The Unwanted Clairvoyant. A different French strategy in WW1

With the Good Hope and Counties what you're seeing is the gunnery of the time, in reality their 6-inch guns were their main armament (sure on the Counties that's all they had but hear me out.) These were ships from a time when gunnery control was next to non-existant and the RN had the school of thought that weight of fire would make up for any accuracy, and where gunnery ranges were at the most 6000 yards, with a more 'normal' range being around 4000 yards. The 9.2's on the Good Hope and ships like her were really not the main guns, they were too slow firing for any real accuracy and there wasn't enough of them, or the gunnery developed for them. Instead they would, like a battleships 12-inch guns land the odd heavy hit whilst their 6-inch guns did the real work of crippling an opponent, killing their crew and setting them on fire.

The Scharnhorst class took advantage of the developments in gunnery pioneered by Captain Scott as well as German developments and both ships had reputations for being crack gunnery ships which was proven in combat twice where they shot far better than their British opponents. Really Craddock's advantage is with the mass of 6-inch guns, but he's going to have to get close to really use them.
 
27th November 1914. Near the harbour of Rio Gallegos, sourthern Argentinian coast.
27th November 1914. Near the harbour of Rio Gallegos. Southern Argentina

At 7am, Von Spee reaches the Argentinian harbour and begins coaling. The operation is conducted at a frantic pace as the German Vice-Admiral intends to leave at dawn. From there, the squadron will follow a north-northeast course before turning west towards the Brazilian coast. Ultimately, the German warships will cross the Atlantic Ocean, reaching the Azores before heading northwest, bypassing the British Islands and eventually arriving at Bremerhaven.

But at 2pm the SMS Nurnberg, patrolling 10 miles east of the harbour spots the smoke of six large vessels coming from the East before recognizing the silhouette of British warships. Informed within minutes, and while his ships at anchored at the entrance of the bay, Von Spee realizes that the German East Asia Squadron has no choice but to fight its way out. However, several problems have appeared, the SMS Nurnberg is currently isolated and with the British ships now approaching at full speed, it’s likely that the light cruiser will be neutralized before being joined by the rest of the squadron.

Consequently, the remaining German ships would fight against a numerically superior enemy with a predictable outcome. Ultimately, Von Spee was resolute to save as many of his men as possible. Nurnberg was ordered to leave the area at full speed, the last message of the SMS Scharnhorst being a laconic “Good luck”. As for Dresden, her ability to steam at 27 knots gave her a solid chance to escape and so the light cruiser was ordered to flee as well after having taken 90 men from the Scharnhorst and Gneisenau on board (including Von Spee’s two sons, who only accepted to leave after a direct order from their father). As for the German collier, it will remain in the harbour since it’s a civilian ship, waiting for the British departure before leaving.

At 3pm, the two armoured cruisers sailed towards Craddock’s force. The British Rear-Admiral spots the SMS Dresden trying to run away, dispatched the HMS Bristol to hunt the German light cruiser down. In fact, Craddock would have preferred to wait for the warships coming from the Brazilian coastline. However, the risk to see Von Spee escaping if he avoids the fight convinces him to battle. But while the two squadrons are about to clash, the Bristol, only able to sail at 25 knots, progressively loses contact with the Dresden in spite of some minor artillery exchange.

Thirty minutes later, the SMS Scharnhorst and Gneisenau slowed down and aimed at the HMS Cornwall. At 3:37, Von Spee gave the order to fire at a distance of 16000 metres. The extremely well-trained German gunners prove their worth after three salvos aimed at adjusting their fire: within 3 minutes, the Cornwall is hit five times while the HMS Defence and Good Hope score only one hit in this initial exchange, resulting in minor damage on the Gneisenau’s funnels.

However, Craddock’s four armoured and one light cruisers soon come under 13000 metres, sending a slew of 233, 190 and 152mm shells at an impressive rate, albeit still partially inaccurate due to the consequent distance: the Gneisenau is once again hit but damage remain light.

Calmly, Von Spee orders to maintain the fire against the already battered Cornwall, inflicting serious to critical damage salvo after salvo while the distance is progressively decreasing. At 5000 metres, the two German cruisers launch a salvo of four torpedoes against the Cornwall: three miss but one hits the vessel at the stern. His main batteries disabled and his bridge devastated, the Cornwall tries to leave the battle at a speed of 4 knots.

Only the foolhardy manoeuvre of Captain Frank Brandt, commander of the HMS Monmouth and known for his bravery among his peers, temporarily saves the Cornwall from a brutal destruction. Placing himself between the German cruisers and the wounded Cornwall, Brandt offers an opportunity to his homologue Captain Walter Ellerton to escape, albeit at a high cost.

Indeed, the Monmouth, being Von Spee’s new main target, suffers very heavy damage but is able to retaliate, its 152mm guns beginning to take their toll at barely 4000 metres.

Furthermore, this manoeuvre manages to briefly distract the German cruisers, allowing the HMS Defence and Good Hope, seconded by the HMS Glasgow. Shell after shell, the artillery duel turns to the British’s advantage and ultimately, a torpedo from the Glasgow incapacitates the Gneisenau even if its captain manages to leave this fish trap at slow speed, sailing towards the coast while pursued by the Good Hope. As for the Scharnhorst, another torpedo and several salvos sign the end of the battle. With seven of his eight main guns disabled, three fires and more than half of his men being dead or wounded, Von Spee decides that pursuing the fight would be useless. Consequently, the ship is scuttled and any paper of importance burned while the HMS Glasgow and Defence approach to rescue the survivors of the now slowly sinking ship: 348 officers and sailors are captured, including a slightly wounded Von Spee. As for the Gneisenau, it manages to run aground only 200 metres away from the Argentinian coast, around 15 kilometres south of Rio Gallegos. Its captain, Gustav-Julius Maerker, and 420 survivors (including 100 or so injured), abandon the ship and reach the beach while the Good Hope is closing. The British armoured cruiser then fires a hundred 233mm shells and even a torpedo which definitively destroy the Gneisenau under the eyes of its crew before sailing away. The German sailors then walk towards Rio Gallegos were they join the crew of the remaining collier four hours later: several weeks later, a Swedish freighter will accept to take them on board in exchange for a promise of reward.

For Craddock, this is a consequent success: the German East Asia Squadron has been dismantled and even the two light cruisers seem to have escaped, they’re now only able to conduct raiding actions and aren’t a threat to British warships anymore. The battle of Rio Gallegos, which has lasted for only 50 minutes, has resulted in the death of 832 Germans and the capture of 348. However this victory hasn’t come without a cost: the Monmouth is burning and only an obstinate effort from its crew prevents her from sinking: months of repairs will be needed at the very least. The Cornwall is less fortunate: too much damage and a severe list convince his captain to abandon ship. However, as the sinking of the ship proves to be a lengthy process, the majority of its crew is saved by the Glasgow. Overall the British Navy has lost 476 men, including 252 killed.

Nevertheless, the news of Craddock’s victory is welcomed with a certain relief at the Admiralty which had seriously begun to consider the possibility to send a couple of battlecruisers to deal with the German warships. For his cautious strategy and efficient use of limited resources, Rear-Admiral Craddock receives a telegram of congratulations from the First Lord of the Admiralty.

22-Captain-Frank-Brandt-of-Monmouth.jpg

Captain Frank Brandt, whose action has likely saved many lives on the Cornwall.


Author's notes: I wish to thank you for this udpate. Your posts and remarks led me to partially rewrite this one since I realized I wasn't entirely satisfied. So thanks, particularly to Steamboy whose precious posts fuelled some of the sentences.
 
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Bravo Zulu - - and if I am counting noses right, this makes Doggers Bank (if there was to be one) a very different battle. My bet is that one of the I's that went to the Falkands might cover the Canadian troop convoys, so Beatty's force would have one additional fully worked up 12 inch battlecruiser if not two.
 
Bravo Zulu - - and if I am counting noses right, this makes Doggers Bank (if there was to be one) a very different battle. My bet is that one of the I's that went to the Falkands might cover the Canadian troop convoys, so Beatty's force would have one additional fully worked up 12 inch battlecruiser if not two.
There is still three I's in the Mediterranean Sea ITTL since Lapeyrère still hopes to lure the KUK km into a battle near Cattaro and thus needs as much firepower as possible. Plus the sinking of the Goeben means the Mediterranean squadron isn't disbanded as OTL after this failure and will exist for a couple of more months. But as you can see, the squadron still had to send the HMS Defence to the Falklands and the Warrior to the Grand Fleet plus the light cruiser Weymouth to the East Indies as OTL: so the unit still has its heavy beasts but has lost half of its cruisers.

And... "Bravo Zulu"? Don't understand what that means. :)
 
There is still three I's in the Mediterranean Sea ITTL since Lapeyrère still hopes to lure the KUK km into a battle near Cattaro and thus needs as much firepower as possible. Plus the sinking of the Goeben means the Mediterranean squadron isn't disbanded as OTL after this failure and will exist for a couple of more months. But as you can see, the squadron still had to send the HMS Defence to the Falklands and the Warrior to the Grand Fleet plus the light cruiser Weymouth to the East Indies as OTL: so the unit still has its heavy beasts but has lost half of its cruisers.

And... "Bravo Zulu"? Don't understand what that means. :)
Bravo Zulu is well done
 
How big is the British Expeditionary Force going to get?
The BEF currently has 11 Infantry and 5 Cavalry Divisions. This number is expected to grow exponentially from Spring 1915 onwards.To what extent exactly I won't spoil but it will remains roughly as OTL. So 30 or so Divisions on the Western Front at the end of 1915 is very doable.
Note that the French Army won't grow as much as the British one even if the number of divisions will relatively rise: the mobilization has already taken everything that could be taken (except for colonial manpower but there is already an update about this).
 
The BEF currently has 11 Infantry and 5 Cavalry Divisions. This number is expected to grow exponentially from Spring 1915 onwards.To what extent exactly I won't spoil but it will remains roughly as OTL. So 30 or so Divisions on the Western Front at the end of 1915 is very doable.
Note that the French Army won't grow as much as the British one even if the number of divisions will relatively rise: the mobilization has already taken everything that could be taken (except for colonial manpower but there is already an update about this).

Goodbye Piccadilly, fairwell Leister Square.
 
The BEF currently has 11 Infantry and 5 Cavalry Divisions. This number is expected to grow exponentially from Spring 1915 onwards.To what extent exactly I won't spoil but it will remains roughly as OTL. So 30 or so Divisions on the Western Front at the end of 1915 is very doable.
Here's hoping the New Army will have more time to prepare and train before being thrown into the meat grinder.
 
Any list of British weapons for WW1 that the BEF would be using?

Probably don't have any LMG equivalent in utilizing... other than the Lewis Gun.
 
BEF will be scrambling to get more kit but OTL

Artillery , 13, 18 , 60lb guns
Infantry SMLE Mk III, Vickers Gun, primitive grenades

Coming in 1915
Metal Helmets, Lewis Gun, Mills bomb, Motars
 
The Old Contemptibles haven't been wiped out, so there's still going to be a strong core of veterans around.
The regulars haven't been wiped out but have still been relatively bloodied at Wavre in October/November. But a part of these casualties are also from Indian Infantry so...
Here's hoping the New Army will have more time to prepare and train before being thrown into the meat grinder.
Yes and no. The situation on the western front is far less urgent than OTL, yes but the French Army is basically the sole real opponent of the German Heer here. So the British Army will still hurry to send more men, less because they absolutely have to but more because they have to show a real solidarity with their ally (Michel is less authoritarian and ambitious than Joffre but has made very clear to Kitchener and Wilson that the BEF should be more than a field army). The real change is that the BEF has less areas where it can send its men to fight and die: ITTL, on a strategic point of view, the important area for the British is the Wavre salient while OTL, they fought at Ypres, the Somme etc. So the meat grinders are still here, but less numerous, logically resulting in less early massive casualties.

Any list of British weapons for WW1 that the BEF would be using?

Probably don't have any LMG equivalent in utilizing... other than the Lewis Gun.
Same as OTL so far with the big exception of the Chauchat: the British really intend to produce a licensed version of the lmg chambered in 303: it's far cheaper, lighter and fast to build compared to the lewis. The Lewis, being a superior design (no one will contest this) will still be used, but more for airplanes, cars and less for the infantry.
 
Basra, Iraq. 26th November 1914
Basra. Southern Iraq. Ottoman Empire. 26th November 1914

After three weeks of sporadic fighting, the British troops of the Indian Expeditionary Force D seize the city of Basra, first step in an attempt to secure the British oil supplies in the Middle East. The Ottomans have lost roughly 1500 men, including 500 killed and 300 captured; the British 500 men, including 150 killed and missing. However, the Indian government, who provided the troops for the operation, favours a strategy of “forward defence” and firmly encourages General Barrett, commander of the Indian 6th “Poona” Division, to progress further north.

Author's note: small update before a larger one tomorrow. I didn't want to post them at the same time because they really not talking about the same thing.
 
Basra. Southern Iraq. Ottoman Empire. 26th November 1914

After three weeks of sporadic fighting, the British troops of the Indian Expeditionary Force D seize the city of Basra, first step in an attempt to secure the British oil supplies in the Middle East. The Ottomans have lost roughly 1500 men, including 500 killed and 300 captured; the British 500 men, including 150 killed and missing. However, the Indian government, who provided the troops for the operation, favours a strategy of “forward defence” and firmly encourages General Barrett, commander of the Indian 6th “Poona” Division, to progress further north.

Author's note: small update before a larger one tomorrow. I didn't want to post them at the same time because they really not talking about the same thing.

Seems to be largely OTL, so far, which isn't particularly encouraging, given that this force would later be encircled and destroyed after the retreat to Kut from Ctesiphon, thanks to an excess of optimism on the part of the Indian Civil Service. Hopefully that mess can be avoided, either within the theatre or by pressuring the Ottomans elsewhere more successfully.
 
Berlin. 29th November 1914
Berlin. 29th November 1914.

Once again, a meeting at Berlin occurs, notably marked by the presence of Generals Falkenhayn and Hindenburg, Admiral von Tirpitz and Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg. More than two months after the council at Coblenz, the German military is depicted as slightly modified, albeit still relatively mixed.

On the Eastern Front, the Hindenburg’s offensive is seen as a satisfying success even if the Russian vigour has, for a moment, surprised and destabilized the German staff, even if Mackensen’s mobility has enabled to the Reich to ultimately prevail. However the Western Front is currently degenerating into a worrying stalemate with appalling losses. After a defensive victory in Belgium, a defeat in Moselle and an operational failure in Alsace, Falkenhayn’s western strategy is partially delegitimized. However, all agree that the situation in Moselle needs to be urgently fixed. The French Army is now firmly established at 6 kilometres west of Longwy and 15 kilometres west from Briey. East of this line are the German iron deposits of Metz-Thionville, whose exploitation are absolutely vital to maintain the war effort.

As General Falkenhayn describes it: a German victory on the Western Front would need a large breakthrough followed by the total subjugation of Belgium, the destruction of the French Army and the taking of the French capital. An Entente victory would only need to perform a

20 kilometres progression towards the Moselle River: afterwards, the French and British Armies would only to wait 8 months before imposing the peace of their own making. As a result, the frontline in the area must be fortified at a tremendous scale, turning the Moselle basin into an impregnable “festung” where any Entente Offensive would ultimately fail: the German Fifth Army should be reinforced, both in terms of men, armament and infrastructures.

However, after the battle of Mulhouse, Falkenhayn also recognizes that an Offensive strategy in the West is currently unwise: the German Army isn’t simply large enough to conduct aggressive actions on both fronts. Eventually, this led Falkenhayn to recognize that the Eastern strategy of Hindenburg, in spite of the solid rivalry between the two men, is the best available. Falkenhayn remains persuaded that a negotiated peace with Russia, with relatively lenient terms, is possible after a large and victorious offensive.

This move surprises both Tirpitz and Hindenburg, who had previously considered the idea to replace Falkenhayn with Ludendorf at the head of the German staff in order to implement this Eastern strategy. Both men had even evaluated the possibility of removing the Kaiser by declaring him clinically insane when the latter had refused to appoint Ludendorff, describing him as a “very dubious character”. Consequently, the German formations in the East are expected to be reinforced in the coming months in prevision of a general offensive for the spring which remains to be designed. Nine divisions (83rd, 84th, 86th to 89th Infantry Divisions; 5th, 11th and 18th Landwehr) have already been created from Landwehr and garrison units in German Poland and Silesia and have enabled the creation of a new Tenth Army whose task will be to defend the Masurian lakes and Eastern Prussia’s northern borders.

In the meantime, the Western Front will remain largely a passive one for most of 1915. In return, Von Tirpitz promises a more active German Navy with several raids and a more intensive submarine campaign whose boats have already claimed four British armoured cruisers.

Ultimately, it was the Chancellor who closed the meeting by reminding to the Assembly the current social and economic situation of the Reich: the food situation in particular, while not critical, was nonetheless serious and some shortages were to be expected for winter: price ceilings for potatoes had already been established and the government was considering the possibility of banning the farmers from foddering their grain. However, the recent commercial treaty signed between the Netherlands and the Entente combined with the Royal Navy’s effective blockade promised to further complicate the situation. Only Denmark remained as a potential source of food, notably for dairy and vegetables.

Finally, Von Bethmann-Hollweg stressed the necessity of gaining more support for the Triple Alliance in a near future. Bulgaria had to become a partner at all cost while a benevolent or at least actual neutrality from Italy or Romania, with important economical connections (notably for wheat and oil) had to be established, these two nations seeming to lean towards the Entente since a few weeks. However in this case the support of Austria-Hungary was necessary and the relations between the three nations weren’t particularly good.

In the same vein, the Chancellor, with the agreement of Falkenhayn, declared that allies within the French and British Empires would be welcome. The proclamation of Djihad by the Ottoman Caliph seemed to have a mediocre effect in that regard but the German chief-of-staff was actually interested about the Irish potential, which could divert British resources from the Western Front.

In the evening, both Falkenhayn and Bethmann-Hollweg invited Sir Roger Casement and Joseph Plunkett, IRB’s supreme council’s emissary, for dinner. The two men, still at Berlin after the signature of a “treaty between Germany and the Irish people” on October the 31st, were surprised by the courtesy and the concrete promises of support from their German counterparts. Beyond the creation of an Irish Brigade, recruited among British POWs, Falkenhayn finally agreed to the sending of selected German advisors in Ireland, a Casement’s proposal which had been rebuffed earlier. These men plus the Irish Brigade would then provide enough cadres to train the Irish Volunteers when sent back in Ireland. Finally, Bethmann-Hollweg promised a consequent financial help and the sending of weapons on a regular basis.
 
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