power to announce, on November 10, the formal expulsion of Japan’s old royal family from the Worker’s Republic. Held under effective house arrest since February, the royal family arrives in Hokkaido on November 12.
Throughout 1969, Sakamoto has consolidated his regime by allowing “all not with us” to depart for the northern island. Altogether, some three million people have left the Worker’s Republic for Hokkaido; other large waves of “voluntary emigrants” will leave in 1970, 1972, and 1973.
In a remote sideshow from the main centers of the conflict, Russian forces assist China’s National Army in destroying two warlord armies centered in the remote western city of Urumqi, in Xinjiang.
On December 1, 1969, American, Chinese, and Russian envoys meet in Honolulu to sign the Pacific Economic and Security Accord (PESA). The new accord is primarily meant as an economic and security forum for the great powers of the Pacific Rim, as well as to formalize the friendly ties between Beijing, Moscow, and Washington. All signatories to the accord pledge to assist each other in any “unprovoked” attack from a third party on either of their countries.
President Humphrey hopes that the PESA will both prevent another Pacific War, as well as contain any possible threat from the Japanese Worker’s Republic, or another possible threat from unknown quarters. Many international observers remark that the PESA resembles a looser version of the C.D.S.
Over time, the Asian and Pacific members of the C.D.S. will also sign the PESA. The accord will later be used as a catalyst for loosening barriers to trade between the signatories of the accord over the coming decades.
Many members of the Independence Movement, particularly Bharat and the Southeast Asian members of that alliance, fear that the PESA will see Russian and U.S. support for any future Chinese “aggression” to the south. Many historians mark the signing of the PESA as the beginning of Bharat’s rise on the world political stage, as Delhi attempts to “contain” the spread of any potentially hostile powers on its frontiers.
* * *
 [For more on Prince Konoe’s role on our world’s Japanese politics prior and during the Second World War, see here.]
 [For more information about Kido's role in our world's Japanese politics prior and during the Second World War, see here.]
From now on, I plan to update this timeline decade by decade, rather than year by year.
The 1970s will be posted in June.
so will Hokkaido be independent, or returned to Japan?
Hokkaido's status will be clarified in the next update.
...if it gets Independence it should be renamed The Republic of Ezo, mostly to annoy the Japanese.
Jesus, what a f*cking mess..
I can see about half a dozen hotspots already....
Excellent, just like when you started it. I'm thrilled.
Do we have a map for 1970?
Depends. While TL-191 does try its hardest to do parallels with OTL, David seems to be going off and doing his own thing for the most part. It's certainly possible, but the increased wealth of certain parts of the world more than OTL (Russia, China, parts of Africa, the Middle East, parts of South America, etc.) could mean anyone of those places come up with the idea before the U.S. does. A better question, at least right now, is who will develop the first actual computers.
Wonderful update, Dave. Glad the Japanese, destructive as it was, have had their nose bloodied and will be unlikely to pursue any stupid ventures in the future. Of course, this 'Japanese Worker's Republic,' especially with its apparent aim of spreading syndicalism throughout the world, sounds troubling indeed. But Sakamoto will have to play his cards right, at least for right now. No way could they afford to try to extend their influence elsewhere. Then again, the full brunt of PESA and the CDS being brought to bear on them - again - would certainly be an undesirable outcome. A precarious situation indeed.
Curious that the Independence Movement seems to start showing some cracks. Looks like the Cambodia and Vietnam situation could flare up again at any time. That's nothing compared to the mess that is the rest of formerly Japanese-occupied Asia, though. It's going to take a long time to rebuild from the devastation they've caused. Looks like Bharat is on the rise too. I was wondering how that was going to play out, actually. If the CDS has Russia, for the most part, within its circle of friends it only makes sense for the big Asian ally of the IM to be Bharat. That technically leaves Germany without a big external friend other than the U.S., though. Then again, China doesn't necessarily have to continue to be friends with the U.S., I suppose...
An incredibly bizarre scenario with Togoland! I'm wondering if more of Germany's colonial empire won't follow suit. Of course, that will depend on how wealthy they've been made, I suppose. I'm guessing imperial union won't occur too much, but you never know. Surprising additions could come along. Syndicalism in South Africa? Say it ain't so! But, then, an early end to apartheid is nothing but a good thing. Especially if it means bringing those former Freedomites to justice.
Going by decades now rather than years? Sound like that'll be fun. I hope the posts are just as meaty, if not meatier, than what we've been getting. That's greedy, though. Either way, definitely looking forward to everything as always.
Whew!! Great Job, David!!
I agree that Asia is an unholy mess! But, it is totally believeable and plausible (always good things for Alt Hist).
I do hope that going by decades will not dilute the depth of your writing. I also understand your desire (as I see it) to have only four more updates to bring us to the present instead of forty-one more! (And by the time the forty-first is written, you'd have to write at least an update for 2012, if not also for 2013!! LOL!!!
Wow!! Togoland wants to be an integral part of the German Empire? I hope it is better thought through and better managed than that horrible experiment that France made in trying to absorb Algeria in OTL!!!
I can't wait until June! But I wish you the best in your efforts to continue the quality of your work!
We do now.
By the way David, yet another wonderful update, I love the latest developments within Japan, it's truly interesting. I can't wait until June to see what the forthcoming decade holds for us.
Here's the world at the very start of 1970.
I can imagine syndicalist Japan becoming this world's version of North Korea.
Also, I'm glad that updates are now happening by decade. I can't wait to see this world's 21st century.
Great! Under this China (hopefully a lot better than the OTL one), Hong Kong would prosper - I hope.
Say, David, when could we see the entire CONUS back in the union again? Will Texas join, or would they go on and do their own thing?
The 1970s will see more detail about the development of high technology, though it will emerge from additional quarter's compared to our world.
The syndicalists were against the war in the first place, and Sakamoto knows that his regime would not survive another conflict.
They were there from the beginning. I hope to show these divisions more clearly in the remaining posts.
It certainly is one of this world's potential hotspots, though neither the IM nor the CDS wants any kind of conflict to flare up.
Bharat will be one of TTL's rising powers (and one of the three big powers that dominates the IM).
I will say that most of Germany's colonial empire will not follow Togoland's example.
South Africa's fate will be dealt with in the next post.
Thank you. And I hope not to disappoint next time.
I plan to end this timeline at 2009.
It will have a far happier ending.
Thank you. Only four more posts to go.
Thank you for the fantastic map! Keep up the good work.
North Korea won't the best OTL analogue for the Japanese Worker's Republic.
There will be some similarities as to how the PRC developed IOTL, but there will be important differences too.
Texas's current status will not change.
Separate names with a comma.