The Way the Wind Blows: The Collapse of Western Capitalism and the Second Cold War

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I
  • County Hall, London

    "Order, comrades, order!"

    The Greater London Council of Action, or as some members obstinately called it "the London Soviet", was currently holding session in County Hall, former home of the Greater London Council. Despite protests from the minority of anti-Trotskyist delegates, mainly pro-Soviet CPGB tankies but some "anti-Revisionists" and the odd reformist or anarchist, a stern portrait of Trotsky hung above the speakers chair. Debates on relocating the Council to the House of Commons had raged inconclusively. Some objected to the Commons as a symbol of the old order, others to the damage inflicted during the recent storming of the chambers. Yet more pointed to the fact that such a move would be a sure signal that the London Council intended to assert itself as the official provisional government, a status that was still contested. There were even rumblings from some regionalistic groupings of moving the capital away from London entirely.

    But it was a status that most in the Council of Action wished to see bestowed upon them, at least until a proper nationwide election could be organised and some new higher assembly proclaimed. Already "delegates" from the other Councils were demanding they be allowed to take part in votes even as they questioned London's authority to enforce the result. As it stood it was uncertain where or what exactly currently constituted the "nation" as it now stood. The extreme Internationalists wanted to enter negotiations for a global workers union with any country that would answer the phone, while delegates from Wales, Scotland and even Cornwall were considering independence. There were even a rather strange delegate from Northern Ireland, a Stalinist called Brendan Clifford, who seemed to want to get English support and arms for those unionists still resisting the IRA. He'd nearly been thrown out.

    If an election was called tomorrow, for what body (or number of bodies), and with what powers, with what constituencies and with authority over what territory was all totally unknown. For the moment, no one even agreed on a name.

    Christopher wondered if maybe the Italian Gramscians, for all their petite bourgeois, reformist ways, had been onto something when they refused to partake in the general revolutionary fervour and had simply retained Italy's bourgeois liberal constitution. It must have saved a lot of time.

    Christopher, sadly, was not a delegate, and frankly he'd prefer it if the everyone did away with the all the Councils for the time being and simply allowed the National Executive Committee of the Labour Party to govern directly until all this mess was sorted out. It was all a farce anyway, everyone knew the tankies were no where near as popular and the anarchists couldn't (and indeed, wouldn't) organise a piss up in a brewery. No, Christopher was here to record for prosperity these historic debates in his weekly column in the Socialist Worker. He just hoped that something historical would happen soon, and luckily for him, something just had.

    "The next item on the agenda is our response to a communication we have received from the Soviet embassy..."

     
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    II
  • White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia
    The President of the United States, an office whose holders had once held the unofficial title of "Leader of the Free World", had entered the fourth mouth of hiding from his own people. He'd not been President for very long either, his predecessors term cut short by the assassins bullet, and he as Vice President had taken up the solum duty of leading America out of crisis. He'd failed.

    It had all started out so well. The victory in the Presidential campaign, while not necessarily a landslide, had been a terrific political upset, defying conventional political wisdom and a sometimes sneering, sometimes hysterical Press to take a stand against the radicals who sought to undermine American political life. Everyone had said they'd lose, but by hell they'd fought that election campaign and won it. He was almost as proud of that memory as fighting the Japs. They'd stolen votes from right under Goldwater's nose, they smeared the Democrats and pulled no punches against that pinko third party candidate who was splitting the left vote. They'd flanked Goldwater from the right on the racial question, and the Democrats from the left on economics. They'd been called racialists, nut jobs, Fascists and warmongers - but they'd taken their message to the decent people of America and been listened to. People who were tired of Washington pussyfooting around the Soviets and Red China, fed up of Negro agitators and hippie students causing rouble, of crime and public disorder, of drugs and pornography corrupting the youth. People who demanded the war in Vietnam be won, that the economy be put back on track, that law and order reign once more. Reluctantly perhaps, maybe even with guilt in their hearts, those people had swept their new political movement to victory in 1968 as a last resort, as an act of desperate outrage against the crowds. It had been a grand gesture, a defiant stand against the tide, America going right when the whole world seemed unable to halt the march of the radical left. Paris and West Berlin burning, strikes and protests bringing great Western cities to their knees while across Africa and Asia Marxism advanced bloody handed beneath the banner of "Third World Liberation" and "anti-Colonialism" openly challenging American military power upon the battlefield. The fell hand of the Kremlin clearly behind it all. He'd stood by his President in the internal and external war against international communism, and they'd gone further than any of the Democrats and Republicans before them in displaying what they were willing to do to save the Free World from the Soviet conspiracy. They'd been ready. Ready to crack down on the radicals, ready to bomb Vietnam and anyone else who dared stand with them to the stone age, ready to stand by any leader with the same vision and strength of will necessary to keep the Communists and their allies out of government, no matter what their crimes.

    But it hadn't worked, they'd failed. They'd probably only made things worse. Now he was here, hidden underground in a secret bunker that lay underneath Greenbrier Resort, waiting for the Communists to find him and what remained of Congress. This was technically the Congressional Bunker, not the Presidential one that lay under the White House, but it's location was too obvious. And we could all thank Hollywood movies for making Offutt Air Force Base the first place they'd look for a cooked up President and what remained of his administration awaiting armageddon. No, this place wouldn't be found for a while, but eventually it would.

    He'd nearly be ready to unleash nuclear hell on the Reds for what they'd done, brainwashing and subverting the American youth, riling up the Negros against the government, sabotaging the world economy. Surely it must have all been their plan. But in the end he didn't have the stomach. Maybe the spirit of the America he grew up, believed in and had served in wartime would be reborn one day. The hippies and their Soviet and Red Chinese puppet masters would surely only last for a few generations. Blowing everything up merely took away that chance.

    Better dead and than red, what a hollow slogan that had always been.

    President Curtis Emerson LeMay, formerly Vice President to President George Wallace, was the 38th President of the United States of America. 38th, and the last. He informed one the last of his loyal staffers to inform the last of Congress of his resignation. Resignation, without a successor. A solider knew defeat when perhaps a politician wouldn't. Wallace might have never given up, but he'd died, the first US President since William McKinley to die at an assassins hands, and the first whose death had been so openly celebrated by the enemy within. No, it was over.

    The America they'd tired to protect was dead.
     
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    III
  • While focused on the perhaps third rate at best power of Italy, I hope this update throws some light on the wider international situation.

    Di Palazzo Chigi, Rome, Republic of Italy

    Aldo Moro, former Prime Minister of Italy and now Minister of Foreign Affairs in the "National Solidarity" cabinet of Enrico Berlinguer, was the most visible symbol of the compromises that now lay at the heart of Italian political life. Compromises that had set the Italian Communist Party apart from the fiery radicalism of the French revolutionaries, where the ultra-left had rebelled so successfully not only against De Gaulle and the capitalist Fifth Republic but also against the "official" Communists and their counterparts in the Trade Union bureaucracy. Compromises that had set the political centre of Italy apart from the drift of those liberal and conservative parties who had allowed their fear of Communism to embrace the return of the Fascistic far-right into the mainstream, and in doing so had doomed themselves. Moro had embodied this spirit of compromise all his political career. As a young man, he'd been impressed by the Socialists, but his Catholic faith had lead him to the Christian Democrats. Throughout his life he'd worked to bring Catholic Democracy closer to the left, first to the Socialists and then to the Communists. He'd offered reform social and political so that those who might become enemies in a revolutionary war remain friends in a functioning democracy. In a way, this belief in compromise between the Catholic conservative and the radical Socialist elements of Italy's political landscapes represented as complete as possible a repudiation of Mussolini and his Fascists, who had claimed that without their regime Italy would be doomed to open conflict between revolution and reaction. Moro and Berlinguer both believed that this prediction must never come to pass, and that those who had fought side by side as partisans against Fascism must work together to ensure the Republic endured where the Kingdom's divided democracy had failed.

    As a symbol of that ideal of compromise, which was known by the somewhat grandiose title of the Compromesso storico, Moro was now a target for those all those who disdained compromise whether from the perspective of the left or the right. As his ministerial car had wound it way through the streets of Rome, he had passed posters demanding his removal from the cabinet. He had listened to radio broadcasts from West Germany and the Eastern Bloc, but most worryingly from France, inciting the ultra-left autonomists, Trotskyists, Maoists and Workerists against the compromise with "class enemies". Though normally these elements (mostly composed of university students and drop outs) would hardly cooperate with one another, now they had formed a common front with the pro-Moscow Communists who opposed Berlinguer from within the Communist Party itself. Armando Cossutta had already called for the "Fascist" Christian Democrats to be expelled from the National Solidarity government (no doubt a prelude to the removal of Craxi and his Socialists) and for the inclusion of far-left elements in the cabinet. After which, Moro assumed, a power struggle would then break out as to whichever brand of Marxist-Leninist dictatorship would destroy the Republic.

    There we also those on the right who wished to see him leave the National Solidarity government, though for different reasons. The Right-Wing Underground, who fancied themselves the "resistance" against the "Communist dictatorship", whose random acts of terrorism only exasperated a already tense political atmosphere, would like nothing more than to see the Christian Democratic party revolt against their "Communist puppet" of a leader and join with the mafia supported Fascists in a bid to destabilise the Republic rather than see it continue under Communist governance. Shadowy cliques within the military, media and business elite lay behind such thugs - no doubt related to the machinations of the infamous P2 Lodge.

    Moreover, the geopolitical position of Italy was now becoming precarious. Italy had left NATO of it's own accord, the second major Western nation to do so after revolutionary France's dramatic exist in 1969, but was now facing the stark possibility of being surrounded on all sides by potential enemies. The French saw in the National Solidarity Government nothing than another version of the brief rule of the French Communist Parties unity cabinet, that had lasted so short a time before the revolutionary masses who had seen off General Salan turned upon them and replaced them in turn, consigned to the same historical dustbin inhabited by Kerensky's Provisional Government. The Soviet bloc saw the Italian Communist Party as traitors and their partners in government as enemies to be eliminated. Albania and China saw Italy as revisionists of the worst kind, while America lay in chaos and Britain's Trotskyist regime looked upon the whole affair with the indifference of the ideologically pure. Chile, in many ways the inspiration for Berlinguer's own vision of a democratic road to Communism, was too distant and too weak to be anything more than moral support.

    If the compromise upon which it's continued existence depended was to be maintained, then the Republic must assert itself, both against internal and external opposition. It must secure for itself independence, stability and freedom of action in a rapidly changing world - and it needed allies.

    Aldo Moro left his ministerial car, and flanked by military police made his way towards the Palazzo Chigi where the rest of the cabinet awaited him. Distant, but not inaudible, was the sound of a furious demonstration by those who wished to see the regime of compromise end. He wondered if perhaps, beyond Italy's borders, the roar of engines and roll of tanks might even then be heard as the Soviets prepared to make of Italy's experiment in socialism the same as they had done in Hungary in Czechoslovakia. He knew for certain the French and West Germans sought to arm "urban guerrilla" forces ready to purify the Italian Revolution of the impurities of Catholicism and bourgeois liberalism. He clasped in his hands a written proposal that he hoped would secure Italy's future against such threats.
     
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    IV
  • County Hall, London

    "If our British Comrades have no objections, I suggest we move onto the matter of the British Occupation Zone in West Berlin", Mikhail Nikolayevich still found the use of the word "comrade" when addressing the British surreal, and it was no help that instead of addressing a besuited, middle aged white man he was now sat across from a scruffy youth of Pakinstani extraction - wearing jeans. "We believe that any potential difficulties in this area should be addressed for the sake of the future collective security of Europe."

    Tariq Ali, Provisional Peoples Commissiar for Foreign Affairs, turned to confer briefly with a colleague before turning back to reply to the Soviet ambassador, "Very well, this is also a matter that we wish to be settled as soon as possible. We of course stand by the principles of self-determination and peaceful international relations, and it is a priority for the Socialist Republic of Great Britain that the situation in Germany be resolved in such a manner that benefits all involved."

    "Can we take it then that the British Government supports the timetable established in the Honecker-Dutschke Memorandum for German Reunification?" inquired Mikhail, the Soviet Union had played a big part in extending that time table to the agreed date of 1980. Couldn't be too hasty, especially where unstable, unpredictable elements like the West Germans were involved. It seemed best that a decade or two be allowed to elapse before prematurely allowing Germany to collapse into an unknown. Sure, the overtures and passionate hugging was all very well, but everyone knew that the West Germans with their particular brand of Sixty-Eightist ideology were hardly the best fit with the DDR right now.

    "We do, with certain reservations pertaining to the proposed implementation" Ali replied, so they don't support it either, thought Mikhail. It wasn't surprising really, there were probably many in both German regimes who didn't. Dutschke probably did, but his vision was probably more of a revolutionary Anschluß than anything diplomatic or gradual, while the East Germans would only consider it if they could do so with Soviet tanks in tow. If the former were attempted, the Soviet Union would be forced to intervene, if the latter, France would undoubtedly respond in kind. But it was a great source of popularity for both the leaders of DDR and the Bundeskommune to act as if some manner of unification was imminent, at least for now. At least until an excuse could be found to call the whole thing off. "But this can be put aside for now, the matter of the Berlin occupation zones takes precedence."

    "As you are no doubt aware, the UPNA has renounced the American Zone and has a clear time table for the withdrawal of all American troops within the month" Mikhail watched his counterpart for a reaction, "We take it our British comrades share our desire to see the demilitarisation of Berlin and creation of a unified civil authority in Berlin as a important part of the peaceful reunification of Germany within a socialist Europe no longer divided by the machinations of American Imperialism?"

    Ali didn't blink at the obvious implication of Mikhail's inquiry, that like the Americans the confused and panicking British troops currently isolated within West Berlin should flee in disorder at the request of their new "government" in London, and those who remained on account of refusing to recognise the authority of this "new government" would be free game for the advancing Soviet and East German troops bringing order to the divided metropolis. West Berlin was and had been in a state of near total chaos for nearly a year, for as the crucible of the Sixty-Eightist revolution in Germany West Berlin was to the Bundeskommune what Petrogard had been to the Bolsheviks. Many NATO troops and foreign embassies had been targets for the protests and acts of revolutionary terrorism against the so-called "Nazi American Empire" of Presidents Wallace and LeMay and its German puppets. Now the incessant public disorder beyond the wall was becoming a serious concern for the Soviet and East German governments, as well as a opportunity to finally lance the boil that had long defaced the legitimacy of the DDR.

    "While we agree that the demilitarisation of Berlin is indeed a great goal, and we welcome the exit of the American imperialists, we are unwilling to unilaterally remove our own forces without consultation with the Federal Commune and the Socialist Republic of France before hand" Ali replied, keeping his expression neutral, speaking as if reading the minutes at a party meeting "We believe that our withdrawal from West Berlin, and West Germany as a whole, should be part of bilateral agreement for the demilitarisation of Germany agreed between all four concerned governments, as well as a general bilateral nuclear disarmament treaty."

    "If I'm not incorrect, does not your parties programme committee you to unilateral nuclear disarmament?" Mikhail's worst fears had been confirmed, like the French a short while earlier, it appeared the British government had found themselves unable to resist maintaining a nuclear arsenal with which to threaten the Soviet Union, and they would continue to retain troops in Germany as long as the Soviets would. Socialists they might be, but like the Chinese these revisionists would be no friends to the Soviet Union and it's fraternal allies.

    "Programmes can change, comrade" Ali smiled, "A revision to the parties programme was approved in a recent meeting. We are all bound by revolutionary discipline to adhere to the decisions of the Parties collective leadership."
     
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    V
  • Radiotelevisione italiana S.p.A. Broadcast from the Di Palazzo Chigi, Rome, Republic of Italy


    "Comrades,

    I'm am speaking to you today in a difficult time for our Republic, and for our Party. I am sure many of you are aware of the dire news coming out of Austria, where the chaos following the collapse of the international economic and diplomatic system of capitalism has allowed the Soviets to expand their reach into a country that had no desire to welcome them. No doubt you have see the refugees in our own Veneto, who have fled here at great danger to themselves in hope of an escape from the brutality of Russian occupation. As Socialists , Communists and Democrats, we are nonetheless bound to condemn those who would use the name of Socialism, Communism and Democracy to suppress the independence of sovereign nations and overturn legitimately elected governments. We believe that this new dawn, in which all nations now must face together the task of constructing Socialism according to each nations own conditions and historical development, it is not permissible that any nation that calls itself Socialist impose itself upon another against it's will. We believe and stand for the end of the Cold War that has divided Europe, an end to the bilateral completion between the great powers of East and West, and the dawn of a new era of sovereign freindship between all nations."

    "Yet there are those among us who would see the democracy and sovereignty we currently possess surrendered in order that we shall more quickly develop to a Socialist level. Even if such a thing where possible, we would not allow it, for Democracy is a cornerstone of the principles of our Party. We understand that in the wake of the great crisis poverty and misery the likes of which have not been seen since the last world war has returned to Europe, and we understand the desire of those who are angry and impatient to replace the failed capitalist model with one that can finally feed, clothe and house all of the Italian people. They would see our democracy and sovereignty diluted so that the Soviets or the French may offer them a supposedly purer revolution than that provided by the leadership of our Party. Yet we as a Party must offer the people leadership based on the interests of the entire working class, and not bow to the cries of a vocal minority."

    "As I am sure you are aware, certain disturbances have broken out in our capital, and in many of our major cities, where a coalition of ultra-left sects are attempting to overthrow our government. Though we respect and empathise with those of the younger generations who are impatient and angry, we cannot bow to the extremist minority that seek to misuse their idealism in the service of alien interests. Certain military elements have defected, and though not enough to overcome those forces loyal to our government, should they be allowed even an inch of legitimacy they shall call in the aid of France or Russia to support a Ultra-Left Fascist regime. We as a Party elected to office in free and fair elections shall not allow ourselves to be defeated by such Fascistic and unconstitutional violence."

    "To this purpose we shall not allow rioters and terrorists to force us onto a reckless course, even if they accuse us of Fascism. We shall abide by no coup, no uprising and no subversion against the Republic in favour of any foreign power no matter what twisted version of socialist ideology they use to deceive our young people. We shall seek out the fraternity of nations who request us as equals, and preserve our democracy and sovereignty."

    "To this end, we call on all workers to join in a General Strike in defence of the Republic. We in the Party call on the workers to defend the Republic against obstructionism, terrorism and insurrection against the constitution. To oppose those who would sell out our sovereignty in the name of a false doctrine that does not resemble the democratic traditions of Marx and Lenin. We call on the mature workers to show hooligan elements and the misguided young ones that the working class as a whole supports and wishes to preserve our democracy and our sovereignty as a free and independent Italian nation beholden to neither East nor West."

    -Enrico Berlinguer's address to the nation during the height of the Year of Lead
     
    VI
  • Georgia State Prison, UPNA

    The prisoner had been inside for quite a while now. With a permanent limp from an assassins wound he got in '68, the prisoner spent most of his days in solitary, the guards allowing him no news of the outside world. They couldn't keep all of it away from him (especially because bad news made the guards lose their temper and take it out on the inmates, as they had done when the Whether Underground had shot Wallace), but they did keep most of it. It had (probably) been a few years since President Wallace pressured Congress into passing his so-called "Agitation Act", a bill supposedly aimed at "Communists" but in reality a clear attempt to criminalise the Civil Rights movement and the Anti-War movement, that was even then battling against that demagogues thinly disguised (and ultimately successful) repel of President Kennedy's (admittedly disappointing) Civil Rights act and his reckless escalation of the Vietnam War. Of course, the Agitation Act had like the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798 and Sedition Act of 1918 before it been a clear violation of the spirit and writ of the US Constitution, but like its predecessors the Courts had allowed it passed anyway. It was a "time of crisis", after all, and America was at war on multiple fronts foreign and domestic. It had technically only penalised those who "called for violence" or "revolution", but that was a flimsy excuse. Moreover, in a ingeniously vaguely worded clause hidden within the bills voluminous depths, it was possible to interpret calls for civic disobedience to protest to the Act itself as a call for revolution. Since the bill defined calls for violence and revolution as separate crimes, rather than simply as "calls for violent revolution", it was possible to commit treason simply by invoking the concept of peaceful revolution at the ballot box. Thus even liberals and conservative proponents of free speech and the rule of law had found themselves hauled before courts answering charges of treason against Uncle Sam in this time of crisis.

    President Wallace had known that his full on assault upon the Civil Rights movement would provoke violence, surely he had, of this the prisoner was sure. If you close off all legal and non-violent roads to justice, it was inevitable that some would turn to revolution, even simply as posturing. For all of Kennedy's warmongering and scandals, and Goldwater's backsliding on Civil Rights and economic assault on the poor, had both understood this principle. It was hard to believe that President Wallace did not. Kennedy sought to appease on the racial issue, Goldwater to silently impede progress without provoking. But unlike Kennedy or Goldwater, Wallace had not wished to avoid the racial conflict that was inevitable should a non-violent road to civil rights and economic justice be closed off, he wanted to start that fight himself, because he thought that he could win. Probably because he thought it could get him reelected.

    The prisoner might have himself been able to avoid becoming a prisoner, if he'd continued to carefully police his words and statements, for his fame and notoriety could have protected him. He had after all ran for President alongside Wallace and Hubert Humphrey against Goldwater, and it was generally a bad look for the President elect to be seen to be arresting and imprisoning his fellow candidates. If he'd kept his head down he might have even been able to run at the next election again, but he wouldn't have won. He hadn't had much chance of winning in 1968, but it had been enough of a chance to be worth making the statement of running. But after four, eight years of the "American Independent Party" and its farcical "bipartisan" support from Democratic and Republican collaborators, be it under Wallace or his mad dog VP and successor Curtis LeMay there would be no point in such statements any more. American democracy would at best be something then restricted entirely to the white race, at worst it would be entirely destroyed. So the prisoner had made the decision had had made him become a prisoner. It hadn't been an easy decision. He had spent many nights in prayer to god almighty to make it, but in the end the choice was obvious.

    He had not called for violent revolution, for he would never do that. The principle of non-violence was for him more than a strategy, it a was a guiding principle that he had adhered to from his days as a young student. He'd neither condoned Communism nor the so-called African Socialism of Malcom X. He had not called for riots or advocated for terrorism. But what he had done had landed him in jail just as surely as that would have done, and to do so had been essentially an invitation to the Wallace regime to come for him. He had not abandoned his own principles non-violence, but he had refused to condemn the violent resistance. He had empathised with them, declared that despite their methods that their grievances were legitimate. He made it clear that the only alternative to violent revolution was peaceful revolution. He'd called for mass disobedience against the Vietnam war, against the insidious restoration of Segregation in Southern States, against the police state being imposed upon America in the name of anticommunism and "Law and Order". He'd made it clear he considered Wallace a dictator in the making.

    For that, he had landed himself in here, and in doing so had completed one of the key aims of non-violence as a political principle, he'd exposed the violence inherent in the system. To have kept his head low and to keep himself safe would have only have contributed to the illusion that life in America was going on as normal under the new government. So now he spent his days here, in solitary, waiting either for liberation or for the death by atomic fire the reckless aggression of LeMay would one day surely provoke. Information from the outside came only in tiny scraps of rumour. They whispered of Wallace's assassination, and the wars LeMay dragged America into in the name of his memory. Of atrocities in now occupied North Vietnam. Of once proud American universities towns transformed first into war zones and then into ghost towns as the conflict between student and society rendered the higher educational system near nonfunctional. Of race riots and lynchings, of vicious gun battles between police and urban guerrillas. Mass strikes called and broken, only to be called again. Of members dragged out of Congress for violating the Agitation Act, legitimate political opposition driven into the arms of the underground. Of a world economy thrown deeper into chaos as revolutionary governments across Africa and the Middle denied America their precious raw materials as part of the "Revolutionary Boycott" that had begun when the Arabs had refused America their oil, of a Middle America suddenly facing a return poverty of the pre-War years as a result. Of an America increasingly alone on the world stage as France's new revolution spread across Western Europe, even into Britain (or so some said). Of American troops abroad mutinying rather than fight any longer. Of strange new political factions with unusual names like Weathermen or Black Panthers. Of Malcom X's incendiary broadcasts from his refuge in Cuba, and the apparently hilariously elaborate CIA operations to assassinate him.

    The prisoner knew either total victory or total defeat were close, either those or nuclear Armageddon. Perhaps his time here was nearer it's end. He could swear he heard shouting outside.... maybe even chanting, or was it singing?

    * * *​
    "Good morning Comrades, this is the BBC, bringing you our news at ten. Word has been received from America that Doctor Martin Luther King, civil-rights leader, Nobel Peace Prize winner and one-time Presidential candidate as leader of the "Poor Peoples Party", has been liberated by rebel forces from his imprisonment in a Georgia prison. He is perhaps the most famous of the many prisoners that were liberated today, and before leaving to return to his wife Doctor King made a short speech expressing that the new America will progress "a system of democratic socialism, neither capitalist or communist" and that it will escape the cycle of violence that destroyed the capitalist United States. We have with us here in the studio Tony Benn, another self-proclaimed democratic socialist, to discuss whether so-called Democratic Socialism still has relevance in a world where Marxist-Leninism seems ascendent...."
     
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    Political Party Info - Socialist Republic of Great Britain
  • Political Parties of the Socialist Republic of Great Britain, Part One
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    The Socialist Republic of Great Britain is the worlds largest Trotskyist state, and as such is something of the odd one out amongst the nations of the North-Western Alliance. Though professedly committed to a Internationalist policy of Permanent Revolution, the Socialist Republic of Britain has yet declined to fully join the Union of European Republics with its close neighbours in France and the Federal Commune of Germany, fearing not only that the purity of "Bolshevik-Leninist" ideology may be diluted if too sovereignty is ceded to a cross-national workers that does not follow the truth path, but also that a "overly hasty" move towards a pan-European workers state will inflame popular opposition to the Trotskyist government. As such Socialist Republic of Britain has yet to adopt the Euro. Britain is also somewhat leery of entering into too close relations with the United Peoples of North America, partially out of a residual anti-Americanism and partially because it views the UPNA's relationship with Maoist China with suspicion, fearing Maoist influence in America may one day create a Sino-American bloc of "degenerate workers states" just as bad as the Soviet Union. Despite all this, however, the Socialist Republic of Britain remains firmly on the Western side of the New Cold War, an implacable enemy of the Soviet Bloc. While not the great power it once was, Britain military capacities are still a welcome asset to the North-Western Alliances ongoing arms race with the Soviet Union.

    The state of democracy in Britain is complicated by the ambiguities of Trotskyist ideology. While determined on the one hand not to end up like the Soviet Union, the fact remains that the pre-Stalinist model of Lenin's Russia which the Socialist Republic of Britain broadly follows is not one entirely tolerant of dissent. While all agree that opposition should exist, not all degree on what consists the boundaries of that opposition. All forms of Communism and most forms of Socialism get a fairly free pass, even if "Tankies" get their mail opened and wires taped, but opposition from outside the traditional left exists in a semi-legal realm. Periodic "Black Scares" result in outbreaks of persecution against anarchists, whom the government associates with the terrorist activities of the Angry Brigades, a situation only made worse by the appropriation of anarchism as a label by young right-wing radicals. The remnants of the Liberal tradition are generally left unharnessed, mainly because they aren't seen as a real threat, but the new workers state has a extremely complicated relationship with Tories. Since Enoch Powell's famous "transcendental values" speech many Tories followed in the foot steps of Russia's Smenovekhovtsy and adopted Powell's mantra of "loyalty to the nation above all, even with a Communist government." This has put the government in the difficult position of utterly loathing Powell, and fearing the precedent his intimation of Ustryalov represents, but needing him as a useful tool with which to pacify what otherwise might be a uncooperative and even hostile part of the populace - even to ensure the loyalty of parts of the old elite civil service and business class who expertise is still needed. "Fascism" is illegal here as it is in most parts of the globe, but since few are stupid enough to profess Fascism openly it becomes a form of detective work to divide apart groups who profess loyalty to the revolution genuinely and those who do so as a tactic to avoid being banned.

    Economically, the Socialist Republic ironically resembles more closely an Eastern Bloc country than most parts of the North-Western Alliance. Like the Soviet Union, Britain favours the model of cybernetically enhanced centralised state ownership over cooperative autogestion in the French style or the market socialism of the South-Western Alliance. British cyberneticist Stafford Beer returned from Chile shortly after news of the revolution reached him to bring Cybersyn back to his homeland.


    The Communist-Labour Party (Bolshevik-Leninist), commonly known as the Bolshies or the Trots - The All-Britain Communist-Labour Party (Bolshevik-Leninist) was once the democratic socialist party known simply as the Labour Party, which was successfully taken over by Trotskyist entryists in the early 70's. It has been the traditional party of government in the Socialist Republic of Britain for most of the post-revolutionary period, primarily because of it's leading role in the revolution and its perhaps dubious status in public opinion as "the real Labour Party."

    Party Leader: Chairman Tariq Ali is the paramount leader of government, but Tony Cliff remains a symbolic figurehead and has the final say in all matters theoretical.

    The Communist-Labour Party (Marxist-Leninist), commonly known as the Stalinists - Though anti-Revisionist Stalinists and Maoists originally took part in (some would say attempted to hijack) the Entryist takeover of the Labour Party, they were expelled fairly shortly after the revolution succeeded, ironically for refusing to abide by the rules of Democratic Centralism. Marxist-Leninist Labour is primarily Maoist, but includes Hoxaist and Third World Castroist contingents. An uneasy coalition between the third worldist faction lead by Hardial Bains and the "white working class" tendency represented by the parties current leader, Reg Birch.
    Party Leader: Reg Birch.


    The Communist Party of Great Britain, commonly known as the Tankies - Though in OTL the phrase Tankies refers to Stalinists and Leninists in general, in the world of the Way the Wind Blows it is restricted to supporters of the Soviet Union itself, since China is generally at least a enemy of an enemy to the Western world, perhaps sometimes a fair weather friend. The Soviet Union, however, remains the primary enemy - and so the CPGB remains in the eyes of the British public a party who serves a foreign enemy. They therefore struggle electorally, but retain a core appeal to those who see the continuation of Cold War tensions as a betrayal of the lefts principles. The Party plays to this niche by sometimes running candidates on a "CPGB-CND" ticket and utilising peace related imagery and slogans in their electoral material. This fad reached its height when the Party replaced the sickle in the hammer and sickle with a dove of peace, but outside of its core constituency few are convinced and the Parties inherent hypocrisy is a favourite target of satirists.
    Party Leader: John Gollan.


    Syndicalist Workers Federation, commonly known as Syndies - Technically not a "Party" as such, the Syndicalist Workers Federation or "the Syndies" is the primary voice of Britain's anarchists.

    Party Leader: Members take turns to act as sort of executive officer for the week, but all the decisions of that officer have to be ratified at a special bi-weekly meeting, by a simple majority in the case of purely internal affairs, but by a two thirds majority in the case of more....


    The Democratic Socialist Labour Party, commonly known as Old Labour or the Bevanites - The Democratic Socialist Labour Parties divorce from Bolshevik-Leninist Labour was not as bitter as that of Marxist-Leninist Labour, for it was largely based on a technicality and it's leadership is largely made up of the Bevanite left whose tolerance of entryism made the transformation of the Labour party into a "vanguard party" possible, and the party remains an ally of the Bolshies in parliament on most issues. However, one issue upon which they will not budge is Europe, and this makes it difficult for Bolshevik-Leninist Labour to commit to a clear policy on Europe.
    Party Leader: Tony Benn.

    Loyalist Party, commonly known as the Tories - The Conservative Unionist Party did not survive the revolution, mainly because it was one of its targets, but the ever flexible Tory political tradition lives on within the Loyalists. Enoch Powell might have been an unlikely candidate to first raise the Loyalist banner of "service to my country, even with a Communist government", free-market libertarian and British nativist that he was. But it was perhaps his credentials as the voice and philosopher of the old Conservatives parties far-right that made him the ideal figure to lead a British version of the White Russian "Changing Signposts" movement. Where a One-Nation Tory would have been accused of capitulation and cowardice more easily, Enoch's reputation added gravity to his declaration of loyalty to the new government, persuading many who might otherwise gone underground to accept the status quo. Yet Enoch was still widely reviled by most of the revolutionaries for his Rivers of Blood speech, and shortly after the party was established he was removed as leader in what has been called the "most ungrateful act in British political history" by the new party he had founded.

    Loyalists avoid the now politically toxic label of "Conservative" for the most part, sometimes calling themselves "Unionists" in an attempt to relate themselves to Trade Unionism. Operating on the knifes edge of accepted political discourse in the SRGB, the Loyalists are a soft spoken party with indistinct ideas, who often gain more mileage out of "harmless" sentimental issues, such as their ever-ongoing "campaign" to have the Union Jack put somewhere (anywhere) on the SRGB flag, than they ever can on matters of serious national policy. Most Loyalist policy hinges around a vague, inarticulate desire for some kind of patriotic market socialism coupled with traditional social values. Yet the Loyalists are gradually developing more a concrete party ideology over time, mainly thanks to the philosophical leadership provided by the parties young leader Roger Scruton, whose regular trips to Carlist Spain have helped the party forge links with the Western worlds only existing model of "Conservative Socialism". As the Party grows more sure of its legal status and right to exist, and as democratic institutions in the SRGB seem to grow stronger, perhaps it may one day express more vocally the parties secret desire to one day replace, rather than collaborate with, the left.
    Party Leader: Roger Scruton

    The Liberal and Social Democratic Party - Liberalism too struggles on within the SRGB, largely irrelevant, it's already unimpressive natural position in British electoral politics lost to the Bevanites.
     
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    VII
  • Ish-Blloku, Tirana
    People's Republic of Albania

    It was 3 AM in the morning, the sun not yet risen over the ancient city of Tirana, and the President of Albania was alone at his desk, a blanket wrapped round his shoulders, tapping furiously at his state of the art typewriter. Enver Hoxha considered his writing as foremost amongst his duties as a Marxist-Leninist revolutionary, an opponent of imperialism and anti-revisionism. As the Soviets and the Chinese clearly could not be relied upon to carry on the great tradition of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin it fell to him to give voice to the indignation and fury of the worldwide proletariat against those who would lead them astray. Titoism, Castroism, Khruschevism, he had seen them all for what they really were – false friends, enemies within whose follies and treacheries served the greater enemy. Yet they had not prevented the collapse of the Imperialists, as news flowed in every day of yet another supposedly successful revolution. He knew that Mao, that senile fool who had set his young thugs against the Chinese workers in that so-called “Cultural Revolution”, was busy hailing the dawn of worldwide communism – but Hoxha knew that revisionism in all its form could not be entertained even for a second. In this sense he found himself in reluctant agreement with the Khruschevites, whose response to recent events had been guarded, if somewhat confused and without the clarity that a true Marxist-Leninist perspective brought. The inevitable world revolution was here, that was clear, but this was no reason to let up in the struggle against the enemy within the Communist movement, in fact it called for intensification and escalation of that conflict, lest vast swathes of the world be lost for decades to all manner of revisionist deviations.

    The work upon which was underway with must be completed as soon as possible, so that he could present it as a report to the Central Committee and then fast track it for global publication. The Albanian Party of Labour now had definite links to anti-revisionist Parties across the world, and he called upon their own insights in his research into the class and ideological character of the various “Socialist” western regimes. As he emphatically banged out the last few sentences of the current chapter, titled “Modern Revisionism in Power” he decided it was time to review and redraft what he had written. It was only right that he, the premier voice of the Albanian people and the worldwide Marxist-Leninist movement, do his best to ensure the utmost vigour in his ideological output. He shuffled the papers, and turned to the first page of what he was considering titling “Autogestion is Anti-Communism”, or perhaps “A Critique of the French Revolution of 1968.”

    First on his agenda was France, home of the Great 1789 Revolution itself, now birthing ground of the many new insidious form of revisionism.

    “The French concept of Autogestion is no more than bourgeois utopianism” he had written. Bourgeois? Really, no, that didn’t make enough theoretical sense, grudgingly as he would have to admit it, the bourgeoisie had technically fallen. “The concept of Autogestion is no more than petit-bourgeois utopianism” then, but that also he felt feel short, best to add further clarification to the class character of the autogestionists. “The French concept of Autogestion is no more than petit-bourgeois utopianism, constructed in alliance with the lumpenproletariat, labour aristocracy and revisionist intelligentsia – directed as a weapon of disruption against the French proletariats struggle for socialist construction. Though professing Marxism, the opportunist petit-bourgeois lumpenproletariat regime has through the pernicious ideal of “Autogestion” resurrected the follies of Proudhonism, serving only to preserve those elements of capitalism that the creation of the dictatorship of the proletariat would eradicate. The failure of the genuine proletarian elements in the Council for Maintaining the Occupations to form a true vanguard left a void that was filled by opportunists. These petit-bourgeois student idealists have in fact forged an alliance with the very labour aristocrats in the Khruschevite unions they professed to oppose. The workers who were the true backbone of the 1968 revolution, yet without a true Marxist-Leninist vanguard they have fallen victim to a junta of class enemies and class traitors. The petit-bourgeois student faction has misdirected the proletariats class consciousness and revolutionary disdain for the Fascist government of General Salan and the Khrushecvite Communist Party leadership that replaced it in order to advance their utopian ends, which they present to the world under the banner of “Autogestion”. “

    “Attempting to clarify the proper meaning of much French propaganda material that our Party has acquired has proved difficult, for it is equally lacking in serious content as Chinese propaganda is, if not more so. Quixotic slogans like ”demand the impossible”, “boredom is counterrevolutionary” and “power to the imagination” speak more to the juvenile sensibility of poets than to the rigorous Marxist tradition. Much of this verbiage is aimed at justifying the hedonistic fantasies of the petit-bourgeois youth, promoting homosexuality, promiscuity, polygamy and all manner of work-shy, anti-social behaviours that we have eliminated here in Socialist Albania.”

    Hoxha was a great fan of literature, and therefore by necessity of the literature of France, and had admittedly enjoyed a few of the works he had studied for his research - yet they were still so far remote from Marxist-Leninist science for his own people to ever be allowed to read them.

    Satisfied with his overview of the French, he turned from the organ grinder to its monkey, the so-called “Federal Commune” of Germany. This presented an awkward prospect, since the primary alternative to the Federal Commune was the DDR, a Khruschevite puppet state. Yet loathe as he was to defend the DDR, and seemingly oppose German reunification, there was no doubt in his mind that the Federal Commune was first and foremost a extension of French influence, and that the West Germans were the frontline soldiers of the North-West Alliance against the East.

    “The revisionists of France true anti-Communist colours are nowhere more evident than in their support for the Rudi Dutschke and his revanchist petit-bourgeois social fascist regime, whose calls for the reunification of Germany to be considered a “National Liberation” struggle not only misapply proper Marxist-Leninist understanding of modern Imperialism but echo Hitlerisms desire for a “Greater Germany”. Yet despite his Fascist leanings Dutschke is truly the prophet of the new French revisionist Imperialism, the new rival to the Social Imperialism of the Soviet bloc. Dutschke also misapplies legitimate criticism of the Khruschevites to divert the masses away from true Marxist-Leninism towards his infantile, romantic brand of “socialism” that entirely focuses on the struggles of the “individual” against “the state”, and abandons class struggle entirely.”

    Was the term "Hitlerism" perhaps too antiquated? Best simply refer to him as a Fascist.

    Now for North America, for now a chaotic and withdrawn shadow of the great bulwark of Western-Imperialism, but which was showing worrying signs of been drawn back onto the world stage in support of the various revisionist states of Europe - and of indulging an alliance with the Chinese.

    “The leadership of UPNA, too, while exhibiting some of the outward characteristics of Marxist-Leninism, are primarily romantic opportunists who have been negatively influenced by Castroism, Maoism and the example of the bandit Che Guevara. Though all must salute their heroism in dealing the death blow to the old US Imperialism, they have completely failed to establish a true Vanguard party, instead pitting a mish-mash coalition of petit-bourgeois nationalist groups, liberal and social democratic renegades, romantic, idealist, non-Marxist student organisations, Clerical Socialist cults and terrorist organisations against the Fascist LeMay, whose fall would have surely been inevitable even without the so-called Rainbow Coalition. As in France and the Federal Commune, true socialism has yet to be established in any meaningful sense. The failure to apply the principles of Democratic Centralism has allowed counter-revolutionary elements to openly flourish, both threatening the existence of the current petit-bourgeois opportunist government and presenting grave barriers to the advancement of the genuine Marxist-Leninists within the American proletariat.”

    Now for Britain, now far from the world power it once was, but which presented an intolerable ideological insult to the Marxist-Leninist tradition. Hoxha himself found himself even more angry than usual with British revisionism than any other, if only because it dared resemble true Marxist-Leninism so much more closely than that of the other Western revisionists.

    “In Britain, the true face of the Trotskyites was revealed in their brazen misuse of the principles of true democratic centralism to expel real Marxist-Leninists from the Labour Party, while maintaining a shameful opportunistic alliance with the Social Fascist Tony Benn and the Fascist racialist demagogue Enoch Powell. Though it has eschewed the false dogma of Autogestion, in truth market socialism, in truth petit-bourgeoisie social fascism, it has been forced by the genuine Marxist-Leninist opposition in the Supreme Council of Action into adopting the outward trappings of a planned economy. Yet we in the Albanian Workers Party cannot stand by while the Trotskyites in Britain attempt to confuse and beguile the workers with a false historical narrative that defames the great Comrade Stalin’s achievements in socialist construction and battling Fascism. Without Comrade Stalin, the world revolution of today would surely have been impossible, yet like the Khruschevites the slanderers of London spit poison in the face of Lenin’s greatest disciple and conceal the infamous treacheries of Trotsky from the British working class. We can have no doubt that Tony Cliff, the supreme slanderer of the London Trotskyite gang, knows in his heart the falsity of his libels against Comrade Stalin and the well-documented reality of Trotskyite infamy, yet continues to spill ink in the cause of falsehood in order to turn the British working class away from the greatest leader of the British proletariat, the courageous and indefatigable Comrade Birch. Comrade Birch, who has organised the expelled Marxist-Leninists into a genuine Labour Party, has directed the vanguard of the British revolution with great integrity despite the best efforts of the London Trotskyite gang to defame him and of certain misguided Maoist factionalists to undermine his leadership. Only Comrade Birch has boldly spoken for the suppression of fascist parties allowed by the London Trotskyite gang to organise openly against the proletariat, and for the construction of British socialism according to objective Marxist-Leninist standards as set out by the immortal writings and praxis of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. He has opposed the neo-Bonapartist Imperialism of France, advanced under the banner of Pan-Europeanism and of bourgeois separatism, and has explicitly condemned the anarchist terrorism that threatens very lives of British proletarians while the London Trotskyite gang dithers.”

    Now, that the enemies folly has been fully described, Hoxha turned to the inspiring restatement of the the necessity and truth of the Albanian position, the one light of true Marxism in the world. Those within Albania who might dare show sympathy for some kind of anti-Soviet alliance with the Westerners, or reconciliation with the Soviets or Mao against the West, must be informed without delay that the dawn of (near) global socialism did not change anything. Albania must stand alone against a world of revisionism, even against the whole world, if necessary - as Lenin and Stalin had.

    “We here in Albania must take courage from the example of our Marxist-Leninist comrades in the revisionist West, and not allow the anti-Soviet swan-song of the North West-Alliance, nor their hollow denunciations of the South-West Alliance, blind us to their own insidious form of anti-Socialist revisionism. Under the banner of “Autogestion” the North-West Alliance, a Social Imperialist cabal that carries on the blood stained tradition of NATO, attempts to smuggle individualism, utopianism, idealism and libertine homosexuality into the global workers revolution against capitalism, fascism and Imperialism. Nor should we allow our revulsion at the decadent falsities of the Modern Revisionists make us forget the necessity of opposing the Social Imperialism of the Khruschevites, who know face the true consequences of their irresponsible and false libels against Comrade Stalin and abandonment of Marxist-Leninist principles. Had the Soviet Union the Peoples Republic of China offered true socialist leadership to the global proletariat, then the modernist revisionists would surely have been swept aside – yet the price of revisionism is revealed, and places the fate of socialist humanity in grave jeopardy. Though we are mocked as a small nation, we in Socialist Albania know that our struggle is not fruitless, that our example and our teachings shall reach the proletariat of the world, and inspire them to continue the tradition of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin that has triumphed throughout history again and again.”
     
    IX: The Decade of Ascendency, The Soviet Union in the 1970’s
  • The Decade of Ascendency
    The Soviet Union in the 1970’s

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    The 1977 October Revolution Parade, held at a time when Soviet power felt unquestionable.

    What Soviet historians call the ‘Desyatiletiye Druzhby’ (Decade of Friendship), but is usually referred to outside the remaining Soviet bloc as the the Decade of Soviet Ascendency, is still widely regarded as a golden age for the USSR and the Warsaw Pact. From the period of the Revolutionary Thaw until 1974, to the early stages of the Second Cold War, the Soviet Union was effectively the worlds single superpower. The UPNA was for much of the decade both unwilling and unable to project power as the US had once done, and while the ideological hetrorthodoxy of the West European revolutions prevented true Soviet dominance of Europe, the division between the North-West and South-West Alliance made them poor competitors to the Warsaw Pact on the global stage. Much of Africa and the Middle East preferred the concrete benefits of Soviet friendship to that of the New Left powers, who were often more absorbed in internal affairs and post-revolutionary civic strife. Though challenges to Soviet hegemony still existed, they were defensive in nature, and both the Party leadership and the general Soviet public had never felt so secure. The spectre of Western Imperial aggression, itself a reflection of the national traumas suffered in the Great Patriotic War, had been seemingly banished. Khrushchev's controversy courting reign had been replaced by the steady hand of "collective party leadership" in the late sixties, and this had over time seamlessly morphed into the familiar spectacle of personal leadership by Mikhail Suslov, who remains popular today amongst Soviet hardliners as the "Pope" of the Eastern Bloc.

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    Typical images of carefree affluence that often characterise Soviet perceptions of the 1970's.

    Largely unaffected by the 60’s energy crisis and by the subsequent market crash, and with the economic reforms of Kosygin beginning to pay off, Soviet citizens enjoyed perhaps the highest standard of living as had yet been possible in Soviet history. State propaganda presented the world revolution as an entirely Soviet achievement, as the payoff of the many sacrifices and struggles of the Soviet people across many decades. To this day many Soviet citizens credit Suslov (or, depending on their politics, Khrushchev) personally for the collapse of NATO and the end of the Wallace-LaMay regime. Bulgaria would be welcomed as the 16th Republic of the USSR with lavish televised ceremonies. The withdrawal of America troops from there many bases across Europe and Asia seemed a confirmation that Soviet military power was the greatest in the world. The 70’s has thus become a favourite setting in Soviet pop culture for romantic comedies and nostalgic coming of age stories, recalling an “innocent” time before the renewed anxieties of the 1980’s. Khrushchev’s already wildly optimistic predictions of an impending transition to Communism now seemed more credible and were parroted with ever more enthusiasm in the Party Congresses of this decade. Nostalgic Soviet commentators bemoan the loss of the sense of community and unity of the 70's, and reactionary Suslovites imagine the period as a perfect utopia betrayed by the weak leadership of his successors.

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    The Soviet leadership in 1972, shortly before Kosygin's fall from grace.

    It goes without saying that from the perspective of those countries who feel victim to Soviet aggression in the 1970’s that it was hardly a “innocent” time, especially in the case of the Soviet invasions of Austria and Greece. Yet the golden glow that Soviets often attach to the 70’s serves not only to blind them from the crimes of Soviet aggression, but also to the various internal problems the USSR experienced in this so-called golden age. Kosygin, the man largely responsible for the successful economic reforms that made the 70’s so-well regarded in Soviet popular memory, spent much of the period under house arrest after being double crossed by his political partner Suslov, after proposing political reforms and a relaxed hold over the Eastern Bloc. It was precisely Kosygin’s downfall that prevented any hope of political reform and genuine diplomatic rapprochement with the West, that laid the basis for the many failures of the 80’s. Suslov’s leadership, though still celebrated in nationalistic circles, is now widely regarded by historians both inside and outside the USSR as being responsible for many intractable long-term problems that plague the Soviet Union today.

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    Though he rose to power as a critic of personal leadership, Suslov would eventually fully embrace the role of a Stalinist supreme leader, after finding so many of his inner party comrades unreliable and wayward.

    Moreover, despite Kosygin’s reforms being a unquestionable success (largely thanks to the introduction of Cybersyn systems from Chile, then still friendly to the Soviet Union), the degree of cheerful affluence we are presented with in Soviet media about the period is highly exaggerated. Though consumer goods were more readily available than they had been before, they were often of poor quality. The very decentralised nature of the Kosygin system laid itself open to huge inequalities between regions, as cronyism and nepotism diverted state resources away from where they were needed to where the apparatchiks wanted them. Though the creation of cooperatives seemed on the surface to provide workers more freedom in the workplace, the lack of political and press freedom to back up this theoretical workplace democracy only served to highlight the gulf between the freedoms enjoyed by the citizens of the First Workers State to that available to those living in the newest. Moreover, while more efficient, the new Soviet economy was becoming increasingly more overtly unequal as the Russian Party bureaucracy took for themselves the lion share of the economic benefit. Some national minorities even became worse off, as under Suslov Great Russian Chauvinism became an increasingly prominent part of Soviet life. While some might have hoped the accession of Bulgaria to the union might herald the dawn of a wider federal Soviet identity, it became increasingly evident that it was a Russian Empire. Chinese and Western accusations of “Social Imperialism” would eventually become harder to shake off. This is to say nothing of the many discontents that existed in the Eastern Bloc countries, especially in the DDR (whose very legitimacy and identity was seriously challenged by the mere existence of the Bundeskommune) and Czechoslovakia (where the scars of the brutal suppression of the Prague Spring were still felt). The very public spectacle of the unprovoked Soviet takeover of Austria is so familiar that it hardly needs to be commented on here.

    This obviously didn’t bother many ordinary Russians, especially those who had lived through the many horrors and hardships of Stalinism and the Great Patriotic War and had "never had it so good". Indeed, oral studies of the popular humour of the Soviet people reveal an explosion of patriotic jokes at the expense of Western and Chinese socialism, alongside the usual diet of party officials and rustic national minorities. Such jokes often characterised foreign revolutionaries as pretentious try hards, dumb hedonists or simply as crazy lunatics, who could never live up to the Soviet original. Yet many seeds for future dissent were sown in this period. Many of the care-free youthful characters that populate 70’s nostalgia movies actually spent much of the period frustrated by a regime of cultural and political repression that was growing ever harder to justify in orthodox Marxist-Leninist terms. Many Soviet youth were confused and irritated by laws censuring music and fashion from countries that were revolutionary and socialist, and verbose, patronising state propaganda about Trotskyism and left-deviationism did little to satisfy them. Many Soviet youth longed to travel freely across the world, yet were usually only allowed to engage in heavily regulated holidays to Soviet friendly states. It was in the 70’s that the infamous and often harshly punished pastime of “hitch hiking” from approved Warsaw Pact locations to Paris or London began. Jewish refuseniks demands to relocate to a now socialist (and in fact broadly Soviet aligned) Israel only intensified as Suslov’s attempts to Russify Soviet Jews accelerated.


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    A stamp from 1975 celebrates the Soviet liberation of Korea.
    Soviet global influence in this period was indeed unparalleled at any time before or since, especially in the early 70's when NWDO was still a pale shadow of NATO. The Chinese were largely surrounded by a coalition of Soviet friendly Asian Communist states who looked to the USSR to shield them from the PRC's extremism and pretensions to regional hegemony, though Japan's passionate attempts to act as a diplomatic bridge between the PRC and the USSR and heal the Sino-Soviet split make it hard to classify as a true ally against China. Ideological hostility between North West and South West was easily exploited, meaning that despite Western Europe being far too difficult to dominate, it was easily contained. The South West Alliance, which lacked a nuclear deterrent, was fairly easy to openly bully until around the mid-70's. The Middle East was at the time almost universally Soviet friendly, though the Ba'athist and Arab Nationalist states were already beginning to grow somewhat weary of close Soviet relations with Communist Iraq and Iran. Africa too was largely an uncontested sea of newly independent states jostling for Soviet approval, and would remain so well into the early 80's. Soviet influence over Finland grew ever tighter, and Fabian India seemed to regard close relations with the Soviet Union as a shield against any internal revolution, Congress ushering the Indian Communist Party into coalition despite it being largely unnecessary from a electoral or parliamentary standpoint. However, by the late 70's the Soviet grip on the globe was already beginning to loosen. Not only were Soviet attempts to limit trade and economic ties between the West and the former Third World unsuccessful, the heavy-handed nature of Soviet tactics incited resentment in former allies. The Soviet Union's grandiose military expenditure, no longer directed at Capitalism or Imperialism but merely at forms of socialism the Soviets disapproved of (or even worse, at nations who wished to leave the Soviet sphere) was rightfully seen as threatening. The continued discontent of the Eastern Bloc and the increasingly shrill nature of Soviet nationalism began to make formerly friendly states cautious of increasing their ties with the First Workers State, and the arrogance of Soviet diplomats in this period is a recurring theme of many a memoir written by those who dealt with them. Beneath the decade of ascendency, lay the beginnings of the Second Cold War, which would begin in earnest soon enough.
     
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    X: Opération Résurrection
  • Opération Résurrection
    The French-Algerian Crisis of 1958
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    French soldiers in Algeria, then officially a fully integrated French department with a sizeable minority of white French settlers militantly opposed to independence.

    In May 1958, the crisis of French Imperialism in Algeria had escalated into a full scale national crisis. The French military, deeply linked to the political interests of the French settlers in the "Department" of Algeria, had become openly insubordinate towards the government. A revolt by the Algerian people against French colonial rule had provoked an ultra-Imperialist clique to assumed power in Algers, and this military clique had already gone as far as launching a military takeover of Corsica. Dubbing themselves the Committee of Public Security (certainly an ominous term in the French political lexicon), these putschists had eventually boiled down their agenda for the defence of French rule in Algeria to one particular demand: the installation of General Charles de Gaulle as the leader of a "government of national unity." If this demand was not met, they would take further military action to preserve French rule in Algeria.

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    At the time of this Press Conference, de Gaulle seemed certain to assume national leadership. Supported by a military who believed he would back their cause, and deemed acceptable by politicians who hoped he would prevent further chaos as their own military openly revolted against them. His abrupt, and we now know natural, death would dash any hope for compromise.
    Though French historians of today are largely opposed to anything that stinks of the Great Man Theory of history, few can deny that the abrupt death of Charles de Gaulle on the 23rd May 1958 seems to be a seminal turning point in the history of France. The man in whom destiny had placed the ability to stabilise a rapidly deteriorating political situation, and who both the insurgent military clique and the political parties were willing to trust with Presidential authority, was suddenly and mysteriously found dead in his home. General Salan’s Committee of Public Safety immediately, and without a shred of evidence, declared he had been murdered. Even as the panicking civilian government announced in a Press conference that the 67 year old war hero had simply died of a heart attack after a “fall”, “Operation Resurrection” was already in motion, and the blame for the imaginary assassination had fallen squarely and predictably on the Communists and Soviet Russia. This was the General Salan’s “Reichstag fire”, and within a day of his radio broadcast accusing the government of foul play French paratroopers were seizing Paris’ major airports and tanks rolled down the streets of the capital. The Communists and Socialists declaration of a general strike to resist the coup was quickly denounced by the new regime as proof they had been planning a takeover of their own all along, and before most of the French public could adjust to what was happening most of France’s prominent leftists were either fleeing the country or under arrest, and the anti-Communism of America and Britain made them hesitate to denounce the takeover before it was too late. It was not until the Revolutionary Government of the Sixth Republic released the long suppressed autopsy report that the truth about de Gaulle’s death was put to rest, though many still insist he was “pushed”.

    Of course, many dispute whether it would have made any difference had de Gaulle lived. After all, it was only because the putschists had demanded de Gaulle be made President that the civilian politicians had in desperation agreed to install him as President mere days before the mans sudden death. While it is true de Gaulle would have had more popularity and legitimacy, and could have used it to reign in the excesses of General Salan and the Committee of Public Safety, it’s equally true he might have established a basically similar regime. Though he himself denied dictatorial ambitions in a Press Conference shortly before his death, something which has lead some Gaullist conspiracy theorists to claim it was in fact General Salan who had the great man murdered, he wouldn’t have been the first man in the history of dictatorships to lie about such things. It is possible that a de Gaulle regime would have spared France the trauma of tanks rolling down the streets of Paris, but nonetheless spelled the end of the Third Republic and its replacement if not by a military dictatorship, instead by a Presidential one. Controversially, some historian even posited that de Gaulle’s death prevented France from experiencing “true Fascism“, instead of a simple conservative authoritarian regime in the mould of Franco Spain or Greece’s colonels, as de Gaulle could have constructed a base of mass support strong enough to recreate a 1930’s style Fascist cult of personality and totalitarian culture. On the other hand, some believe French democracy might have been preserved by de Gaulle. These fanciful counterfactual narratives, predominant amongst eccentric reactionary elements of French society, of a perfect, heroic General de Gaulle bestriding the contradictions of democracy and military rule and resolving them in such a way that prevented the 1968 Revolution stillborn strain the boundaries of credibility and are in any case fruitless. It was not the hero of the resistance who would take charge of France during this time of crisis, but instead it was General Salan, a man whose name lives in infamy, who would take power using de Gaulle’s lavish state funeral to distract the world media from the fact that a coup d’état had been launched and succeeded in one of the major Western democracies. By the time President Eisenhower had shook the General’s hand in full view of hundreds of cameras, it was also clear that the USA had accepted Operation Resurrection as a fait accompli, and dared not publicly insult France’s new military regime lest it withdraw from the NATO alliance. One of the great propaganda narratives of the Western side of the First Cold War, that of capital democracies against totalitarian communism, had been severely and publicly undermined. France would remain a military dictatorship in all but name for nearly a decade, and would remain entangled in an escalating war in Algeria until the Great May Revolution of 1968.

    As the Committee of Public Safety became the Government of Public Safety, the Fourth Republic officially became the Fifth Republic, careful as Salan was to avoid association with anything anti-Republican that might link his regime to anti-Democratic governments in France’s history, most notably to Pétain’s “French State.” France was still officially a democracy, merely one subject to a permanent state of emergency that left the National Assembly and it’s figure head Prime Minister subordinate to the now formally constitutionalised Committee of Public Safety, an entirely military body that had the power to ban any civilian political party and arrest anyone involved in “anti-French” political activities at it’s own discretion, independent of either genuine judicial or civilian political oversight. Various fictions of legality and democratic procedure were maintained, with enough “loyal” unions, newspapers and political parties operating to maintain the collective illusion of normalcy and continuity with the Third Republic. But the perhaps most important power granted to the Committee of Public Safety was not merely the ability to suppress Communism in any way it wished, but the fully legal and constitutionally mandated “responsibility” of the French Army to take any action necessary to maintain France’s “territorial integrity“. France’s emasculated National Assembly, purged of enough members to ensure those who remained could vote through all Salan’s demands, had in effect legally ceded it’s right to ever cede a French Department under any circumstances. The military had achieved its goal of an Algeria that would remain an “integral” part of France forever, no matter what the majority of Algerians or even the French people themselves wished.

    AVT_Raoul-Salan_3688.jpg

    General Salan would rule France as the head of the Committee of Public Safety for nearly a full decade.

    Whether or not General Salan’s regime was “Fascist” has been a matter of some historical debate. There is no doubt that for most of the 68 Revolutionaries, and for most of those who opposed the regime throughout the 60’s, what they fought against was the “Regime of the Fascist Generals,” and the political atmosphere of even the following two decades brooked little in the way of scholarly contradiction. However, as with the aforementioned claim that the death of de Gaulle robbed the Committee of a living Hitler or Mussolini like figure with which to rally the people, instead presenting the French people with a Franco-like military generalismo who largely ruled in the name of the dead de Gaulle, and even allowed the now powerless offices of President and Prime Minister to change hands a few times between a few interchangeable civilian politicians who might have very well been specifically chosen for a total lack of popularity or charisma. The Committee and Salan did not promote any specific ideology or ism beyond vague French Nationalism and Imperialism, careful as they were to avoid appearing in any way similar to the “National Revolution“ of Vichy, and did not create any political parties or youth groups they endorsed directly. On the other hand, they did nothing to discourage the formation of Fascistic pro-regime groups like Occident, Europe-Action and FEN, and allowed pre-existing right-wing forces like Poujade’s UDCA free reign in the otherwise tightly controlled and increasingly rigged elections. Despite this, they were careful to avoid grant prominent far-rightists like Poujade or Tixier-Vignancour anything other than a cheerleading role due to their tainted association with Vichy, preferring to front their government with “empty suits”. It was an open secret that many people associated with the regime supported Vichy, and many collaborators were quietly pardoned, the regime itself preferred to deal with the memory of Vichy by simply “not remembering”. As many French students who had the misfortune to study during the 60’s can well recall, “Vichy simply did not exist” in the regimes textbooks, neither condoned - or condemned, it might as well have never happened. Instead, a Cult of de Gaulle Free France in exile was promoted in such a way as to avoid any undue fixation on the leftist character of the Resistance in France proper. Though the proximity to Franco’s Spain, and the similarity of the US-France relationship to the US-Spain relationship during this period, has made comparisons between Francoism and Salanism popular - these are often rather surface level, and fail to account for the deep differences in origin, character and structure between the Spanish and French regimes. Comparisons with the equally contemporary (but rather brief) Greek Colonels also does disservice to the sophisticated and highly Orwellian ideology of the Greek dictatorship, that went far beyond the patriotic vagaries of France under the Committee of Public Safety, where people were largely left to believe anything so long as it was not overtly leftist or anti-colonial.

    It was precisely this characteristic of General Salan’s rule that added the somewhat unreal and surreal quality that informed Situationism and the French New Left critique of modernity. French people were still told they were free, and that they were citizens of a democratic Republic, so long as they did cross certain specific boundaries. There were unions, and even the occasional strike, yet most of the countries trade union leadership had disappeared. Huge unions like the CGT and FO had been beheaded by the coup, their militants hunted down for their long-standing historic ties to Socialist and Communist activism, forcing a regression of the French labour movement from large federations into tiny segregated craft unions. These small government approved unions were intentionally too small to coordinate nationally, and easily deposed of when they proved troublesome. Political parties canvassed, ran candidates, yet entire mass parties that had been supported by huge swathes of the French working class had vanished from the ballot paper. There was supposedly free speech, yet one could not discuss the raging war in Algeria in anything but the most patriotic terms. US Presidents like Eisenhower, Kennedy and Goldwater who gave passionate speeches about personality liberty and freedom were apparently fine with this state of affairs, yet the totalitarian Soviet Union offered support and solidarity to the underground opposition. The apparently care-free and materially focused culture of Western consumerism continued to spread, even as young French people became painfully aware that just out of public sight grave human right abuses that had once been confined to the colonial sphere had now returned home to haunt the streets of Paris. Torture and interrogation methods developed for use in Algeria were now used on Communists, Socialists and all those who questioned the eternal truth that Algeria was French. Capitalism seemed to provide little defence of the freedom of the individual when Neo-Colonial interests trumped democratic mandate. It would take until the late 60's for the French youth to develop a new opposition movement strong enough to end the Salan regime, and supplant the broken Communist and Socialist Party leaders who returned from exile and imprisonment (if they had even survived) as men out of time and out of touch. In a case of strangely historical symmetry, the roots of May 1968 can be found in May 1958.
     
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    XI: India
  • I would like to thank @Maponus for the opportunity to do this piece. I hope everyone enjoys it.

    New Delhi, India


    Outside the gates of 1, Safdarjung Road, khaki clad guards held back the tide of protestors. They were shouting, waving little red flags, holding signs with Lenin, Trotsky, Mao, Tariq Ali on them. Some even carried the flags of the Socialist Republic of Britain and the UPNA.

    Shripad Amrit Dange, Ambassador to the Soviet Union, scowled as he watched the protestors. He had dealt with his share of revisionists and splits within his own party, but these new upstarts, taking inspiration from the so-called “New Left” in the West, and this general strike concerned him. They had not known the struggles of previous generations of communists against the British, a battle he and his comrades struggled alongside Panditji and Gandhiji and the rest. Not helping was his old comrade EMS leading the charge of this general strike, with his party winning all those state elections.

    Dange took another sip of his tea, before rising as armed guards ushered his host into the room. Indira Gandhi was clad in one of her grandest saris. Despite her short stature, she exuded a presence in the room. Joining her was Sanjay, balding with thick Coke bottle glasses and his white clothing.

    Indira sat, took some tea, and began, “What of the news from Moscow?”

    “Premier Suslov is very anxious about the reports of the CPI-M’s victories and the news of the general strike. With what happened in Britain and America, he fears that another revolution hostile to the Soviet Union will erupt here. He wants a quick end to the situation.”

    Sanjay scoffed, while his mother simply put down her tea.

    “The Soviets have been very kind to us. Since Premier Khrushchev visited my father, they’ve provided much support to us. And we were assured that the Communists were not trying to undermine the government.”

    “And we’ve followed that since! We’ve been very loyal to your government. Unfortunately, there were some in our party that failed to take note of that…”

    “You failed to control your own people, and they’re threatening our country!” Sanjay stomped down. “If you had a better handle…”

    “They took out that letter. Damned forgery…”

    Indira pulled her hand up, ending the argument.

    “Dange, you understand your appointment as Ambassador was a sign of appreciation you and your party has given to our government over the years.”

    “Of course.”

    “And you had a previous relationship with Suslov?”

    “We spoke for a bit before Independence. With the theorist Andrei Zhdanov”

    “Then you can assure him that we are taking the most appropriate measures to keep order in this country. You are aware that with the withdrawal of US troops, Pakistan is on the verge of collapse. Khan can’t keep order, not without his US support. Wallace poured him with money and arms. Rigged the elections against Bhutto. Lost Bangladesh. There is chaos in the streets. Rebellion. We must seize the opportunity at this juncture. I’m sure the Premier would agree.”

    Indira poured more tea.

    “ These new regimes in Washington and London, they may talk about their new way, but we can’t be sure that they can be trusted. The Soviets have been supporting us for 20 years. These strikers and their Western masters threaten to destroy everything my father and Gandhiji worked so hard to build.”

    Dange watched as Indira put down her tea.

    “Pardon me, Madame Prime Minister, but what do you intend to do.”

    “We’re doing what’s necessary,” Sanjay interjected. “What Grandfather did in 1957.”

    Dange shivered, thinking of what had happened.

    “On a much larger scale.” Indira finished. “They’ll call me a tyrant. A dictator. But we must safeguard our country. Our democracy. Protect the legacy of the Freedom Fighters. I’m sure you would agree?”

    “Yes, Madame Prime Minister.”


    Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala

    “Comrade, may I come in?”

    Elamkulam Manakkal Sankaran Namboodiripad, Chief Minister of Kerala ushered the assistant in.

    “I have… news for you. The government may impose a state of emergency over the entire country. Impose President’s Rule over states that elected CPI-M governments.”

    “Just like they did during the Liberation Struggle 18 years ago.”

    “What do you intend to do?”

    EMS leaned forward in his chair.

    “They were afraid then. Afraid of-of-of the CIA and the Americans interfering in our politics. The current prime minister told her father to overthrow us. Now, the-the-the-they are afraid of Suslov and the KGB. The difference is, we now have allies who will not stand for our repression.W-W-We are stronger now, the people have shown their support of us. I’m prepared to start a new Liberation Struggle.”
     
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