The Unexpected: In the time of Louis XII's heir

If Eleanor was still in Portugal why wouldn't she have custody?
Eleanor had the custody of her daughter after Manuel I's death in 1521. However, after the marriage of John III with her sister Catherine in 1525, Eleanor lost her strong position within the portuguese royal court and the custody of her daughter, possibly because Mary was a portuguese princess as Manuel I's daughter and John III's half-sister : Eleanor only a dowager queen after Manuel I's death, while her sister Catherine was the queen.

I should also add that was something that happened IOTL, even if Eleanor's wedding with Francis I's also possibly contributed to strenghten Catherine's claims on her niece's custody.
 
Eleanor had the custody of her daughter after Manuel I's death in 1521. However, after the marriage of John III with her sister Catherine in 1525, Eleanor lost her strong position within the portuguese royal court and the custody of her daughter, possibly because Mary was a portuguese princess as Manuel I's daughter and John III's half-sister : Eleanor only a dowager queen after Manuel I's death, while her sister Catherine was the queen.

I should also add that was something that happened IOTL, even if Eleanor's wedding with Francis I's also possibly contributed to strenghten Catherine's claims on her niece's custody.
In OTL Eleanor left Portugal with her daughter after Manuel’s death and was able to keep custody of her daughter until her wedding to Francis
 
In OTL Eleanor left Portugal with her daughter after Manuel’s death and was able to keep custody of her daughter until her wedding to Francis
Indeed.
Perhaps I would rectify it (not only in this version, but also in the original one) or just delete it since it has not speculiar impact that Mary of Portugal was raised by her mother or her aunt (except of course, the fact that in the first case, she will be raised in a flemmish and Netherlander background while in the second (and OTL-like) case, she will have portuguese education).
 
Indeed.
Perhaps I would rectify it (not only in this version, but also in the original one) or just delete it since it has not speculiar impact that Mary of Portugal was raised by her mother or her aunt (except of course, the fact that in the first case, she will be raised in a flemmish and Netherlander background while in the second (and OTL-like) case, she will have portuguese education).
That would be better as nobody has reason to separate Eleanor and her daughter here and in OTL Maria of Viseu lived for some time in Austria with her mother
 
That would be better as nobody has reason to separate Eleanor and her daughter here and in OTL Maria of Viseu lived for some time in Austria with her mother
The change has been done with a little shade. That would help me to rectify some other future parts of the threads I wrote for the French forum as Mary of Portugal will be mentionned and will have a part to play in this TL (a minor one, but an important one compared to her OTL life).
 
Why couldn't she bring her daughter with her to France?
Because of Mary's status : while she was part of the Habsburg family, Mary was born as a portuguese princess as her father was King Manuel I of Portugal. It means that she would be raised within the Portuguese (and Habsburg) frame of values and expectations.

If Eleanor could have brought Mary with her to France, it would imply a change in raising but also a political and dynastic tool for Francis I while Charles V and his kin lost one (it would have been a situation a bit similar to Mary Stuart's situation if I dare to make an uncertain comparaison).

Moreover, unless I'm wrong, young princesses generally joined other royal courts when they are to be married or in some cases because of a peculiar situation (for example, Mary Stuart was sent to France to avoid being coerced in marriage with Edward VI of England as she was a very young child at the time).
 
Not really? Maria of Portugal was queen of nothing, despite her riches...
That's why I wrote "a bit similar" as they weren't in the same position. Besides, in the time Eleanor married Francis I, Mary of Portugal was a nine-year-old princess while Mary Stuart was a six-year-old queen when she arrived in France.

But I nevertheless made the comparison as OTL Mary Stuart's situation was the closer to the situation Mary of Portugal would have been if her mother had been allowed to bring her in France.

That's also the reason why I concluded my previous message on the two main reasons why young princesses (or queens in the case of Mary Stuart) went to another royal courts. Mary of Portugal wasn't implied by either situation and her status of portuguese princess takes precedence on her situation of Eleanor's daughter.
 
1527-1531: Hungary's troubles
1527-1531: Hungary's troubles
The years 1527-1531 were full of tension and unrest for the Kingdom of Hungary as threats from within and without were numerous.

In 1527, Louis II was faced with a difficult situation in his kingdom. The Holy League expedition had failed to repel the Turks, and had only managed to recapture Šabac and provide a minimal defence in the south of the country. The conflict weakened the kingdom's squandered financial resources and accentuated the divisions between the Hungarian nobility and aristocracy. The latter are in strong rivalry, quarrelling violently and seeking to assert their power and influence in the kingdom and now grouping together in defensive leagues to defend their interests. Their divisions are reinforced by their position in relation to the king and the Habsburgs. On the one hand, the aristocracy was hostile to foreign influences and wanted to defend its prerogatives in the face of the strengthening of royal power, especially after the Diet of 1526, which saw the introduction of laws reinforcing the power of Louis II. On the other hand, part of the nobility, grouped in the Adventurous Union, supported the king and denounced the abuses of their aristocratic rivals. The Hungarian political elite was divided, but united against the ideas of Martin Luther, as the Hungarian magnates saw these ideas as another embodiment of foreign influence and did not forgive the German monk for considering the Turkish threat as insignificant and even as a divine punishment for their sins. Measures against the development of Lutheran ideas had been tightened since their introduction in 1523 and became increasingly repressive against those who expressed sympathy for or discussed these ideas.

In addition to the internal divisions in his kingdom, Louis II still faced the Ottoman threat. The conflict with his powerful neighbour was still ongoing and Hungary's southern territories were still threatened by the Turks, although the recapture of Šabac provided some protection. Only the attrition resulting from the last two years of conflict, the success of Charles V's expedition in North Africa and the conflict between Venice and the Ottomans allowed the Magyar kingdom to enjoy a fragile respite, as the local Ottoman governors continued to carry out raids against the southern territories of the kingdom, especially in Croatia, in the late 1520s. Although the Holy League had dissolved due to divisions among the Christian powers and failures in the Balkans, Louis II could still rely on Ferdinand of Habsburg's military support for the Croatian ban and on the Pope's financial support, even if the divisions and fragility of his kingdom saw subsidies diminish. In the summer of 1527, the young ruler learned that his relative, King Sigismund I of Poland, seemed willing to support him against the Turkish threat, the Polish ruler being reluctant to see the Ottomans become even more threatening on the southern flank of his kingdom.

In addition to the difficulties inherent in the kingdom of Hungary, Ludwig II had to deal with the development of Martin Luther's ideas in the Bohemia he was in charge of. The territory was characterised by the existence of the Czech Brethren, the Hussite church that had succeeded in establishing itself in the previous century. However, the similarities between Hussite and Lutheran doctrines led some of the Hussites to join Luther's ideas, mainly the Union of Brothers, while some of the nobility was influenced by the German princes who favoured Luther's ideas. However, the authority of Ludwig II was strengthened by the role played by his wife in setting up structures similar to those of his brothers in their respective territories.

In this troubled context, the young sovereign could rely on his wife, Marie of Austria. The young woman proved to be a remarkable political figure during her regency and was more than ever an important support for Ludwig II in the face of many difficulties and challenges. The young woman is now the most influential figure at court and works to strengthen her husband's authority over his various domains, but also to consolidate her kingdom's relations with her brothers, Archduke Ferdinand and Emperor Charles V, while striving to maintain her autonomy from their decisions. Her liveliness and abilities in governance and military affairs are praised by the Hungarians, as they compensate for the weak character of her husband. However, some of her choices were not appreciated and prevented her from acquiring the support necessary to ensure the stability of the kingdom in the face of numerous threats. In particular, the young queen continued to surround herself with a number of Germanic advisors, which was not to the liking of several Hungarian lords. In order to strengthen her husband's position, she was inspired by the policies developed by her brother Ferdinand and tried to apply them in Hungary, which contributed to the strong hostility of the magnates against her. Her difficult relationship with the Hungarian lords was compounded by suspicions that she was sympathetic to the ideas of Martin Luther, a situation which led Ferdinand in particular to warn her against following these ideas. Her efforts to solve the kingdom's financial problems are hampered by the fact that she and Ludwig II spend heavily on various royal activities. Her political choices and proposals are, however, sometimes hampered by Louis II's own decisions not to put himself at odds with his lords. The young queen had fewer difficulties in Bohemia, although she still had to deal with the local aristocracy. However, her husband's policy of strengthening his power enabled Louis II to draw resources from his Bohemian estates and to free himself somewhat from the control of the lords, especially those in Hungary.

In the summer of 1527, Mary gave birth to a daughter whom she named Anne in honour of Louis II's mother. This birth was welcomed with relief by the young royal couple, as their marriage had been going on for more than five years, and gave them hope that they would have an heir to perpetuate Louis II's power and who could one day be appointed to succeed his father. But during the same period, Ludwig II was confronted with a violent rebellion by Hungarian aristocrats: they did not appreciate the turn of the previous year's Diet of Rákos and were determined to denounce the new laws that had been put in place, arguing that they had been imposed by force. Now more unified in the face of a common challenge, the members of the defensive league of aristocrats sought to impose their views. But Louis II refused to give in and had the Diet lifted, while the members of the Adventurous Union set about neutralising their opponents in order to help the king impose his will. The young sovereign, relying more than ever on his wife, undertook to reform the kingdom's tax system in order to combat corruption, in particular by changing the method of appointing tax collectors who were elected at county level. Feeling more threatened than ever, the Hungarian magnates and part of the aristocracy joined together despite their conflicting interests in a "national" league to defend their influence and power against the strengthening of royal power and the influence of the Habsburgs. This league sought to persuade John Zápolya to be their leader, the voivode of Transylvania being reputed to be the champion of the national cause and a close contender for the Hungarian crown. But the latter hesitated and preferred to be neutral, determined to defend his own interests to the best of his ability and more concerned with supporting Prince Radu V of Wallachia to preserve his position. The voivode, however, was neutral in his position regarding the internal conflicts, giving the opportunity to the coalised aristocrats to plot against Ludwig II to force him to reverse the laws introduced at the Diet of 1526. The birth of Princess Anne precipitated their plot, as they feared that Louis II would have a male heir who would strengthen his power. The conspirators plan a coup de force for the next Diet held by the sovereign. But the sometimes conflicting interests of the conspirators, the vigilance of the queen and the determination of the Adventurous Union to support the king hindered this project and only the implicit support of the Voivode of Transylvania allowed the aristocratic league to carry it out.

In June 1528, when a new Diet was being held to discuss the reorganisation of the kingdom's structures and its defence against the Turks, the members of the aristocratic league attempted a coup de force by appearing with armed men with the intention of forcing the king to yield to their demands. This irruption provoked the ire of the members of the Adventurous Union and led to a serious confrontation that contemporaries called the "Bloody Diet". Louis II escaped the confrontation but was marked by the aggression of the aristocrats. Reacting swiftly, he demanded the arrest and execution of the ringleaders, although his chancellor and Queen Marie managed to dissuade him from being so brutal. While some of the leaders of the bloody diet are arrested and tried for treason against the crown, others escape to their estates. The arrested men were convicted, some executed, others dispossessed of their lands. Although the failure of the coup and the punishment of some of the leaders helped to fracture the aristocratic league, it did not stop the hostilities: several of the conspirators who had escaped the royal wrath and their allies preferred to take refuge on their lands and prepare to defend themselves, arguing for the defence of traditional rights and denouncing foreign interference in the kingdom's affairs.

During the winter of 1528-1529 and the spring of 1529, the kingdom of Hungary experienced a period of apparent calm despite the high tensions between the various factions. However, Louis II and his entourage undertook actions to strengthen royal power following the events of the Bloody Diet, while the aristocrats and nobles who were hostile to any strengthening of royal power prepared for the worst. The trigger was the Royal Diet of May 1529: Louis II reaffirmed and strengthened the institutional reforms put in place over the previous years. His decisions were received with great hostility by the aristocracy and some elements of the Hungarian nobility, but they could not sway the sovereign, who hinted at the same fate as the conspirators condemned at the Bloody Diet. He was supported by the middle nobility of the kingdom, which had not forgiven the conspirators and their allies for the attempted coup d'état the previous year.
The Diet of May 1529 precipitated hostilities: in the summer of 1529, the members of the aristocratic league decided to rebel to defend themselves and their power and influence against a royal power that was considered increasingly threatening and manipulated by the Habsburgs. The poor weather that hit the region in the summer and autumn of 1529 prevented any military campaign during the period and during the winter of 1529-1530 neither the rebels nor Ludwig II took any action, each side concentrating on gathering their forces and seeking help from other Hungarian lords or external allies. In this conflict, neither the Voivode of Transylvania nor the Croatian Ban is committed to one side or the other: John Zápolya is more concerned with the unrest in neighbouring Wallachia and the Croatian Ban is faced with the risk of further Ottoman attacks. The rebels sought in vain the help of John Zápolya and then of the new prince of Moldavia, Peter IV Rareş. For his part, Ludwig II could count on his wife Marie, who revealed a great interest in the military field, even if this put her at odds with some Hungarian nobles who supported the king. The latter asks for help from his brother-in-law and his uncle. Although Sigismund I remained in the background, Ferdinand of Habsburg agreed to provide him with some men.
In May 1530, at the royal diet, Louis II obtained the support of the Hungarian nobility in the conflict against the rebels. He entrusted the palatine of the kingdom, Stephen VII Báthory, with the repression of the rebels. The latter left Buda with the royal army in June 1530. During the summer, numerous skirmishes raged between the king's allies and the rebels, the latter seeking to consolidate their position while avoiding facing the royal army. But in September 1530, the royal army met the rebels near Debrecen. After a violent battle, the rebels were defeated and dispersed, while several of the leaders were killed in the confrontation. This defeat decapitated the aristocratic league and weakened the power of the magnates. When he learned of his palatine's success at the beginning of October 1530, Louis II hesitated between clemency and severity, the young king's lack of character being confronted with the trauma of the Bloody Diet. On the advice of his wife and chancellor, he eventually showed clemency to the surviving rebel leaders, but stripped the League's main leaders of their lands and wealth. Despite his success against the rebels and the apparent strengthening of his power, Louis II was more than ever faced with a fragmented kingdom as he now had to deal with the middle nobility who had taken advantage of the unfortunate actions of the magnates who had plotted against the sovereign. Other important figures in the kingdom were able to strengthen their position, such as the Voivode of Transylvania, although his neutrality was criticised by some and he seemed to have weakened his position as champion of Hungarian interests. Stephen VII Báthory's position is strengthened but he attracts the jealousy of other members of the Hungarian elite or Stephen Báthory of the Somlyó branch, who works in the service of John Zápolya as second-in-command of the Transylvanian voivode.

In June 1531, Louis II confirmed clemency for the rebellious lords at the royal diet. During 1531, the young sovereign endeavoured to strengthen his kingdom and was able to take advantage of the weakening of aristocratic opposition to consolidate his power, relying more than ever on his wife and his chancellor, with Mary's energy and skills compensating for his weaknesses. Although he was able to rely on part of the kingdom's middle nobility thanks to the Adventurous Union, the young sovereign nevertheless saw opposition grow from the rest of the nobility, which was joined by the magnates who had not supported the rebels: the weakening of the aristocratic faction benefited the nobility, which now found itself the main player in the kingdom in relation to the king. Determined to defend its new position of power, the nobility sought to use the Diet to make itself indispensable in the management of the kingdom and to prevent the king from developing too much. Only the voivode of Transylvania can contribute to a significant role due to his position and he begins to take advantage of the new situation within the kingdom. The Turkish threat is a major concern of the court, as the unrest of the previous years has affected the military and economic capacity of the kingdom to withstand further attacks from the Ottoman Empire.
In April 1531, Mary gave birth to an heir whom she named Louis in honour of his father. This birth was greeted with relief and joy by the royal couple, as it removed the risk of a succession crisis should Louis II be killed. The birth also strengthens the royal power and helps to consolidate the new opposition, which is formed around prominent members of the nobility, while John Zápolya is a wait-and-see attitude, more concerned with the unrest in neighbouring Wallachia. The Voivode of Transylvania, however, continued to strengthen his influence among the Hungarian nobility and gradually emerged as a counterweight to the strengthening of royal power.
 
Really great chapter, I just hope Hungary can survive and continue to strengthen itself, it would be very interesting seeing a Hungary that takes the place of the Habsburgs as the main player in Eastern and Central Europe while Austria remains focused on Germany and the HRE in general.
 
In the summer of 1527, Mary gave birth to a daughter whom she named Anne in honour of Louis II's mother. This birth was welcomed with relief by the young royal couple, as their marriage had been going on for more than five years, and gave them hope that they would have an heir to perpetuate Louis II's power and who could one day be appointed to succeed his father.
To be fair, the girl could probably succeed in the absence of male heirs, but yay for Louis and Mary!
 
Considering how suicidal the Hungarian magnates seem to be, I seriously doubt they’d have respected a Queen Regnant. Especially if they’re too dimwitted to realize that their persistence is only ensuring the eventual fall of the Kingdom to the Turks.

Hmmm…. In light of that, I wonder if the Pope could be convinced to denounce these people as heretics or something, considering their actions, endanger the security of Christendom.
 
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Really great chapter, I just hope Hungary can survive and continue to strengthen itself, it would be very interesting seeing a Hungary that takes the place of the Habsburgs as the main player in Eastern and Central Europe while Austria remains focused on Germany and the HRE in general.
Survival of Hungary would rely on the ability of the sovereign to handle the self-interested and divided aristocracy and nobility on the one hand, having strong allies to counter the Ottoman empire on the second hand and finally having the turks being focused on other matters or military campaigns to threaten their realm.
While not impossible, it will be a great challenge for them and something I explored in further threads (as the time being, for the French version, I manage to handle Hungary and balkanic territories until the late 1550's thanks to different factors).

Considering how suicidal the Hungarian magnates seem to be, I seriously doubt they’d have respected a Queen Regnant. Especially if they’re too dimwitted to realize that their persistence is only ensuring the eventual fall of the Kingdom to the Turks.

Hmmm…. In light of that, I wonder if the Pope could be convinced to denounce these people as heretics or something, considering their actions, endanger security of Christendom.
The fact that they distruted Mary IOTL because of her ties with the Habsburg and the presence of foreign advisors is a good reflection on their narrow-minded views on their kingdom and the impression of decay that corrupted the kingdom. All the plots to push their champion on the position of palatine IOTL is another good example of the political blindness of the hungarian magnates (that would make GOT a child's play with all the corruption and turmoil that affected the Maggyar realm). That what I tried to underline with the event of the "Bloody Diet" (which by the way took some inspiration of the coup of 1258 which saw Henry III of England being coerced by Simon of Monfort and his allies to yield most of his power and to be underchecked by his barons).
I would also mention the fact that I took some inspiration from the English kings Edward II and Richard II for the way Louis II might have reacted, as these three monarchs seem to have in common a "weak" persona that put them in an inconfortable position towards their barons (and in the case of Richard II and Louis II, the fact that they began their reign in a regency). And in the cases of Edward II and Richard II, they had their breaking points that changed them into tyrants towards their subjects (with in the case of Richard II a huge paranoia as he asked French to add an article to the 1394 treaty in which he would ask them help should his subjects uprise against him (IMO, that would be as if Stalin was asking Hitler for help to crush his own countrymen)). The main difference (for the time being) between ATL Louis II of Hungary and these two English rulers is the fact he could rely on his wife (as their marriage was depicted as one of love), some of his advisors and on the divisions and rivalries between magnates.
Finally, I take inspiration for the late births of Louis II's children from the fact his sister Anne gave birth to her first child seven years after her marriage with Ferdinand of Habsburg (even if she was 18 years old at the time of her wedding).

Concerning the pope, such a move could be possible as the handling of the Reformation is better than IOTL (not perfect as future threads concerning the Holy Roman Empire would show and the fact that previous oecumincal councils (i.e, Council of Constance in the 15th century) didn't prevent every religious trouble with the Hussite wars (though in this case, it is because of the arrestation and execution of Jan Hus that the conflict was ignited)).

If they're as suicidally stubborn as you say, they'll ignore the pope like Henry VIII did
It would be worse from what I read and found out on the matter to develop this thread. At least, Henry VIII try first to convince the Pope to annul his marriage and it is only his impatience and the pope's reluctance to act that in the end, the king decided to ignore the authority of the pope (and he wasn't sanctioned by the pope until Paul III in 1534, i.e two years after having broken with the roman Church and annulled his marriage with Catherine of Arago).
Should the pope excomunicate them, the Hungarian magnates would completely ignore the pope because of their greed and xenophobic narrow-mindness
 
1527-1531: Overview of Eastern Europe
1527-1531: Overview of Eastern Europe
The years 1527-1531 saw the specific balances of Eastern Europe evolving into a fully-fledged context.

During 1527-1528, Prince Radu V of Wallachia tried to maintain his position and preserve his links with John Zápolya without arousing the mistrust of the Ottoman Empire. In 1528, he sent his eldest son from a first marriage, Vlad, to the court of the Voivode of Transylvania in order to renew his relationship with the latter, whose support remained crucial despite his matrimonial alliance with the Craiovescu. This alliance, however, arouses the resentment of Vornic Neagu and Postelnic Dragan, traditional supporters of the Drăculea family, of which he is a member, the latter accusing him of being a traitor. The two men organised a plot with boyars at the end of 1528, which came to fruition in January 1529 when they pursued and caught Radu V in Râmnicu Vâlcea. The prince tries to flee to Transylvania before taking refuge in the monastery of Cetățuia, in the chapel of St. Gheorghe. But this did not prevent him from being captured and beheaded by the conspirators before his head was sent to Constantinople.
The death of Radu V provoked a new series of troubles: the assassins of Radu V chose Basarab VI, but quickly discarded him while the Sublime Porte appointed Moses of the Dănesţi line in February 1529. Basarab was killed in March while Moses sought to establish himself by attracting the peasantry to his side, particularly the Craiovescu, whom he elevated to office and gave many gifts. Externally, he sought to maintain the country's autonomy by concluding alliances with its neighbours. If he was supported by the Sublime Porte, he tried to get closer to the Voivode of Transylvania. But the latter supported Vlad, the son of Radu V who had inherited the Transylvanian lands from his father. As he could not get the support of John Zápolya against his rivals, he kept up a secret correspondence with the mayors of Brasov and Sibiu. The prince of Wallachia sought to forge links with the new prince of Moldavia, Peter IV Rareș, as both men shared a concern for preserving the autonomy of their territories from the Ottomans. His support for the Craiovescu family, reinforced by his sister's marriage to the great ban Barbu II Craiovescu in February 1530, aroused strong hostility from rival boyars who plotted to get rid of him. In the summer of 1530, Moses faced a boyar revolt and relied on the Craiovescu to defeat his rivals. In July 1530, he faced his opponents at Viișoara in Olt County but was defeated and killed by Vlad V's son Vlad. The latter became Vlad VI and undertook to restrict the power of the Craiovescu and to be recognised by the Sublime Porte in order to be able to keep his new position. The latter gave him a support in principle, all concentrated on solving the problems resulting from the expeditions of the Holy League. However, this allowed Vlad VI to consolidate his position somewhat. In order to preserve his power and looking for strong allies, he married the daughter of Peter IV of Moldavia, Anna. His relations with the Voivode of Transylvania were more settled than for his predecessor, ensuring that he was not threatened by a potential attack by the son of Radu V.

While the principality of Wallachia is in turmoil, its neighbour, the principality of Moldavia, is much more stable. Following the abrupt death of Stephen IV, he was succeeded by Peter Rareș as Peter IV. The new prince of Moldavia endeavoured to develop good relations with his neighbours, especially the principality of Wallachia, where one of his daughters married one of the princes, Vlad VI. His relations with the kingdom of Poland were more complicated, as the principality of Moldavia had been in a latent conflict with the Polish kings over the province of Pocutia since the 1490s, which led him to enter into conflict with the Polish kingdom in 1530 when he invaded the disputed province. Although he had some initial successes, the Moldavian prince could not prevent the Polish-Lithuanians from overcoming his forces in the summer of 1531 at the Battle of Obertyn and threatening his lands.

In the years 1527-1531, Sigismund I of Poland consolidated his position. He incorporated the Duchy of Mazovia into the kingdom after the death of his representative in 1527. In order to perpetuate his lineage, he had his son Sigismund elected King of Poland in 1529.
On the diplomatic front, the sovereign developed his relations with the kingdom of France in order to make the alliance project with the latter a reality through the marriage of his eldest daughter to King Charles IX in order to counter Charles V. Sigismund was concerned about the relationship between the Habsburg ruler and the Grand Principality of Muscovy, which remained a major threat to the Duchy of Lithuania, of which he was also the ruler. In addition, Charles V had grievances against him because of the oath of vassalage of Albert I of Prussia or because he had accepted a ruler who adhered to Lutheran ideas. He developed important relations with his nephew Louis II of Hungary when the latter asked for his support in protecting his kingdom from the Ottoman threat. During this period, Sigismund I was also confronted with the attack of Prince Peter IV of Moldavia on the province of Pocutie in the years 1530-1531, which his armies defeated in the summer of 1531.

In the years 1527-1531, Albert I of Prussia faced many challenges. Although he had become a vassal of Sigismund I of Poland and a protégé of the latter, he still faced the risk of being ostracized by the empire for his refusal to appear before the imperial court of justice. Having become a Lutheran, he was an active participant in the Torgau League, which aimed to defend the rights of the Lutheran princes against Charles V. For the same reasons, he joined the League of Marburg in 1530. Because of his marriage to Dorothea of Denmark, the duke supported Frederick I against his nephew Christian II when the latter led an expedition to try to regain the throne, sending some men as mercenaries to support his father-in-law.
In parallel with these diplomatic actions, the duke undertook to maintain good relations with his vassal nobles, relying on the wealth of his lands or obtained through the nationalisation of church property due to his adherence to Lutheran ideas.

During the late 1520s, Vasily III continued to strengthen his power by relying on the Orthodox clergy to the detriment of the boyars, not hesitating to have those who opposed him arrested or executed, such as Vasian Patrikeyev, who disapproved of his divorce from his first wife Solomonia Saburova because she could not give him an heir after more than twenty years of marriage. But the first years of his marriage to Elena Glinskaya were not fruitful, leading some in the great principality to see it as divine punishment. However, the situation changed in August 1530 when Elena gave birth to Ivan.
Diplomatically, the prince maintained a complicated peace with Sigismund I of Poland. He also developed ties with Emperor Charles V, particularly in order to counter the Ottoman threat in the south, but also to have a potential ally against the Polish ruler. To this end, he allowed Søren Norby, a Danish admiral, to join Christian II in the Netherlands, wanting to use him as a representative to Charles V and Christian II, the latter being a brother-in-law of the emperor.
 
Why does he need anti-Polish alliance?
Well, there was this rivalry between Poland (through the Grand-Duchy of Lithuania) and Russia (Principauty of Moscovy). They ended their previous conflict in 1524.
IOTL, the attempted alliance between France and Poland during the period was partly because of the diplomatic ties that seemingly developed between the Habsburg and Vassili III. ITTL, there is a kind of self-fulfilling prophecy : the alliance between France and Poland brings Vassili III to strenghten his diplomatic ties with Charles V, at least to avoid being isolated.
 
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