...Those Marvelous Tin Fish: The Great Torpedo Scandal Avoided

Would the type of radar that U.S. subs were fitted out with in 1942 be effective enough to detect approaching ships? Would it detect approaching aircraft from any angle and without blind spots to provide enough warning time to stop snorting and descend deeper to avoid detection by the enemy?

When I was at College, one of my instructors had been on the Pigboats, started the war on S-42, IIRC. On the Fleet Boats, he said that Radar was a blessing and curse.
Said in the wrong situation, Radar was like turning on a flashlight in a dark room filled with folks with bad intent.

Like Tracers, it points both ways.
 
The Surcouf was Free French in OTL , don't see how that would change with better US torpedoes :).

It was a gilly juice (Meaning moonshine made from torpedo fuel alcohol.)-story. See before (^^^^) the entry on USS Mackerel where I specifically mention it was utter bilge. As for Surcouf, it is unknown what sank her, but a few in the French Marine believe the USN (patrol bombers) or something commercial (Thomas Lykes, the freighter) sank her by accident.
 
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Would the type of radar that U.S. subs were fitted out with in 1942 be effective enough to detect approaching ships? Would it detect approaching aircraft from any angle and without blind spots to provide enough warning time to stop snorting and descend deeper to avoid detection by the enemy?
1. Yes. 2. No, not yet. (Not IIRC; I'd have to re-read Blair entire, & haven't seen a mention, yet, as far as I've gotten...)
Does a second periscope with some kind of large wide angle lense that can swivel and scan from the horizon to the zenith need to be developed to be used for lookout when daytime snorting or would radar alone be adequate?
Retractable radar mast is an excellent idea, but pushing the understanding for the period, IMO: we know it's a good idea, but AFAIK, nobody in '41-2 thought retractable was necessary--even allowing the antenna could be mounted on a retractable (it'd be pretty heavy, no?) & the wiring could be handled in the well space.
towable external fuel tank.
That's just begging for trouble.:eek: It'll foul the screws in a heartbeat. If ballast tank filling is off-limits, I'd propose a deck-mount tank that can be jettisoned when empty. (And if it's developed for the Mackerels, it'd be real useful for the fleet boats, too. Might also carry other stores. Flood it when expended, to keep from leaving traces.)
If the Mackerel class subs are used in the littoral waters near islands and ports I think their patrols would consist mainly of lurking near important ports and sea lanes and not travelling around extensively.
Even in SWPA, staying too close to harbors is a hazard for detection & attack. And not until O'Kane did it did anybody just drift to conserve fuel, so...
4. Radar detectors.
Which works for a/c with radar; unless they've all got it... (I'm presuming, now, you intend that; if so, I need to adjust my thinking on a/c in-TL.)
Avoid radiating. ...The IJN has captured British radar tech in 1942
Same again. OTOH, Japan's ability to co-ordinate & distribute that intel was terrible OTL, so you maybe get better individual (or local) searches, but not a lot better systematically. That may force a bit more local caution, until USN RWRs (&/or *Cutie?) appear.
6. US boats carry such a periscope already.
Will OTL; don't yet. Unless you mean the Mackerel snorkel mast TTL?
7. I prefer a strong-back tank, if that is going to be adopted. The thing could be a submarine version of an aircraft drop tank.
And I had not read this yet before I wrote above...:cool:
8. Or the USN can employ milk cows to the edge of "danger waters" and simply transfer fuel at sea to comers and goers.
That seems to want a change in thinking. IDK if I'd believe it. Unless you take the big boats & turn them over to that duty (since they'd be best used for "guerrilla" ops anyhow), & fit them with big deck tanks, too, something like the postwar "hangar" pods.

And on Mackerel appearing in a movie, I have real doubts the Navy'd allow access to Top Secret gear & an operational boat. (From what I've seen, they were S- or R-boats OTL.)
 
1. Yes. 2. No, not yet. (Not IIRC; I'd have to re-read Blair entire, & haven't seen a mention, yet, as far as I've gotten...)

Retractable radar mast is an excellent idea, but pushing the understanding for the period, IMO: we know it's a good idea, but AFAIK, nobody in '41-2 thought retractable was necessary--even allowing the antenna could be mounted on a retractable (it'd be pretty heavy, no?) & the wiring could be handled in the well space.

Might want to save that for late 42 after lessons learned in the first war year.

That's just begging for trouble.:eek: It'll foul the screws in a heartbeat. If ballast tank filling is off-limits, I'd propose a deck-mount tank that can be jettisoned when empty. (And if it's developed for the Mackerels, it'd be real useful for the fleet boats, too. Might also carry other stores. Flood it when expended, to keep from leaving traces.)

You don't know how funny that was to read... but... (^^^^). and yes thanks to Draconis and you, it will appear ITTL.

Even in SWPA, staying too close to harbors is a hazard for detection & attack. And not until O'Kane did it did anybody just drift to conserve fuel, so...

We'll see.

Which works for a/c with radar; unless they've all got it... (I'm presuming, now, you intend that; if so, I need to adjust my thinking on a/c in-TL.)

It is worse than that, phx. From my recent reading the Japanese get centimetric wavelength radar in 1943 RTL! It is vital that US boats obtain RWR sets this ITTL. There was a whole year the USN did not know that the IJN had British centimetric sets and reverse engineered it.

Same again. OTOH, Japan's ability to co-ordinate & distribute that intel was terrible OTL, so you maybe get better individual (or local) searches, but not a lot better systematically. That may force a bit more local caution, until USN RWRs (&/or *Cutie?) appear.

If what I am reading now is correct, there are not a lot of a/c sets, but Japanese surface ASW was fairly well equipped with RDF gear (HUFF/DUFF) and at least one destroyer in each dedicating hunting group has a 10 cm radar surface search set as good as anything the British have.

Will OTL; don't yet. Unless you mean the Mackerel snorkel mast TTL?

Could be. American radar is not too far different from OTL. But could be. We'll see.

And I had not read this yet before I wrote above...:cool:

Yeah, the sub drop tank idea had me thinking... More will come of it; especially after the Italian Armistice. :biggrin:

That seems to want a change in thinking. IDK if I'd believe it. Unless you take the big boats & turn them over to that duty (since they'd be best used for "guerrilla" ops anyhow), & fit them with big deck tanks, too, something like the postwar "hangar" pods.

Might be. But I was thinking more like buddy tanking from a strong-back tank (^^^^)

And on Mackerel appearing in a movie, I have real doubts the Navy'd allow access to Top Secret gear & an operational boat. (From what I've seen, they were S- or R-boats OTL.)

Yeah, but Hollywood sets and external staged camera shots like we do with modern US subs? The snort, radar heads and "specials" could be dummied over with plywood.
 
Might want to save that for late 42 after lessons learned in the first war year.
You've got the Mackerels in play (a bit after where I am in-TL, yet), & I wouldn't do it before that anyhow.
It is worse than that, phx. From my recent reading the Japanese get centimetric wavelength radar in 1943 RTL! It is vital that US boats obtain RWR sets this ITTL. There was a whole year the USN did not know that the IJN had British centimetric sets and reverse engineered it.
Even on OTL schedule, it'll be awhile: ONI has to find out & let English know, & the sets have to be designed, built, & delivered... What I meant was, it clearly has to be sooner than OTL--& with the changed conditions, it will be.
If what I am reading now is correct, there are not a lot of a/c sets, but Japanese surface ASW was fairly well equipped with RDF gear (HUFF/DUFF) and at least one destroyer in each dedicating hunting group has a 10 cm radar surface search set as good as anything the British have.
If that was true OTL, IJN DDs/escorts didn't use it very well at all... They also had a strong tendency not to prosecute to kill, or to believe one attack was fatal. (How much of that was a product of early war boats being rivetted, & so leaking oil readily, IDK.)
American radar is not too far different from OTL. But could be.
I'm not looking for radical improvement or drastically earlier introduction, just a reasonable acceleration based on a) better Japanese access & b) all boats being based at Pearl (so all the Force gets is sooner-than-OTL). It looks like you'll also need the Mackerels to be outfitted in the yard, or you put them at the wrong end of the supply pipeline...:eek: (That's another reason I wanted all boats out of SWPA.)
Might be. But I was thinking more like buddy tanking from a strong-back tank
I was thinking much the same, except limiting to Mackerels/SWPA & using the big boats (as I PM'd) as "mother" ships.
Yeah, but Hollywood sets and external staged camera shots like we do with modern US subs? The snort, radar heads and "specials" could be dummied over with plywood.
I couldn't tell if they were live boats for exteriors or miniatures; they looked like S-boat silhouettes, not fleet boats, to my eye. The interiors would be modelled on real boats, but I'd guess they wouldn't be dead accurate even to S-boats (for security). Security issues also makes me wonder how much the Navy would allow Hollywood to show of the very latest stuff anyhow.
 
Meanwhile, back off Truk....
==========================================================================================

After a frustrating several days without making any contact, & with aircraft roaming overhead almost constantly, at 04.33 on 22 March, S-39 detects an inbound convoy of four large freighters escorted by a single destroyer (identified as an Akikaze), at 8800yd. Coe cranks on flank speed to intercept, closing to 1500yd just before dawn and diving ahead, firing all four bow tubes at the lead ship, a 7800 ton freighter. Two miss astern, Coe misjudging her speed on the Banjo, but two hit, and the freighter stops. The second and third freighters in line bear on, but the fourth stops to pick up survivors. The tincan follows the torpedo tracks, pinging (the existence of sonar in IJN hands still unexpected for Sub Force sailors) constantly, & dropping occasional, but well-placed, depth charges for the next 97 minutes.

When the Akikaze retires, Coe pokes his periscope up to see both freighters gone, and aircraft again overhead; his log records his frustration at the lack of result. When he returns, he will claim damage worth 4000 tons, and get a surprise.

The screw noise has also attracted Hank Munson's attention, lying 12,000yd off on the convoy's other beam; his good fortune has the convoy zig toward, and he dives at 2100yd, setting up on the lead ship when, as his log records, "She blew up in the Commanding Officer's face." He hears high-speed torpedo screws pass close aboard as he shifts targets to the second ship in line (a 7000 ton cargoman), cranking frantically on the Banjo to cope with the radical course changes and holding S-38's rudder hard over to keep her bows on a firing course.

As she maneuvers, S-38's sonar hears the destroyer running fast away and explosions in that direction; knowing it must be Coe under depth charging, Munson writes, "Commanding Officer determined to make the most of this distraction."

After ten minutes, the freighter and S-38 both settle down enough Munson can fire all four bow tubes; he scores only a single hit, with the plot looking like a plate of spaghetti, while Munson speculates the target also sped up without him noticing. It slows the freighter, but fails to stop her. The third ship, smoke pouring from her stacks ("Commanding Officer uncertain if the freighter meant to lay smokescreen or only attain best speed," Munson will write), escapes, while Munson reloads; the damaged second ship also outdistances S-38.

When his reload is complete, Munson finds the damaged first ship taken under tow by the fourth, a 7400 ton refrigerator ship. Munson closes to 1100yd and fires three bow tubes at the tow ship and a single torpedo at the cripple. Almost immediately, four explosions nearby rock S-38: bombs dropped by a patrol aircraft Munson had not sighted. It springs a number of leaks, none serious. Meanwhile, all four Mark Xs run hot, straight, and normal, and both targets are sunk: refrigerator ship Matsushita Maru (7590 tons) & freighter Mika Maru (7787 tons); postwar, JANAC would also identify the other, Nakajima Maru (7193 tons), which beaches herself and is never refloated.

Air patrols and destroyer sweeps keep both Coe and Munson down all the next day; by nightfall, both boats are running on nearly flat batteries. That flatness will characterize their next ten days on station.

At 23.18 on 3 April, her last day on station, S-38 picks up two ships in company, a large freighter and large (8500 ton) tanker, at 11,000yd; Munson estimates they are doing 11kt, and it takes more than two hours to get into firing position at 1350yd. With just two torpedoes remaining, Munson is torn about which target to select, and sends a position report before firing one torpedo at each, gambling Coe (still nearby) will be able to finish the job; Munson's radioman hears S-39's "R" call before Radio Pearl's. Both torpedoes hit; both targets are stopped. Munson promptly begins shelling with his 3", to avoid mistaken identity in the dark.

S-39 appears on the scene at 01.21, exchanging greetings with S-38, then setting up on the targets, which have gotten boilers relit and are beginning to get underway again. Coe puts a stop to that with one bow tubes into the freighter and three into the tanker; all hit. The freighter (Suzuka Maru, 6228 tons) breaks in half, but the tanker merely stops again. Just after 01.30 on 4 April, two small destroyers are sighted steaming at high speed toward the stopped tanker; Coe & Munson clear the area at their best surfaced speed.

For this patrol, Munson is credited with three ships for 16,400 tons and damage to two for 7800 (postwar, 16367 tons, and damage to one for 3597 tons; the tanker is never identified). Coe gets credit for three ships of 9500 tons and damage to two for 8250 tons (postwar, 8968 tons, damage 3597 tons).

1 April, Withers details the tender Canopus to Suva, supporting S-boats of in Commodore Joseph A. Connolly's Submarine Squadron 16.


=========================================================================================

FYI, Mika Maru, Matsushita Maru, Nakajima Maru, & Suzuka Maru...:p
 
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You've got the Mackerels in play (a bit after where I am in-TL, yet), & I wouldn't do it before that anyhow.

I have a bit of a dogtoy to chew with this notion. Dave has set boundaries that I have to respect. I can take "some" OTL developments and push sideways a little, here and there to incorporate knowable and doable to the people at the time. The USN knew about Feretti, and so did the Dutch. Both navies will experiment a bit with his snort. We've since discussed shock wave, slams, sinusoidal poisoning, permanent nausea, carbon narcosis, and other medical issues, and the snort's mechanical technical problems and why it should not be widespread in US boats during the war, given what they find out (1945 and 1945 OTL), but I went ahead with the Mackerels anyway because I had a lessons prophesized Hart as an excuse.

In that light, looking for a retractable radar mast off the weigh before the end of *42 is really pushing the tech beyond realistic expectations. The carriers don't get their full suites that fast, and they are first in the queue. *43 and it will be a Navy yard backfit.

Even on OTL schedule, it'll be awhile: ONI has to find out & let English know, & the sets have to be designed, built, & delivered... What I meant was, it clearly has to be sooner than OTL--& with the changed conditions, it will be.

Our British friends were a tremendous help in many ways during the war with intelligence and with op-research, but in this one case, they let the US down. They did not tell us, they lost the secret of radar to the Japanese or to the Russians and it hurt the US badly. Nor did they exactly tell us how to defeat their systems, which the US had to figure out for herself. The British could have shaved off a year.

If that was true OTL, IJN DDs/escorts didn't use it very well at all... They also had a strong tendency not to prosecute to kill, or to believe one attack was fatal. (How much of that was a product of early war boats being rivetted, & so leaking oil readily, IDK.)

ITTL I don't expect Japanese ASW to be much different. Doctrine, not means, seems to have been the reason. Also, we can blame "fighter pilot" psychology for some of the poor reporting on ASW attack results. Even the flimsiest of evidence was accepted as proof of a dead sub. It was not just Japanese forces who reported false kills, either. The JANAC work post war looked at Japanese records and concluded that over reports were true for both sides of the periscope. This also appears to be true of Battle of the Atlantic reportage.

I'm not looking for radical improvement or drastically earlier introduction, just a reasonable acceleration based on a) better Japanese access & b) all boats being based at Pearl (so all the Force gets is sooner-than-OTL). It looks like you'll also need the Mackerels to be outfitted in the yard, or you put them at the wrong end of the supply pipeline...:eek: (That's another reason I wanted all boats out of SWPA.)

I don't anticipate too much trouble for Sublant Mackerels, but unless Australia has a sudden birth of shipbuilding, some of those SWP Mackerels will need layovers at Pearl and Bremerton for refits. ITTL or not, logistics is logistics and so is engineering and maintenance.

I was thinking much the same, except limiting to Mackerels/SWPA & using the big boats (as I PM'd) as "mother" ships.

I'm thinking a V-boat is pig enough in the dive. Do we want to add the top-weight?

I couldn't tell if they were live boats for exteriors or miniatures; they looked like S-boat silhouettes, not fleet boats, to my eye. The interiors would be modelled on real boats, but I'd guess they wouldn't be dead accurate even to S-boats (for security). Security issues also makes me wonder how much the Navy would allow Hollywood to show of the very latest stuff anyhow.

The postwar sub movies used mostly sets that were poor facsimiles and some external Gato shots. Some internal scenes in the WW II movies, "Destination Tokyo" for example, are real; but carefully shot to avoid sonar, the TDC, or the more sensitive parts of the conn and the torpedo room. External shots in that movie are S-boat or faked sets. You can tell the tank models and the real sub do not look like each other at all.
 
If the MN Surcouf is not sunk and is available for Allied usage in the Pacific then a extra-large sub like her would've made an excellent milk cow to resupply McPherson's Mackerels.
 
If the MN Surcouf is not sunk and is available for Allied usage in the Pacific then a extra-large sub like her would've made an excellent milk cow to resupply McPherson's Mackerels.
It would, also to shell small islands (Where there is no hope of quick air cover or ship response). She would also be good for unescorted convoy attacks under the same circumstances.

Or reconnisance with her float plane.

Problem she has is submergance time. It is something silly like 3 minutes isn't it?
 
Locations Of Warships Of The United States Navy
December 7, 1941


Submarines
SUBLANT


0........................Hull #......................Vessel Name..............Location.....................................ITTL Mackerel Class Replacement December 7, 1941

1........................SS-63.......................O2..............................New London, Conn........................SS(E)-204........................Mackerel
2........................SS-64.......................O3..............................New London, Conn........................SS(P)-205........................Marlin
3........................SS-65.......................O4..............................New London, Conn........................SS(P)-206........................Molly
4........................SS-67.......................O6..............................Portsmouth, N.H. (training)............SS(E)-207........................Madtom
5........................SS-68.......................O7..............................New London, Conn........................SS(M)-208........................Menhaden
6........................SS-69.......................O8..............................New London, Conn........................SS(E)-209........................Mako
7........................SS-71.......................O10............................New London, Conn........................SS(P)-210........................Masu
8........................SS-78.......................R1..............................New London, Conn........................SS(E)-211........................Medaka
9........................SS-79.......................R2...............................Key West, Fla...............................SS(E)-212........................Manta
10......................SS-81.......................R4...............................Key West, Fla...............................SS(M)-213........................Megala
11......................SS-82.......................R5..............................New London, Conn. (Overhaul).......SS(P)-214.........................Medusa (fitting out)
12......................SS-83.......................R6..............................New London, Conn. (Overhaul).......SS(M)-215........................Manefish (fitting out)
13......................SS-84.......................R7..............................Patrol off Atlantic Coast..................SS(P)-216........................Mola
14......................SS-86.......................R9..............................New London, Conn. (Overhaul)........SS(M)-217.......................Masu
15......................SS-87.......................R10............................Key West, Fla................................SS(P)-218........................Mirigal
16......................SS-88.......................R11............................Key West, Fla................................SS(E)-219........................Moonfish
17......................SS-89.......................R12............................New London, Conn.........................SS(E)-220........................Mahi Mahi
18......................SS-90.......................R13............................Key West, Fla................................SS(M)-221.......................Meluccid
19......................SS-91.......................R14............................Key West, Fla................................SS(E)-222........................Monkfish
20......................SS-92.......................R15............................New London, Conn.........................SS(E)-223........................Mudfish
21......................SS-93.......................R16............................At sea enroute Key West, Fla...........SS(P)-224........................Medaka
22......................SS-94.......................R17............................New London, Conn.........................SS(M)-225.......................Mudskipper
23......................SS-95.......................R18............................New London, Conn.........................SS(P)-226........................Modok
24......................SS-96.......................R19............................New London, Conn.........................SS(E)-227........................Mooneye
25......................SS-97.......................R20............................Key West, Fla................................SS(E)-228........................Mojar
26......................SS-105.....................S1..............................Philadelphia, Pa (to be scrapped).....SS(K)-229........................Morid

Notes: It had been the intention to replace the O and R classes with new construction since 1933, but the LNT and the depression had put a hold on the needed and long overdue replacements. The Mackerels being authorized in 1937 after the Japanese withdrew from the WNT and walking out of the LNC of 1936, you would think that these new boats would head immediately for the Pacific. However the USN in its wisdom, decided that the boats were, because of their peculiar operating characteristics and short range, best suited for the Atlantic coastal defense mission, they were ostensibly purchased to perform as O and R class replacements. Things did not go as planned however. Training, opfor exercises, the weather war and clandestine missions in Europe would keep fifteen of the Mackerels busy in Sublant; very busy in fact. The rest (all eleven of them and plenty more follow on war constructed boats), were going into the Pacific War along with about two hundred fifty Kaiserized fleet boats. The Japanese were going to be very unhappy.
 
THE BATTLE OF THE JAVA SEA (Part 1)

FEBRUARY 27

As the battered USS Langley was being towed by the equally damaged but operant USS Boise south to Darwin , the fate of Java was approaching its decision. The Japanese were already on Bali and it was probably from its airfield that the planes came to attack the seaplane tender and her light cruiser escort.

The Japanese lost no time in reinforcing that island. On February 24th a Japanese convoy sailed from Makassar, bound for Bali, where it arrived on the 25th. ABDAFLOAT Combined Strike Force (CSF) was not in a position to intercept these ships, so that the task fell to the ABDAFLOAT submarines. On the night of the 24th USS Salmon reported the convoy heading westward near the Paternoster Islands and also reported gunfire off the northeast coast of Sumbawa. There were no allied surface forces in the vicinity, so no-one knew what the heck prompted the Japanese shooting and no still does to the present. On the night of the 25th USS Seawolf saw a landing on the southeast coast of Bali and she made a dawn attack. The British submarine, Truant, also reported the enemy landing but apparently did not attack. USS Spearfish attacked two cruisers, hitting one, near Debril Rock and was very severely depth charged in return. The Japanese were now well established in Bali with only a narrow channel between them and Java and with an airfield within easy flying distance of Surabaya.

The chief threat to Java, however, was developing in the northeast. A large expedition was prepared in both Makassar Straits and in the Molucca Sea for a descent upon the northeast coast of Java. Simultaneously a second expedition was assembling near Banka for a landing on northwest Java, near Priok.

This was the situation when GEN Wavell, seeing his career headed on the rocks and getting out one horse ahead of the posse, left Java and ADM Conrad Helfrich took upon his shoulders the naval defense of the remnants of the Dutch East Indies.

ADM Helfrich set about his desperate task with boundless energy and courage, but he was handicapped by several factors. The turnback of USS Langley and USMV Sea Witch had cost him the needed fighter reinforcements he desperately needed for Java’s air defense. The eighty Warhawks lost to him probably could not have saved Java, but it might have made the desperate Battle of the Java Sea more endurable if the NEIAAF could have driven off the Japanese scout planes which constantly harassed Doorman’s surface action group (SAG). That was the reason Helfrich had ordered the USS Langley and USMV Seawitch with their cargoes of fighter planes to be diverted from their Ceylon-bound convoy to Java. In retrospect the futility of this order cannot be criticized, because it was still early in the war and the lessons of what Japanese “Rikko” units could do was as yet poorly understood, despite the disaster to the Royal Navy’s Force Y, where HMS Repulse and HMS Prince of Wales had been so recently dispatched. Helfrich, in a belated action that should have been undertaken earlier and much further north, ordered the few mines that the Dutch had left to be laid along the north coast, centering on Rembang. (It was certainly this hastily-lain poorly-charted and unknown to Doorman minefield that sank the British destroyer HMS Jupiter on the night of the 27th-28th; an easily avoidable loss IF the allied CSF had been told the minefield had been laid in the first place.) All available submarines were ordered into the Java Sea and were drawn into close-in defensive positions. The Dutch 0-19, K-8, K-10, the United State’s S-37 and S-38, and the British Truant were able to arrive at once. The S-37 was assigned patrol between the western entrance to Surabaja and Bawean. Truant was assigned a patrol northwest of Surabaya, near the 112th meridian, K-10 was sent north of Madera, and the remaining submarines were stationed as follows:

O-19 latitude 06°13' S., longitude 112°00' E.

S-38 latitude 06°20' S., longitude 112°41' E.

K-8 latitude 06°14' S., longitude 113°08' E.

American submarine experience, since the invasion of the Philippines, indicated the difficulty of attacking the Japanese unless really close-in. The movement further had the effect of depriving ABDAFLOAT of scouting information from ABDAFLOAT submarines so wrongly deployed off the threat axis. It seemed unlikely that with these bungled dispositions that ABDAFLOAT submarines could contact or attack the Japanese convoys.

An ad-hoc western SAG was formed at Priok, chiefly of British ships withdrawn from Indian Ocean convoy duty. Five of these were ordered to Surabaya to reinforce ADM Doorman's eastern CSF/SAG, but the rest remained in the west to meet the enemy force gathering at Banka. These were the British light cruisers HMS Dragon and HMS Danae, the Australian HMAS Hobart and the British destroyers HMS Tenedos and HMS Scout.

On the 26th an NEIAAF reconnaissance plane reported a fleet of 20 transports protected by cruisers and destroyers near the east coast of Sumatra, about 100 miles north of Batavia. That night (February 26th-27th) the western SAG made a sweep near Banka Strait without any contact, and fruitlessly returned to Priok on the 27th. That port had for some time been subjected to daily bombings. The fuel situation was acute, and the British were anxious to remove their ships. ADM Helfrich at first intended to send these vessels to Tjilatjap, but consented to their sailing for Ceylon on the 27th. Their presence could not have tipped the odds, it is fortunate that they were not present to be caught in the final holocaust.

It was the attempt to stop the major Japanese convoy coming in from the northeast that led to the Battle of the Java Sea.

The Eastern or Combined Strike Fleet (CSF) was based on Surabaya, where its exposed position was highly precarious. The port was subjected to daily bombings, so that ABDAFLOAT ships had to keep to sea during the day, and, since a night landing was to be expected, they had to be active through the night. Thus Doorman’s surface action group (SAG) was composed of ships, crewed by men, who entered the battle, when it came, without proper rest after days of work and stress. Neither could ABDAFLOAT ships fuel properly in Surabaya, for the fuel lines to the docks had been sabotaged.

These were not the only difficulties faced by Admiral Doorman's fleet. It was composed of ships of four nations which had not the opportunity of joint training or of working out common tactical doctrines. The current Dutch doctrine of melee combat and attack at all costs presaged an ill-considered plan of battle, which neither the British nor the American commanders (ADM Glasford in particular), for which had much stomach , their own preference being to withdraw to Australia with every ABDAFLOAT vessel that could be salved and sortied to form the nucleus of an Allied force to defend that continental nation and to strike back at the overextended Japanese as the opportunities presented. Nevertheless when challenged on this point and on his honor, ADM Glassford, cooly told Conrad Helfrich; “You are foolish to ignore my advice, admiral, to save what you can and fight another day; but if you intend to fight here at Java, the United States Navy will be here with you. We don’t run.”

Communication amongst Doorman’s fleet was inadequate and broke down completely during the battle. Talk Between Ships was carried on between the British and Americans by Aldis Lamp or UHF in plain-spoken English, by American ships among themselves by IR phone in Able Baker, or by Dutch high-frequency radio to the Houston, which relayed the mangled translated Dutch orders to US destroyers. LT(s.g.) Otto Kolb, a Dutch speaker of sorts and the communications officer for Commander DesRon 29, was on board the De Ruyter with Doorman. His herculean work made this impractical system possible. He said "There were no common flag signals books that any of the navies shared or flag signal books to learn in the time available, so as a stopgap, we used the common Lloyds merchant flag signal, or the International Common Flag Signal System as it is also known, as a substitution. Trouble is, nobody in the United States Navy is that well versed in this system. If there was any tactical plans, pre-battle, save of a most rudimentary nature, that is ‘Form a line and follow me.’; Doorman sure did not bother to tell me or any of his other allied staff officers about it.”

On February 25th General MacArthur’s headquarters warned Helfrich that on the 20th nearly 100 Japanese ships had assembled at Jolo. The same day (25th) an USNAS reconnaissance plane reported about 80 ships (evidently the same force) on a southerly course in the Strait of Makassar. Unfortunately the reporting plane was attacked and splashed before it could transmit further details.

On the 25th it was learned also that a small force of the enemy had landed on the Bawean Islands, less than 100 miles north of the entrance to Surabaya. The S-38 was ordered to bombard the position and did so effectively, firing her entire supply of 4-inch ammunition into it, with the radio station as her primary target. The night of the 25th Admiral Doorman with the Dutch ships, the USS Houston, and five American destroyers, made a sweep east along the north coast of Madera in the hope of intercepting the transports reported near the Bawean Islands. No contact was made and he returned to port the following morning.

The main enemy force was located on the 26th. It came through Makassar Strait and was on a southwesterly course near the Arends Islands (off the southeast coast of Borneo). The southwesterly course suggested that the landing might be attempted west of Toeban, rather than on Madera as the Dutch high command anticipated. This quickly showed that Helfrich’s ordered submarine concentration northeast of Madera was out of position as Glassford had acidly commented on the 20th it would be, so now heeding Glassford’s advice that night (It must be remarked, that Doorman had told Helfrich that very same thing on that same date of the 20th; but Helfrich would not listen to him, either.) that a few were shifted in order to keep a strong force between the Bawean and Karimoen Djawa Islands. As a further precaution three Dutch motor torpedo boats were stationed off Toeban and three off Madera. It was this approach of the enemy convoy which led to the decision to bring the Langley into Tjilatjap by daylight for emergency repairs in spite of the risk involved.

ADM Doorman was informed that at 1155 (Java Time, Zone -7½) an enemy force consisting of thirty transports protected by two cruisers and four destroyers was at position 04°50' S., 114°20' E., course 240° T., speed 10 knots. "You are directed to proceed to sea, attack after dark, then retire toward Tandjong Priok." Subsequently to these instructions was added: "You must continue attacks until the enemy is destroyed." If those orders were not insane by this date, then someone better explain what insanity meant to Helfrich.

The British vessels from Priok arrived at Surabaya on the 26th, so that ADM Doorman's SAG now consisted of the Dutch light cruisers HNMS De Ruyter (his flag) and Java, the American heavy cruiser USS Houston, the British heavy cruiser HMS Exeter and the Australian light HMAS Perth. These were supported by the two Dutch destroyers Kortenaer and Witte de With, the British destroyers Jupiter, Electra and Encounter, and five American destroyers, J. D. Edwards, Alden, Ford, Pope and Paul Jones now constituting DesRon 29.

The Houston's after turret had a big dent in it as a result of the dud bomb hit early in the month. It would give her trouble in train. She had been on convoy duty but had been sent from Darwin to Java just in time to escape the bombing of the Australian port in which the USS Peary was lost. She arrived at Tjilatjap on the 21st and sailed the next day via Sunda Strait with Paul Jones and Alden. The three ships joined Doorman at Surabaya on the 24th.

Five destroyers were all that the USN could contribute to the CSF. The USS Peary had been sunk at Darwin. The Stewart, after being hit in the Bali raid, had been put into drydock at Surabaya. Due to incompetent blocking she rolled over and damaged both herself and the dock. Japanese bombs inflicted further damage, so that she was a write off. USS Barker and USS Bulmer, damaged in the Gaspar Strait bombing, were enroute to Australia with the USS Black Hawk. USS Whipple, which rescued survivors of the USMV Pecos, had been damaged in a collision with the hapless HNMS De Ruyter, which left her unfit for duty. The USS Edsall had dropped a depth charge on the Japanese I-boat she rammed at the same time and killed and was leaking badly as a result. USS Pillsbury and USS Parrott after participating in the Bali raid had been withdrawn from the striking force in urgent need of overhaul. Thus eight of of the original thirteen Rumpot Navy (Asiatic Fleet) destroyers could not be with Doorman’s SAG.

USS Ford and USS Pope, arriving at Tjilatjap after the Bali raid, were sent to sea to meet the USS Black Hawk and receive her seventeen Mark VIII torpedoes-all that remained for US destroyers to use in ABDAFLOAT. They arrived in Surabaya on the 24th and distributed their torpedoes in time to the other American four stackers for the Java Sea Battle. However, USS Pope was leaking badly in the hot-well, and the necessity for welding this hole shut prevented her taking part in the engagement on the 27th.

After receiving news of the position of the enemy convoy on the 26th ADM Doorman held a conference in the afternoon at which it was decided to make another sweep to the eastward north of Madera Island and then to proceed toward Batavia. "In case of contact British and Dutch destroyers were to attack at once and retire, then cruisers attack and retire, then United States destroyers come in and deliver a final torpedo attack." At least the battle plan, proclaimed, was now a little more refined than “Follow me and attack.” Retirement was to be toward Priok.

The reason Doorman planned this sweep to the east is not entirely clear down to the present. Perhaps ADM Doorman expected that the Japanese would attempt a landing that night along the north coast of Madera or Java. Probably he feared that if he turned north to search for and attack the convoy directly he might miss it altogether and arrive too late at the scene of the landing. As it turned out, the transports milled around in confusion near the Bawean Islands for two days before attempting to come in. The Japanese had shown similar inexplicable confusion at other points in their advance into the Indies. Only post-war, now that we have their records, do we understand that even they did not know what they were doing from hour to hour as Imperial Japanese Army and Navy commanders bickered among themselves over orders and responsibilities during these so-called combined operations.

Doorman requested to be informed promptly of any reconnaissance reports which might come into Bandung, ADM Doorman led his squadron out of Surabaya on the evening of the 26th. His exit was somewhat delayed by the hapless De Ruyter colliding with and sinking a tug and a water barge. (Now that explains the USS Whipple does it not?) Sometime after 1900 he received a report that a Dutch Dornier flying boat on reconnaissance near the Bawean Islands had been fired upon by two Japanese cruiser float planes.

A much more significant item of information did not reach Admiral Doorman until very much later. At 1830 that evening, about the time that his SAG was coming out of the Westervaarwater, two USAAF A-20 Havocs attacked the Japanese convoy northeast of Bawean Islands. Their position report was not relayed to the Commandant of the Surabaya Naval District till 2200, after which it was relayed to Doorman. By the time he received this information, Doorman was near Sapudi Strait, which he had set as the eastern limit to his sweep. Upon reaching it at 0130 on the 27th, he turned westward.

By morning of the 27th the SAG was not far outside Surabaya. At 0858 three planes flying high and fast dropped three bombs near HMS Jupiter and missed. A little later the USS Houston opened fire on another plane and shot it down. No more bombs were dropped, but it appeared that the enemy tracked Doorman’s movements closely. Doorman reported this incident to the High Command. Helfrich ordered in response, "Notwithstanding the air attack you are to proceed eastward to search for and attack the enemy." To this lunacy Admiral Doorman replied sarcastically, "Was proceeding eastwards after search from Sapudi to Rembang. Success of any action depends absolutely on getting good reconnaissance information in time, which last night failed me. Destroyers will have to refuel tomorrow."

During the forenoon Doorman’s ships swept west to Mandalika. At 1240 Admiral Doorman reported, "Personnel have this forenoon reached the point of exhaustion." In the early afternoon his ships retired to Surabaya to lie behind the mine fields. The destroyers, especially the American ones needed fuel, the men rest, and ADM Doorman more recent information as to the enemy’s position. Only this last need was filled. (If one reads ADM Hart’s critique of the battle, he states: “the waste of aerial reconnaissance assets prior to the battle is lamentable, the mis-positioning of the submarines inexplicable, but sending the Combined Strike Fleet to sea: twice; to conduct fruitless searches, wore out ships and men and burned up two sorties worth of precious fuel oil Doorman could ill afford to waste; that decision was criminally irresponsible for and by the commander who ordered it. Implicit in Hart’s commentary is not an indictment of Doorman. [That comes later.] It was ADM Helfrich who made those decisions.)

"By 1700 local time on the 27th the enemy force constitution, objectives, and positions had been developed with reasonable accuracy," says ADM Glassford. "We knew that a convoy of thirty nine to forty-five transports, escorted by two or three cruisers and eight to twelve destroyers, was in a position approximately twenty miles west of Bawean Island, sixty miles north of the west entrance to Surabaya. It was established furthermore that a strong covering force was then thirty five to forty miles southwest of Bawean. This information was developed by the British cruiser Exeter, and the destroyers Jupiter, and Electra, now joining Doorman from the West Java Sea.“

"The Exeter reported one enemy cruiser and four destroyers in this locality, and later three cruisers and four destroyers. The Electra reported two battleships (I think really heavy cruisers), one cruiser, and six destroyers; and later one cruiser and a large number of individual ships. The Jupiter made one report of scattered forces consisting of four cruisers and fourteen destroyers.“

"Apparently the British were blindly reporting an elephant to Doorman, because it was all the same force in two parallel columns. The two groups of the enemy, namely the convoy plus escort and the covering force to the southward of the convoy, were now fairly well plotted and developed by early evening of the 27th no thanks to Helfrich or any assistance he “provided”.” concludes ADM Glassford.

Upon first receipt of this additional information about 1500 ADM Doorman turned his squadron around in the channel of the mine field; the one which his ships did not know about and were just entering and signaled: "Am proceeding to intercept enemy unit. Follow me. Details later." So the ABDAFLOAT CSF/SAG sortied for its third and last; fatal time.

End of Part 1.
 
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Part 2.

A comment about the historiography: (RTL or ITTL)

It is difficult to describe this battle accurately, for gaps in our information still exist which cannot now ever be filled. Most of the principle vessels engaged on both sides did not survive to leave a detailed report for archivists to catalog for historians to peruse analyze, debate or argue until some semblance of consensus truth can be reached. Our knowledge of the engagement comes largely from the American destroyers, which alone of all the Allied ships engaged escaped afterwards. While their reports are excellent, they did not at times have a complete view of the battle. Being out of communication with Admiral Doorman, US destroyer commanders had no means of knowing upon what information he was acting or what his intentions were. Finally, American destroyers were not present after 2100 and our information for this portion of the battle is derived chiefly from Dutch and Japanese postwar sources; which unfortunately are the clouded memories of survivors who may not have been first party or prime witnesses to certain key events.

(Please understand that while the summary of the battle is more and less true to RTL events, for ITTL purposes some liberties have been taken with historical facts to illustrate the small butterflies at work. The Allies do slightly better and the Japanese a lot worse as they should have, considering it was Shoji Nishimura and Takeo Takagi who lucked out at the end after their miserable opening performance at the first encounters. 1900 heavy caliber shells fired and only 18 hits. 153 Type 93 and year 8 torpedoes launched and only 5 hits. THIS is the Japanese Navy that was the terror of the Pacific?)

The Battle of Java Sea

Contact with the enemy.

Doorman’s squadron stood out of Surabaya on a northwest course riding a sea made choppy by a fifteen knot wind from the east. Visibility remained unlimited until evening. The enemy was on the watch and his planes picked up Doorman’s sortie at once. At 1530 USS Houston opened fire at planes nearly overhead, knocking her second one down and the CSF ships scattered. There was some overcast, so that the planes were not seen until almost too late as they made their runs, but a minute after spotting them several heavy bombs fell 5,000 yards astern. Admiral Doorman immediately requested fighter protection but it could not be spared. The Dutch NEIAAF air force commander of Surabaya required his eight remaining Brewster Buffaloes to escort the four dive bombers which he was shortly to send to make a suicidal attack on the Japanese invasion convoy. The Japanese made no further air attacks and the CSF column reformed on course 320°, speed eighteen knots.

The CSF cruisers were in column formation with De Ruyter in the lead, followed by Exeter, Houston, Perth, and Java in that order. The British destroyer Electra was at the head of the column, with Jupiter to the starboard and Encounter to the port of the De Ruyter. The four American destroyers present were in column astern, with the two Dutch destroyers about 4,000 yards to port of Edwards. The Dutch destroyers were endeavoring to work up to the van of the formation, where they belonged, but boiler trouble limited Kortenaer to about twenty four knots and they were having little success. The American destroyers were laboring under contradictory orders. Their assigned position was on the disengaged bow of the cruisers, but at the same time they were under orders not to pass ahead of the Dutch destroyers. As a matter of fact, the Americans, too, had little speed to spare. With their old machinery, leaky condensers and fouled bottoms they had all they could do to keep up with the cruisers through the ensuing engagement.

At about 1600 the British destroyers sent contact reports back through the line which reached the Edwards, one which mentioned two battleships. At 1611 the American destroyers sighted the enemy ships bearing between 315° and 340°, which put them only a few points on their starboard bow. The DesRon 29 ships went to general quarters and increased speed to 24 knots. Evidently Doorman had blundered into the enemy's covering force, which was known to lie between his squadron and the convoy, which was his actual objective.

The composition of the enemy force was not immediately determined with complete accuracy. The battle opened as the captain of the Edwards reported afterwards; "at extreme range of visibility," and “later smoke obscured the view, but it appears that we had to deal with from four to seven cruisers and two heavier ships described as battleships of either the Kongo or Ise class. Possibly these latter were in fact heavy cruisers. The other cruisers are variously described: there were two or three heavy cruisers of the Nati class, or possibly of the Atago class, which is quite similar. Most accounts agree that there were also present two or three light cruisers of the Sendai class. Lt. Comdr. Lewis E. Coley of the Alden said “Nati class cruisers led the enemy line while some of the Kako class brought up the rear.” He remarks that "the latter must have suffered heavy damage." These were accompanied by thirteen destroyers in two flotillas of either seven and six or eight and five ships respectively. When first sighted these enemy cruisers were to the northwest of our force, while the two heavy ships were considerably farther east. The latter gradually came in and closed the range all through the battle.

Note: Eyewitness accounts quoted here show how disorienting combat can be, even to highly trained participants. The number of Japanese cruisers seen or reported; jumps all over the range from two to seven, the types are misidentified and subsequent interrogation of Japanese survivors confirms that there were no Japanese battleships present at all. Remarkably however, the US destroyer men were accurate about the Japanese destroyers seen as to numbers and types. This is unusual.

The enemy opened fire at 1616. Doorman’s cruisers changed course to about 290° and replied a minute or two later, the Houston or Exeter first, followed shortly by the De Ruyter and Perth. On the Dutch destroyers it was reported by their survivors that the Java too opened fire at this time. As the range was approximately 30,000 yards it seems doubtful that the 5.9 and 6-inch guns of the light cruisers were effective in the early stages of the action. As enemy shells began to come near the CSF ships, Jupiter and Electra, which had come under fire from a Sendai class cruiser, left their exposed position for the disengaged side of Doorman’s cruiser line. The former took a station abeam the main body, or about 800 yards on the port bow of the USS Edwards.

The two cruiser columns moved on roughly parallel courses in a westerly or northwesterly direction with the Japanese vessels somewhat ahead of the CSF/SAG. From time to time Doorman’s cruisers turned either toward or away from the enemy as seen from the Edwards, but it appears that in general the range diminished. Japanese fire was deemed sloppy and poorly directed, though they had the advantage of a seaplane overhead to spot for them. Six- and eight-inch splashes appeared around the allied cruisers. In this early stage the De Ruyter and Houston appeared to be the ones drawing the brunt of the battle. At 1622 the first enemy salvo landed about 1,000 yards over the De Ruyter. At 1629 a salvo missed that ship astern as did a second salvo a minute later. In another minute she appeared to be hit, by a ricochet off the water though not seriously. The splashes that fell short of the Houston appeared to be from 6-inch shells, although the two hits she received during the battle were 8-inch. Shells were soon falling within a few yards of the Exeter. Lt. Comdr. Jacob E. Cooper of the USS Ford remarks; “About every other Japanese salvo aimed at Houston was astern or shot off track. Those clowns never went to gunnery school. The spread of the salvos was very small despite the misses. Our ships escaped serious damage probably because, owing to the great range, the shells came down almost perpendicularly and the Japanese did not appear to have the clocking to adjust for that type of plunging fire.”

Meanwhile the American destroyers had worked up to a position about 3,000 yards on the disengaged quarter of the Java. In order to avoid being pocketed along the Java shore they stayed as close to the cruiser column as they dared. They kept the splashes of the overs fired at the Java and Houston about 1,000 yards on the starboard bow of the Edwards, leading the destroyer column now, but occasional ricochet shells came danger close. Several large splashes were seen on the port bow of the Edwards, "apparently from single gun salvos of a battleship."

Lousy as was the Japanese fire, Doorman’s cruisers were doing little better. ADM Helfrich, who was not even there, so how would he know?; claims that the Houston was firing five or six salvos a minute, while the De Ruyter was also maintaining a high rate of fire. In the early stages of the battle most of the shells were falling around two large Japanese cruisers, but one of the British six-inch cruisers was sending up splashes around an enemy destroyer. Doorman does not appear to have had any plan of fire distribution, but since the enemy ships were somewhat ahead of his and the allied heavy cruisers were near the middle of the CSF column as the Edwards saw them; it seems that they were probably firing on the rear of the Japanese column. "At 1634 enemy gunfire appeared to decrease considerably, and at 1635, plainly visible from Alden's bridge a huge explosion took place aboard the next to last enemy cruiser in line and a column of smoke about three hundred feet high rose into the air. She was seen to stagger out of line on fire shortly thereafter." LTCDR Cooper of the Ford says that "during this time two columns of smoke were observed which appeared to be hits on the enemy by our main body."

It was perhaps to cover their crippled cruisers and force the CSF line to open the range that the Japanese made a torpedo attack at 1634. Apparently it came from the direction of the enemy cruiser column now about 28,000 yards distant, bearing 325° T. But there is another possibility. While Doorman’s cruisers were engaged in their gun duel, eight Japanese destroyers were observed laying a smoke screen across the horizon bearing about 295°. As Doorman’s ships were then on course 290° this meant that the enemy destroyers were almost ahead of his line some 24,000 yards distant. This destroyer attack was repulsed by gunfire, Perth hitting and possibly sinking an enemy destroyer. The circumstances suggests that the torpedo attack must have come from the vicinity of the enemy cruisers, for Perth, near the rear of our column, could scarcely have hit a destroyer 24,000 yards ahead. Also, it appears that the Japanese purpose was to protect their cruisers by driving Doorman to greater range, and to accomplish this the torpedo attack must have come from the north. And if that is the case, then the Japanese had some incredibly long ranged torpedoes or they were crazy.

Retreat to the South: "Exeter" damaged, "Kortenaer" sunk

Apparently this battle continued for several minutes with the cruisers in parallel columns. At approximately 1645 NEIAAF planes from Java attacked the enemy. The planes themselves could not be seen, but the geysers sent up by their bombs could be distinguished from the splashes of the shells from our cruisers. Sometime between 1645 and 1655 the Java was hit by an eight inch shell, and immediately afterwards Doorman’s cruisers were seen to turn by simultaneous movements to the left/port. This falling away to the southwest may have been to open the range, as one-gun salvos from the "battleships" continued to fall close astern of the Java, but it seems more likely that Doorman’s ships turned to avoid torpedoes launched on their starboard bow.

Situation at 1655

During the next half hour numerous Japanese torpedoes were seen. Some were undoubtedly launched by the enemy cruisers or destroyers, but it seems clear that Doorman believed he had come upon an enemy submarine group, too. At 1650 Jupiter turned sharply to starboard across the bow of Edwards, signaling "torpedo," and a few minutes later a torpedo passed astern of Edwards, between her and Ford. (At this time the American destroyers were still in column on a west-northwest course, while Doorman’s cruisers were coming toward them on a southwesterly course. About 1658 torpedoes were reported on the Edwards' port quarter. Two minutes later a "huge geyser of water resembling a torpedo explosion" shot up in the same vicinity. With it went debris and "two large pieces of metal observed falling end over end." There were no surface ships near the spot, so that it appeared that the enemy torpedo had hit something in the water broken apart and the warhead detonated. If true, that implied not only long ranged Japanese torpedoes, but HUGE ones

After holding a southwesterly course for only a few minutes Doorman’s cruisers again (at 1706) reformed their column on a course of about 290° and renewed the action. Almost at once the USS Houston scored a hit on the stern of the foremost Japanese cruiser. It was perhaps about this time that the Houston received an answering 8-inch hit in the engine room and slowed for a moment. However, the dud shell did not explode and she was soon able to resume speed.

At about 1710 3 additional enemy cruisers and several destroyers were seen over the horizon on the American destroyers’ starboard bow. At about the same time the two enemy destroyer flotillas of the force with which Doorman’s cruisers were already engaged made an attack. While Doorman’s cruisers were maneuvering to avoid more Japanese torpedoes the Exeter was hit in a boiler room by an eight-inch shell. It killed fourteen men and cut out six of her eight boilers, reducing her speed first to about twenty knots, then to about fifteen knots. At about the same time-it is not clear whether it was just before or after the Exeter was hit-Doorman’s cruisers were seen to turn by individual movements to the south. As his ships turned south the De Ruyter lagged behind to close the enemy, whose cruisers had turned behind a smoke screen and were moving toward Doorman’s line behind their attacking destroyers. Doorman’s cruisers opened a concentrated fire and the destroyers were driven back, but not before the De Ruyter had sunk one of them.

From the Ford, now on a southerly course, a Japanese torpedo was seen on the port quarter, overtaking and converging on the destroyer at about a 20° angle. Skillful maneuvering avoided the danger. At about the same time Edwards put her rudder hard left to avoid a torpedo ahead, and several torpedoes surfaced in the vicinity of our destroyers. The Kortenaer, which was about 700 yards to starboard of the Edwards, was caught in the starboard quarter at 1713 by a torpedo which came from behind. There was a "heavy, whitish explosion flinging debris 100 feet in the air. She heeled way over and yawed 90° to the right. She poised momentarily and then turned turtle and folded up like a jackknife so that bow and stern came together. The stern end sank at once and the bow within fifty seconds of the original explosion. Men were blown high in the air and several jumped into the water or scrambled up her side as she heeled over. No survivors could be seen in the water."

The torpedo, which sank the Kortenaer, like the one dodged by Ford, came from the north; that is, from the direction of the enemy battle line. But others, like the one avoided by the Edwards, came from the west. The danger continued for several minutes. At 1721 a submarine was allegedly sighted to port of the Edwards and shortly afterward a torpedo was seen coming from the same direction.

It was apparently after the sinking of the Kortenaer that the Exeter slowed seriously and Doorman’s formation fell into confusion. The enemy closed in from the north to take advantage of the situation. Commander Eccles of the Edwards remarks, "It appeared that the striking force had suffered heavy damage and that the enemy was pushing home an attack to drive us east." A diagram accompanying the Alden report tends to confirm this, but one accompanying the Edwards report shows the enemy cruisers and "battleships" working around to the east of Doorman’s SAG. Since the Japanese convoy lay to the northeast, this would have been a logical maneuver. Moreover, the coast of Java, to which Doorman’s squadron were quite close at this time, runs northwest in this region, so that by driving his ships west the Japanese might have pocketed his force along the shore, exactly the same way that ADM Schley trapped ADM Cervera at the Battle of Santiago de Cuba in 1898.

Doorman’s column reforms.

But Doorman’s confusion did not last long. While the American destroyers laid smoke to cover his cruisers Admiral Doorman reformed his column. At 1726 he signaled for all ships to follow the De Ruyter, and the other cruisers, minus the Exeter, fell in behind him. Perth, followed by Electra and Encounter, delayed only long enough to dash between the Exeter and the advancing enemy line to cover the crippled cruiser with smoke, after which she fell in behind the others. The Exeter started to withdraw slowly to the south. At this point there was another heavy explosion two thousand yards on the Edwards' starboard bow. Several torpedo tracks were seen from Witte de With, and a torpedo exploded to starboard, then another to port, as they finished their runs. The Dutch destroyer dropped several depth charges, indicating that submarines were in the vicinity.

Note: This is the first indication (ITTL) to the USN that the still mysterious and unknown Type 93 torpedo soon to become infamous as the “Long Lance” was every bit as defective as the ITTL Mark XIV and XV had been before the corrective measures taken by the Torpedo Board.

The enemy, however, was pressing his advantage and was sending in his destroyers to finish off the Exeter. Only the British destroyers were in a position to intercept them. About 1730 the De Ruyter signaled "Counterattack." Electra hoisted "TOR I" and entered the smoke to attack. As she swung to starboard she met three enemy destroyers coming toward her through the smoke. All four Japanese destroyers opened fire. Electra scored four hits on one of the Japanese ships, but was herself badly hit in return. One shell entered her boiler room, while another demolished her steering engine. She stopped and lay helpless. The lead destroyer she had hit turned away and broke off the engagement, but the remaining two poured shell after shell into the British destroyer, coming so close that even their machine guns could be used. Many survivors of the Electra were wounded in the water.

Counter Attack by British Destroyers

Jupiter followed Electra into the thick smoke. By the time she reached the spot where her sister ship had last been seen, the Electra had disappeared and Jupiter found only two enemy destroyers, now apparently starting an attack on the Exeter. Jupiter opened fire and the two Japanese ships turned away and disappeared in the smoke and the failing light.

The Exeter, which had had her guns trained to port on the approaching Japanese cruisers, now turned them to starboard and opened fire on the Sendai class cruiser which was supporting the destroyer attack. The Japanese ship promptly turned away and disappeared in the smoke.

Witte de With, which was ordered by Admiral Doorman to escort the Exeter to Surabaja, now saw on her starboard quarter a Japanese destroyer engaging one of the British destroyers and opened fire. The Japanese ship shifted her fire from the British to the Dutch destroyer. In the brief exchange which followed, Witte de With scored two hits before her opponent turned away. Witte de With was not hit, but she suffered extensive damage when one of her own depth charges fell overboard and exploded close astern.

The American destroyers apparently did not participate in this counterattack. At 1728 they had started laying a smoke screen to protect the other cruisers and probably were not in a position to meet this attack which seems to have been aimed at exclusively at the Exeter.

Doorman meanwhile had gathered his cruisers into column on a southeasterly course, then turned north toward the enemy to renew the engagement. Probably his object was to draw the Japanese away from the Exeter. As he was making this turn (about 1745), our cruisers opened fire with their antiaircraft batteries and a stick of bombs fell 1,000 yards to port of the American destroyers. Five minutes later two more sticks fell near the American ships without doing any damage. Furthermore, splashes from enemy 6-inch shells were drawing close and were straddling just astern of the Edwards. Torpedo tracks were seen now and again.

Doorman’s cruisers had emerged from the drifting smoke and were again slinging shells at the enemy at a range of about eighteen thousand yards. The captain of the Edwards noted in his action log; "Their fire was particularly effective, as hits were seen on one of the enemy battleships and two fires were noted on one of the enemy cruisers. These did not appear to have been brought under control as long as we could see them."

The De Ruyter's short-wave radio had been damaged and hand signal lamps were the only means by which Admiral Doorman could communicate with his force. On board the Houston, too, the infrared T. B. S. upon which our destroyers relied for communication, had cut out. As one of our destroyer commanders remarks, “henceforward the crystal ball was our only method of anticipating the intention of Commander Combined Striking Force."

At 1806 a signal came by flashing light from the De Ruyter to commander DesRon 29: "Counterattack." The American destroyers were preparing to carry out this order when Admiral Doorman signaled, "Cancel counterattack." and then "Make smoke." The American destroyers again laid smoke to cover the retirement of the Exeter and to cover Doorman’s cruiser column. While they were thus engaged Admiral Doorman signaled, "Cover my retirement."

The reason for this order, when Doorman’s cruisers were more than holding their own, is not entirely clear, but it appears that Admiral Doorman was anxious to break off the engagement in order to go after his real objective, the enemy transports. It was now growing dark and visibility had decreased to about fifteen nautical miles, so that he might be able to slip into the convoy under cover of darkness.

When they received this order the four American destroyers were between Doorman’s cruiser line and the enemy. To CDR. Binford a torpedo attack seemed the most effective means of covering Doorman’s retirement. Breaking out of the smoke they had just laid, the American destroyer men saw the Japanese battle line some 22,000 yards distant on the starboard bow. They closed the range to 8,000 or 9,000 yards before firing their starboard torpedo broadside at 1822. The enemy cruisers attempted to stop them by gunfire, but their shells were falling about eight hundred yards short. As DesRon 29’s first torpedoes hit the water there was a large explosion on "the right hand" enemy ship, apparently the result of Doorman’s cruisers' gunfire. The American destroyers then turned by a column movement and fired their port torpedoes at 1827. Lt. Comdr. Coley of the Alden remarks that at this time "the rear ship of the enemy column appeared to be on fire aft, and the one ahead of her to have a fire in her high forward turret or superstructure." As for the torpedo attack, it seems that of the sixteen torpedoes DesRon 29 fired, possibly only four hit. Probably the rearmost two Japanese ships were the victims.

At 1831 there was a signal from the De Ruyter, "Follow me." DesRon 29’s destroyers turned under cover of their own smoke, crossed past the stern of Doorman’s cruiser column and took a position on their disengaged quarter on a course between east and northeast. Comdr. Binford reported to ADM Doorman that all torpedoes aboard his ships had been expended.

Torpedo Attack by United States Destroyers

This torpedo attack had been made at a longer range than doctrine called for with the object of forcing the enemy to turn back. In this it was successful, for "immediately after our torpedo attack the two Japanese heavy cruisers turned by column movement to the north." LTCDR Coley remarks, "It is definitely considered that the Exeter was saved by this attack." It was too much to hope for any sinking hits at the distance at which the Mark VIII torpedoes were fired, and yet about 1830, approximately 10 minutes after our starboard broadside, one large explosion and then another was seen in the Japanese battle line and it seemed very probable that our torpedoes had found their marks.”

Thrust to the north.

“Within a few minutes the opening range and poor visibility forced an end to the cruiser gun action as Doorman moved off on a northeasterly course. DesRon 29’s destroyers trailed as rearguard. Darkness quickly set in and we followed the main body as best we could endeavoring to regain station, and having not the slightest idea as to his [Doorman's McP.] plans and still only a vague idea to what the enemy was doing."

The withdrawal of the enemy was at once reported to Admiral Helfrich by Admiral Doorman, who at the same time asked for further information as to the location of the enemy transports. This request indicates that he had not received the 1805 report. It is possible that it was again sent to him in reply, for he changed course to lead his ships to the northwest toward this last reported position of the convoy. But the men in DesRon 29’s destroyers could only guess his intention. "There were no more signals and no one could tell what the next move would be. Attempts were made to communicate again with Houston and De Ruyter with no results." LTCDR Coley remembers.

If Admiral Doorman hoped to avoid the enemy cruisers in this thrust at the transports he was disappointed. Japanese planes followed his course with flares lighting his way, thus eliminating any chance of a surprise attack, and the CSF/SAG made intermittent contacts with enemy warships during the entire run. At 1902, while Doorman’s force was on a course of 290°, enemy ships, perhaps the ones with which he had just broken off the first engagement, were observed on bearing 240°.66 The allied SAG changed course to the north. At 1912 the Japanese were reported bearing 212° T. from Doorman’s cruiser line and gunfire was seen again.

Doorman’s ships pulled away and again lost contact with the enemy for several minutes, but about 1930 planes dropped eight green parachute flares over his column, apparently to mark its position for their cruisers. Four ships now appeared on the CSF/SAG’s port bow, bearing about 300° T. It seems scarcely possible that this was the same group encountered a few minutes earlier. It may be that Doorman’s previous contacts had been with a covering force while this last was possibly with a screening force close to the convoy. The De Ruyter signaled, "Target to port." Doorman’s cruisers sent over a few star shells and opened fire. The engagement was brisk but lasted only a few minutes. ADM Doorman's objective was the convoy and he was probably not anxious to reengage enemy warships. When flashes in the enemy's direction indicated that the Japanese were firing torpedoes Doorman’s column turned away to the east, and soon afterward a succession of small changes of course brought him again toward the south.

Why Admiral Doorman so easily abandoned this attempt to reach the convoy is not clear. To the men on the American destroyers, struggling at full speed to keep their position, it appeared that he was retiring to Surabaya. Actually his intention, as it subsequently appears now, was either to sweep westward along the north coast of Java to intercept an enemy landing, or to attempt to get around the enemy covering force to the southward.

About the time the CSF/SAG turned back to the south, RADM Pieter Koenraad, Commandant of the Surabaya Naval District, finally received a complete report from a USAAF bomber crew which had attacked the convoy that evening at 1700. At that time there were forty five transports, three cruisers, and twelve destroyers on a westerly course twenty miles west of Bawean. This was approximately the same position in which they had been found at about 1350 that afternoon. The news was forwarded to Admiral Doorman, but presumably he was already well on his way south when he received it.

Japanese planes continued to follow Doorman’s movements-as indeed they did the rest of the night. At 2009, while Doorman’s ships were on a southerly course, a single flare was dropped above them. One of Doorman’s cruisers, seemingly again the Houston, fired AAA, but nothing was to be seen. A few minutes later (at 2023) what appeared to be four enemy destroyers were observed on the Edward’s port bow. It was thought that they fired torpedoes and the American ships turned left/port to avoid them. Again at 2043 it was reported that torpedoes were fired, on Edward’s starboard bow this time, and course was altered to 175

Escape of United States Destroyers through Bali Strait: Retirement of American destroyers; loss of "Jupiter"

By 2100 Dooeman’s force was again near the coast of Java, between Surabaja and Tuban. The American destroyers had not had opportunity to take on fuel the preceding afternoon, and their supply was extremely low. After twenty four hours of high-speed steaming they were experiencing increasing difficulty in keeping up with the cruisers. CDR. Binford says, "Realizing that I had no more torpedoes and that further contact with the enemy would be useless, since my speed and gun-power were less than anything I would encounter . . . I retired to Surabaya, which was about 50 miles away."

This retirement of DesRon 29 did not escape the notice of the enemy, for as the American destroyers were entering the channel in the now known mine field a Japanese plane dropped a flare above them. While they were still in the channel orders came from Admiral Doorman to retire to Batavia and to receive orders later for torpedo replacements. CDR. Binford replied that it was impossible to get through to Batavia and that he was entering Surabaya to fuel, after which he would proceed as directed. He never received another message from the commander of the striking force.

Note: CDR Binford’s questionable decisions at Badung Strait and during Java Sea were to land him in front of a Board of Inquiry. He escaped a court martial by the skin of his skivvies since most of the senior officer witnesses to his actions were either PoWs in Japanese prison camps or dead or like Helfrich had good reasons to keep quiet about his sins and theirs. Nevertheless, enough stink clung to him that he was never trusted with another important fighting command.

Pope, which had completed repairs and had been standing outside the mine field waiting for an opportunity to join the other destroyers, was ordered to return to Surabaya with the other DesRon 29 destroyers. The Exeter and Witte de With were already there when the American tincans tied up at Holland Pier and started fueling. They left the pier and returned to the anchorage well before morning brought the daily air raid.

After the departure of the American destroyers the remaining ships of Doorman’s squadron are believed to have turned westward along the north coast of Java. They were reportedly in a single column led by Encounter, followed by De Ruyter, Perth, Houston, Java, and Jupiter. They had been on this westerly course for about twenty minutes when at 2125 there was an underwater explosion on Jupiter's starboard side abreast her engine room and she flashed a signal to the Java, "Jupiter torpedoed."

One British survivor described the situation: "We had not blown up. We had not sunk. We had, in fact, just stopped, and the same oppressive silence of a ship in dock during the night watches descended on us. There was ample time for the launching of boats and rafts, but before the boats could return from the beach for a second load the destroyer heeled over to port and sank at about 0130. A detachment of the Dutch Army on guard along the coast came to the aid of those of us who survived.”

Loss of "De Ruyter" and "Java."

Immediately after the loss of the Jupiter; Doorman’s force turned north. At 2217 it again passed the spot where the Kortenaer had gone down that afternoon, and survivors of the Dutch destroyer saw the CSF/SAG cruisers foam past at high speed. Encounter was ordered to stop and picked up one hundred thirteen men of the Kortenaer's crew of one hundred fifty three complement who survived. It was at first intended to take them to Batavia, but upon learning of a strong Japanese force to the west the captain returned to Surabaya.

The allied cruisers were now left without any destroyer protection whatsoever. This dangerous situation was aggravated by the fact that enemy planes continued to light their course with flares. But ADM Doorman's orders were clear as Helfrich had issued them, "You must continue attacks until the enemy is destroyed," and he pressed on north with a grim determination to reach the enemy convoy.

It is doubtful if he ever knew how close he did come to reaching it in this last magnificent attempt. The convoy had in fact remained in the area west or southwest of Bawean. At 1850 a PBY from Patrol Wing TEN had taken off to shadow it in the bright moonlight. At 1955 this plane saw star shells above three cruisers and eight destroyers on a northerly course about thirty miles southwest of Bawean. As these appeared to be Doorman’s squadron no hostile contact report was made. At 2235 the USNAS PBY found the convoy southwest of Bawean. Twenty-eight ships were counted in two groups, escorted by a cruiser and a destroyer. At this moment Admiral Doorman was headed toward this very spot, but it is doubtful if he ever received the PBY’s report. It reached the Commander of the Naval Forces at Surabaya at 2352, after which it was sent on to Doorman; but by that time both the De Ruyter and Java were already beneath the waters of the Java Sea. At 2315 the De Ruyter signaled, "Target at port four points." In that direction were seen two cruisers which opened fire from a distance of about 9,000 yards. Perth replied with two or three salvos which landed on one of the enemy cruisers for several hits. The Japanese thereupon fired star shells which exploded between their ships and ours so that Doorman’s cruisers could no longer see them.

Shortly afterward the Doorman’s flagship, De Ruyter, received a hit aft and turned to starboard away from the enemy, followed by his other cruisers. As the Java, which had not been under enemy fire, turned to follow there was a tremendous explosion aft, evidently caused by a torpedo coming from port. Within a few seconds the whole after part of the ship was enveloped in flames.

The De Ruyter had continued her turn onto a southeasterly course when, very closely after the Java, she too was caught by a torpedo. United States Signalman Sholar, who was on board and was subsequently rescued, reported having seen a torpedo track on relative bearing 135°. There was an extraordinarily heavy explosion followed by fire. Perth, behind the flagship, swung sharply to the left to avoid a collision, while the Houston turned out of column to starboard. The crew of the De Ruyter assembled forward, as the after part of the ship up to the catapult was in flames. In a moment the 40-mm. ammunition began to explode, causing many casualties and the ship had to be abandoned. She sank within a few minutes. For some time her foremast structure remained above the water, until a heavy explosion took the ship completely out of sight.

The torpedoes which sank the two Dutch cruisers apparently came from the direction of the enemy cruisers and were probably fired by them. Both Sendai and Nati class cruisers are equipped with eight torpedo tubes.

Of the CSF/SAG Doorman had started this grim day with, only the Houston and Perth now remained. They had expended most of their ammunition and were still followed by enemy aircraft. There seemed no possibility of reaching the enemy convoy, and about 0100 (February 28th) the two cruisers set course for Tandjong Priok in accordance with the original plan for retirement after the battle. On the way Perth informed Admiral Koenraad at Surabaya of their destination and reported that the De Ruyter and Java had been disabled by heavy explosions at latitude 06°00' S., longitude 112°00' E.71 The hospital ship Op ten Noort was immediately dispatched toward the scene of their loss, but it is doubtful if she ever reached it. Sometime later Admiral Helfrich lost radio contact with the ship, and a plane reported seeing her in the custody of two Japanese destroyers.

The Japanese convoy remained west of Bawean. About 0130 the USNAS PBY saw a column led by a cruiser, followed by four destroyers with a second cruiser bringing up the rear. This was about twenty five miles from the convoy and moving toward it. For a while the PBY pilot believed that it was Doorman’s striking force about to attain its objective, but a little later it became apparent that this was merely the enemy screening force-possibly the same ships which had just sunk the De Ruyter and Java. When the PBY left shortly after 0200 a Dutch Catalina plane took up shadowing the convoy, which remained in approximately the same position until dawn.

During the forenoon of the 28th as the Perth and Houston approached Priok, they were followed by Japanese reconnaissance planes. Fighters came out from Batavia to protect them, but there was no attack and the two cruisers reached port safely at 1330.

Part 3 Post mortems and recriminations to follow.
 
I have a bit of a dogtoy to chew with this notion.
I'm not sure what the beef is, here. Post #440 has Mackerels in service, & I misread the date of introduction (somehow...) as 1943; since my last was March-April '42, you looked like you were ahead of me. I had no intention of trying to move the introduction of a retractable radar mast before that in any event, not least because a sub radar wouldn't have entered service soon enough, & I believe I said more/less as much. Looking again, I can (now) put an SD aerial on a mast & not be out of bounds for TTL's existing tech. I'm still not entirely sure BuShips would do it, but it's not unreasonable.
The British could have shaved off a year.
It's not like the U.S. doesn't have leverage, so a demand, after the fall of Singapore, that everything be revealled might reasonably be made TTL.
ITTL I don't expect Japanese ASW to be much different. Doctrine, not means, seems to have been the reason. Also, we can blame "fighter pilot" psychology for some of the poor reporting on ASW attack results. Even the flimsiest of evidence was accepted as proof of a dead sub. It was not just Japanese forces who reported false kills, either. The JANAC work post war looked at Japanese records and concluded that over reports were true for both sides of the periscope. This also appears to be true of Battle of the Atlantic reportage.
Yeah, IJN ASW doctrine was terrible. They had a strong preference for fleet action. (Not exclusive to IJN, to be sure; USN, RN, even RCN, had the same bias--landing TT, or deleting them from designs, was opposed, even on ships mainly intended for convoy escort, because it would make them unfit for fleet action. I kid you not.)
I don't anticipate too much trouble for Sublant Mackerels, but unless Australia has a sudden birth of shipbuilding, some of those SWP Mackerels will need layovers at Pearl and Bremerton for refits. ITTL or not, logistics is logistics and so is engineering and maintenance.
They'll get routine between-patrol work at Pearl & heavy work (like re-engining) at Mare Island, per OTL, unless the increased numbers compel addition of capacity (& it might).
I'm thinking a V-boat is pig enough in the dive. Do we want to add the top-weight?
For the task in question, it shouldn't matter. They will not, rpt not, be anywhere near convoy escorts &, if handled correctly, shouldn't encounter hostile DDs anywhere near where offloading cargo or fuel.

Also, somewhere along the way this got deleted from my last post, so:

1 April, Withers details the tender Canopus to Suva, supporting S-boats of in Commodore Joseph A. Connolly's Submarine Squadron 16. Jimmy Fife is assigned as task force commander; his flying boat is lost en route, along with 10 others. R/A Charles A. Lockwood is selected to take his place.

And...

===============================================================

The replacement of Thomas Withers, Jr., with Robert H. English as ComSubPac in June 1942 coincided with the appearance of the first "remodelled" Gato, Costero (named for a dolphin), commanded by Oliver G. Kirk (ex-S-42). Other command shifts include Pilly Lent moving to Grenadier, with his exec, John Hollingsworth (class of 1931) taking over Triton, making him the youngest CO yet. The new Tucuxi is commanded by Charles C. Kirkpatrick (Hollingsworth's classmate).

The improved Gatos include a number of updates, including SD radar mounted on a retractable mast (akin to the Mackerel snorkel), more Klenschmidt fresh water distiller capacity, larger refrigerators, and, most important to the commerce war, more torpedoes: two more forward (which the design had accommodated from the start) and four more aft (which had required rearranging equipment in the after torpedo room).

After persistent trouble with the boat's HOR engines, Sargo is sent to Mare Island for re-engining. She will also receive the new radar mast and the after torpedo room renovation.

At the same time, Cachalot is given to James C. Dempsey (ex-S-37).

The appearance of deck-mounted fuel oil tanks and cargo containers aboard Lockwood's "guerrilla" sub "mother ships" (Narwhal, Nautilus, Bass, Barracuda, and Bonita), coupled with the increased torpedo load of the new fleet boats, lead to proposals to extend patrol durations of fleet boats with fuel and provisions in the same way as the Mackerels, and some suggestions of transferring torpedoes, as well. Torpedo transfer, a laborious and hazardous operation even in ideal conditions, is rejected, but refuelling and reprovisioning is trialled, beginning in October 1942 with Lawson P. "Red" Ramage's patrol off Formosa in Trout. It extends his stay to a record 83 days; when he returns, Ramage expresses concern over fatigue and strain at being out so long. (Ramage's patrol turns in good results: seven ships for a total of 38,900 tons; postwar, reduced to 32,335).

The "piggyback" tanks prove much more successful in support of the Mackerels, and in supplying guerrillas in the Philippines.

=================================================================

Edit: retcon Cachalot... See Post #465 for why.
 
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I'm not sure what the beef is, here. Post #440 has Mackerels in service, & I misread the date of introduction (somehow...) as 1943; since my last was March-April '42, you looked like you were ahead of me. I had no intention of trying to move the introduction of a retractable radar mast before that in any event, not least because a sub radar wouldn't have entered service soon enough, & I believe I said more/less as much. Looking again, I can (now) put an SD aerial on a mast & not be out of bounds for TTL's existing tech. I'm still not entirely sure BuShips would do it, but it's not unreasonable.

If you ever seen a dog with his favorite toy, he chews it as a psychological doggie aid until he has worried off the last piece of it. That means he has usually by that time torn it up so much that he needs a new toy. It is not so much an expression of doggie annoyance as of hound frustration. In this case, despite some of the desire to add a mast radar to a retractable snort, or to a periscope mast, I think I understand enough of the cable issues and mechanicals to think it would have to be an independent mount with an independent well to do the things that can be done with 1940's tech. Frankly I am full of admiration and amazement at the British and American engineers who figured out those back-fits under OTL wartime pressures and of the navy men (primarily from the boats themselves) who did the actual work. It literally is like someone inserted a whole new magical technology just invented into a machine that was never intended to carry it. Really in OTL or in ITTL, it is a hard pressed navy that gets the radars out to the boats by *43. One does not really understand what an amazing feat that is, until they read this; radar manual.

It's not like the U.S. doesn't have leverage, so a demand, after the fall of Singapore, that everything be revealled might reasonably be made TTL.

Could be. Just in the RTL, the British east Asian commands hid some things (actually a lot of things) and it hurt in the "trust and cooperation department" when PACFlt found out about it.

Yeah, IJN ASW doctrine was terrible. They had a strong preference for fleet action. (Not exclusive to IJN, to be sure; USN, RN, even RCN, had the same bias--landing TT, or deleting them from designs, was opposed, even on ships mainly intended for convoy escort, because it would make them unfit for fleet action. I kid you not.)

Depending on the situation, what navies do may seem weird to us, but looking in retrospect,


Think about what the USN and her allies faced in November *42, and remember that destroyers are also in short supply?

They'll get routine between-patrol work at Pearl & heavy work (like re-engining) at Mare Island, per OTL, unless the increased numbers compel addition of capacity (& it might).

With two additional different final propulsion drive technology trees to add to the four OTL sets that the USN had in the fleet boats, plus the three from pre-war tech, and snorts and a different electrical system, Mare Island and Bremerton look to be a certainty.

The V-boats.

For the task in question, it shouldn't matter. They will not, rpt not, be anywhere near convoy escorts &, if handled correctly, shouldn't encounter hostile DDs anywhere near where offloading cargo or fuel.

Might be. There is a lot of gray zone (contested waters) in the Central Pacific between Midway and the Japanese dominated waters in the years *42 and *43, and as far as the SWP is concerned, that starts from the east and north coasts of Australia in *42, 43, and early *44 and goes north to the boundary.

Also, somewhere along the way this got deleted from my last post, so:

And...

===============================================================

The replacement of Thomas Withers, Jr., with Robert H. English as ComSubPac in June 1942 coincided with the appearance of the first "remodelled" Gato, Costero (named for a dolphin), commanded by Oliver G. Kirk (ex-S-42). Other command shifts include Pilly Lent moving to Grenadier, with his exec, John Hollingsworth (class of 1931) taking over Triton, making him the youngest CO yet. The new Tucuxi is commanded by Charles C. Kirkpatrick (Hollingsworth's classmate).

14 June 1942? Wow! (See below.) ^1

The improved Gatos include a number of updates, including SD radar mounted on a retractable mast (akin to the Mackerel snorkel), more Klenschmidt fresh water distiller capacity, larger refrigerators, and, most important to the commerce war, more torpedoes: two more forward (which the design had accommodated from the start) and four more aft (which had required rearranging equipment) in the after torpedo room).

Double wow, I'll take that. Christie (April 1942) will be very happy about it, for sure.

At the same time, Cachalot is sent to Mare Island for re-engining; she is given to James C. Dempsey (ex-S-37).

Okay.

The appearance of deck-mounted fuel oil tanks and cargo containers aboard Lockwood's "guerrilla" sub "mother ships" (Narwhal, Nautilus, Bass, Barracuda, and Bonita), coupled with the increased torpedo load of the new fleet boats, lead to proposals to extend patrol durations of fleet boats with fuel and provisions in the same way as the Mackerels, and some suggestions of transferring torpedoes, as well. Torpedo transfer, a laborious and hazardous operation even in ideal conditions, is rejected, but refuelling and reprovisioning is trialled, beginning in October 1942 with Lawson P. "Red" Ramage's patrol off Formosa in Trout. It extends his stay to a record 83 days; when he returns, Ramage expresses concern over fatigue and strain at being out so long. (Ramage's patrol turns in good results: seven ships for a total of 38,900 tons; postwar, reduced to 32,335).

Consumables? Lub oil, food, air scrubber filters, and other chemical stores; etc. Extended patrols might really crowed the boat with added stores?

The "piggyback" tanks prove much more successful in support of the Mackerels, and in supplying guerrillas in the Philippines.

=================================================================

I'm going out on a limb here and suggest that submarine buddy tanking is not going to be encouraged within reach of Japanese LRMP aircraft or local IJN bomber air base reach?

^1 Robert English was a competent (actually excellent) administrator, but a lousy tactician and his grasp of the operational art in submarine warfare, as it was rapidly evolving around him, was still a bit archaic as I understand him.
 
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Battle_of_Java_Sea_e.png


This ITTL result will take some explaining. :rolleyes:
 
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