The Rochester Aegis
10th October, 1817
Altercacion between ‘Narow’ and ‘Nesh’ in Blue Ankor Publick House
Serjeants of the Steadholder’s Watch were sominned to the Blue Ankor on the High Street around eight a’clock this past night after the eruption of a violent incident. One Janus van Heusden and one Christoph Baker, both of the Racionalist persuasion, apparently came to rancor as a result of too much drink alloyed with the gravity of F. van Heusen’s conviccions, likening the body of England to a primatif engine sustained beyond its yeres by the diligent yet servile ministracions of gildsmen. At this grave exchange the yet more patriotick F. Baker coud not help but answer with fists, at which time the altercation began in ernest. This paper hopes that F. Baker is not assayed too greviously for his staunch defense of the Commonwealth’s honur, and that his recovery from wunds sustained is swift. This paper also hopes that a rekening will soon be forthcoming with the most exceeding of the Racionalist set, who take our grete republick’s hospitality from king, duke, and emperour yet instead than, as with many of their Racionalist brethren, appretiate the majesty of our Commonwealth fail to respect this grete republic’s birthing of the very nocions of liberty and good governance, enstede becoming narow, insensible, venster-smashers who woud scarse recognise a living custom of good government in favor of a theoretical Empire of the Factory.
A History of Europe by Stanislav Jacubsson, Gdansk Union Publications 1862
The Birth of Rationalism
It was often said by its opponents that the entire Rationalist movement was little more than a peasant’s revolt with a veneer of learning, or a Commonwealther plot aimed at rewriting the map of Europe, and it is clear that a strain of this thought persists in many of Europe’s states that proved resistant to Rationalist charms or Rationalist force, little disguised in its contempt for what they see as an attempt at government by rabble, or an attempt of lessers to covet what their greaters had earned. Similar thoughts predominate even in our own discourse from the earliest part of this century, and few scholars have subsequently taken up the subject in the wake of our present tumults. But to understand our present tumults is to understand Rationalism, and to understand Rationalism’s origins one must first admit that it does not represent a sudden, violent rupture with the prior order so much as the inexorable buildup of pressure within Europe’s states that, without release, detonated with astonishing force across most of the continent. Rather than immediately pin that pressure on the actions of a few important individuals, I feel we must instead look to that which factored in the long term and across the broadness of society.
The contented state of many monarchies throughout Europe, weaned away from regular warfare and fattened instead on international trade and tax revenue, and the suffocating weight of ceremony and tradition that many of those nations then fostered, led to the maintenance of estates and social order at total contrast to the lives of many of their contemporary subjects, subjects who had been experiencing seismic changes to the fabric of their lives through the birth of industrial production and, by the 1790s, the development of the petroleum engine. These new industrial modes and their associated technologies were, though at times funded by noble patronage, primarily gestated from the work and talents intelligentsia and artisans of society, not those born to high title, and the actual maintenance and construction of these vast new infrastructures were at the hands of a drastically expanding labouring class. In these ossified monarchies none of these teeming masses could expect speedy redress to their concerns, ample reward for their labours, let alone representation. Additionally, there was a weariness towards the confessional rupture of Europe that, as we have seen earlier, caused so much warfare and wanton destruction across the continent for more than three centuries. Those states in which ecclesiastical power, aristocracy, and state power aligned frequently remained hostile to even cursory tolerance of the opposing denomination, and had indeed further radicalised Hussites who had otherwise sought a measure of reconciliation with Catholic Europe, as we saw earlier in our history with the Chalice Wars of 1552-1661, the Massacre of Carcassone in 1571, and with the Banate War of 1673.
Despite the uneasy peace that had settled between Hussites and Catholics in the late 17th century, and the Council of Perugia’s development of the Doctrine of Alloyed Grace in 1706, this had only really resulted in a change to affairs between nations, not the treatment of subjects within Europe’s many kingdoms. In the Kingdom of Bohemia a Catholic could not legally bear arms, whilst in the Duchy of Bavaria a Hussite could not own a horse, and in Romandy a Hussite could neither own a horse nor inherit property. In addition, whilst the practice was becoming rarer this was still an age in which one could fall asleep in Scotland and wake up in Ireland, as was the case in 1709 with the dissolution of the union of those Kingdoms, and where dynastic inheritance could at a stroke redraw entire borders, splitting apart communities or even nations. In an era in which Europe’s population continued to grow at unprecedented space the sheer violence this could inflict on individuals became enormous, whilst to the people so affected it was a completely arbitrary method of determining state ownership. Last, but not least, we must acknowledge the role that the United Commonwealth, the Kingdom of Carniola, and the Empire of Rum had to play in providing examples of alternate models of societal organisation and government. The former for its relative success in spite of its Republican nature (as contrasted to the fortunes of Genoa, Venice, and Ancona which had greatly suffered by the late 18th century) and its demonstration of a social mode in which the power of the labouring classes was, if not paramount, sizeable; the middle for its tolerance of Hussites despite both its Catholicism and its dynasty having direct connections to France; the latter for its ability to redefine and reform itself, and the ability for peoples who considered one another heathens, let alone heretics, to successfully co-operate for common purpose.
The men who helped convert these general pressures into an inevitable explosion were undoubtedly Istvan Szabo, Victor Fabio Bettencourt, and Gironi Acrosofos, first in their relative union of purpose, second in their fixing upon a relatively common Rationalist mode, and third the impact of their combined powers upon their extended social circles, though of the three men only Acrosofos and Bettencourt were ever to meet, and only twice- once in 1792 and then on Bettencourt’s deathbed in 1806. However, we must be clear, if it had not been these three individuals it is manifestly clear that others would have taken on the same roles. However, the individual choices and personalities of these men did affect precisely what arose from the tensions wracking Europe, and what became the specific and at times revolutionary movement of Rationalism. We must then make an account of their personal histories.
The Abolition of Pomp by Epictetus (widely believed to be a pseudonym for Gironi Acrosofos), Pamphlet 1807
For too long the common purpose of man has been dammed, diverted and diluted by the tools of ritual, thoughtless tradition, and the whims of those born to title! In service of this aim, the ermine cloak, the cardinal’s hat, the servile bowing and scraping, the binding of spiritual conscience with the state, rulership determined by lineal descent, are all the same! The shape of society must be returned to that which is rational and logical, that which serves the will and need of the people, that which confounds sentiment by embracing that which is sensible and right! We who are for a rational government of rational purpose must abolish pomp, and in doing so restore that which is derived from man’s reason and wisdom! The common purpose of man must be restored to its natural flow!
The Restoration of Belonging by Aesara (pseudonym, true author never identified), Published Letter 1807
It is true that the common purpose of man has been dammed, diverted, and diluted on many occasions, and that this has frequently been perpetrated by those men who possess heritable power on this Earth. However, I must inquire of Epictetus several questions on his vehement suggestions so widely distributed, so that I might further inform my acquaintance with ‘rationality’. Of the first instance, is it not true that, rather than being motivated by sentiment, that to those with heritable power these systems so described are in fact, to that estate, a rational and perhaps even logical means with which to extract wealth and power from the remainder of those nations? And that, whilst those forms might well provoke irritation of the common sense with their arcaneness, their ossification, that in the truest sense what most people who oppose these systems are motivated by is an abiding sense of disgust and anger that is perhaps shaped by rationality but is also reliant on sentiment? Are sentiment and logic not, in the human condition, allies that must be balanced rather than opponents in which logic is an oppressed estate yearning for freedom? Furthermore, would Epictetus agree with me that to many with heritable power, and indeed those with momentary power, the matter of women, their treatment and freedoms and the evaluation of their powers is a matter of alleged rationality and logic based on ‘common sense’ wisdoms about the female sex, both our bodies and minds? Would Epictetus share my conclusion that to restore the purpose of man to its natural flow women must also be removed from the shackles to which we are subject, shackles we are told are rational and logical? In finality, would Epictetus not agree with me that the seeking after common sense solutions to the organisation of society and the nature of society lacks drive, resolve, and meaning without a simultaneous cultivation of a sense of belonging to that society, that they are not merely permitted to exist within it but valued, wanted even? And, that being the case, would Epictetus not agree that this cannot merely be the province of a logic devoid of sentiment but instead stoked by an alliance of sentiment and rationality that will, in good time and order, overcome all that is set against it that is neither capable of sentiment nor rationality?
An History and Survey of Kentisch Towns and Citees by Montague Graham, Peter Naylor Publishing 1857 Edicion
Hippodamian Maidstone
It was in 1831 that Edward Solon Grey became Boroughmaster of the citee-to-be. Inspight his aristocratick lineality he had been the unawned chef among England’s Racionalist moderats since at least 1818, chefly influenced by the school of Sensiblility and the works of (the somewhat mysterial) Aesara in his youth, and himself had given name to what he at first called Hippodamian Racionalism, founding what is now called solely Hippodamianism, or the Hippodamian school. His chef apprehencion was the connexion between a planned and orderly citee, in the mode of the antient Hippodamus, and a planned and orderly feerschip of those who dwelt within that same citee, and indeed conceaving of the nacion as one grete citee in a similar maner. However, his nocion of ‘planned’ and ‘orderly’ encluded the joy of those burghers, that he might not simply introduce order but formosity and pleasur to the English feerschip, and cared to retain that which was not simply practical but vernacular. In Maidstone he had a first occasion in which he might make his nocions in practice, and he certainly did not delay.
To the considerable dismay of many burghers Grey, in essence, began again with Maidstone’s axial rodeways, gretely widening them into fulsome avenues, but also iniciated the construccion of electrick cariageways to folow those same avenues along their full length, and the electrick of Maidstone went operatif in 1835. He insularised the grete part of the previous bloks that adjoined those axial rodeways, and prodigiously amplified the number of those bloks into the hinterland of the borough. Each of these new bloks either held gardens within inner court or was surrounded by gardens almost as a curtain, or in numerous cases both. By 1848 Maidstone had amplified from perhaps nine thousend burghers to two-and-twenty thousend. Nor had this been the sum of Grey’s artifice. In 1836 a civil bathouse was compleet, whilst in 1841 and 1849 the Commonwealth Theater and the Barming Theater were raised respectively, and in 1851 a motorene electrick farm sufficient to electrify the citee entire.
The crowning achievance that Grey sought but never made compleet was the creacion of a grete civil gardens out of Moat Park, whose owners would not part with it inspight considerable effort being employed to perswade otherwise. This had not been settled by 1852, whereupon Grey was made Consul for Publick Works, much to his displeasure. However, the purchas of Moat Park was compleet not many yeres after, and nonetheless Grey had formed Maidstone from a notable town to England’s first Hippodamian citee outside of London.