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Part XIII: A Matter of Faith (1469-1476)

Eparkhos

Banned
Part XIII: A Matter of Faith (1469-1476)

The issue of ecclesiastical sovereignty had been a long simmering conflict between generations of Trapezuntine Metropolitans and Ecumenical Patriarchs, dating back all the way to 1204. This spiritual conflict occasionally boiled over into secular conflict, such as the brief war in 1284 between Trapezous and the Palaiologian Empire, or the brief series of naval skirmishes in the Black Sea that occurred in the 1350s. For most of their coexistence, the two groups had been at a standoff due to the great distance between them and more pressing issues, such as the ongoing conflict with the Turkmen who were eating away at both Empire’s frontiers. However, now that the Palaiologian Empire had been swept into the dustbin of history, Basileios Funa was determined to attain the title that he considered rightfully his and his successors’; the Patriarch of Trapezous.

Basileios of Funa had been born into poverty in the Crimean highlands in 1421, with Gothic as his mother tongue. His parents had been poor farmers who had worked themselves to the bone to send Basileios off to Mangyup to join the priesthood. Once in the capital of the Gothic rump state, Funa had steadily advanced himself through a combination of determination and flattery, with no little amount of luck thrown in. In 1448, he was sent on a missionary expedition to the Vainakhs[1], a warlike mountain people in the Caucasus who had apostasied from Othodoxy after the Mongol conquests. Most of the missionaries were content to preach to a small group of merchants in Kartvelia and consider their work done, but Funa and a few companions cross the great mountains and began to preach amongst the Vainakhs. After several years, they had succeeded in converting many of the Vainakh chieftains, famously taking part in the baptism of some 5,000 Vainakhs in the Reyeko River in 1450. He then went south into the broadest part of the mountains, which was home to another group of fierce mountain warriors called the Maharulal Awars or Avars. He prozletyzied heavily here and was nearly martyred several times but miraculously escaped several times to continue his mission. This culminated in the baptism of Khan Rusalan in the Avar River in 1455; Rusalan would later go on to unify the region--in the name of Christ, of course. He returned to Doros in 1456, the missionary work to be completed by his friend, St. Konstantinos of Khunzakh. Funa ingratiated himself with Patriarch Isodoros II, becoming first a scribe and then a personal secretary of the Patriarch. In 1461, Isodoros consecrated Basileios as Bishop of Pontoherakleia, and two years later he was promoted to Metropolitan of Trapezous. His participation in the Brothers’ War and the Regency Struggle have already been covered in detail, and after these were finished he seemed to be willing to continue on as just another obscure Metropolitan of Trapezous[2].

However, this changed in 1467, with the ascension of Dionysios to the Patriarchal throne. His very name--why on earth would he think that taking the name of the Demon of Debauchery[3] was a good idea?--angered Basileios, and this imagined grievance would soon be followed up with another. DInoysios had defeated a pair of Ponts, Symeon and Theodoros, in the election for the seat of Patriarch, and this appears to have filled Dionysios with a severe dislike for Ponts at large, refusing to appoint a number of prominent Ponts to the bishoprics which they had been promised by his predecessor, Gennadios II. Many of these men then appealed to Basileios, who was the highest-ranking ecclesiastical official in the Trapezuntine Empire. The two men exchanged a series of letters in the closing years of the 1460s, over the course of which subtle insults became far more open. Finally, in 1469, Basileiso told the Patriarch that the best thing he could do for the church would be to castrate himself, then tie a millstone around his neck and throw himself into the sea[4]. Dionysios excommunicated the insolent metropolitan, nominally due to the liturgical problems caused by Regentess Keteon’s extension of freedom of worship to the Armenian church, but the true cause of the chrysobull quickly became an open secret.

The Pontic church quickly rallied around Basileios. The Trapezuntine church had had stronger ties to the Kartvelian church than they had to the church in Constantinople for some time now, due to the difficulty of travel and communication with the latter and the proximity of the former. As such, with the exception of the Bishop of Sinope, whose parishioners did a brisk trade with the Constantinopolitan regime and who attempted to remain neutral in the conflict, all of the bishoprics of the Trapezuntine Empire supported Basileios and refused to have anything to do with clergymen sent to fill the vacant roles from Constantinople. This support left Basileios confident in his support and so in 1470, on the advice of several bishops who were personally close to him, he fired back. Dionysios woke one night in late April to find that a chrysobull excommunicating him had been nailed to the door of the Holy Apostles, as well as his personal residence and the Hagia Sophia. The Orthodox World was thrown into a state of schism.

Basileios was now the de facto Patriarch of Trapezous, but he needed legal recognition to legitimize Trapezous as the seat of an independent patriarchate. He soon found an unexpected ally; The Russian Church. In 1461, the Metropolitan of all Russia, St. Jonah, unilaterally declared himself Patriarch of Russia, and was excommunicated by the Ecumenical Patriarch because of it. Now his successor, Philippos, maintained his claim, and was willing to make common cause with Basileios to advance their joint claims. Basileios agreed, and in 1471 the two would-be patriarchs declared that they would not accept communion with the Patriarch of Constantinople unless they were both elevated.

Outside of the lands surrounding the Black Sea, the feelings of most of the Orthodox church was rather lukewarm. The Ecumenical Patriarch wasn’t nearly as powerful as the Pope, and the Patriarchs of Antioch, Alexandria and Serbia and the Archbishop of Cyprus[5] all disliked Dionysios and considered him to be the instigator of the schism. More importantly, Serbia and Georgia were both under assault by the Latin heretics and the Muslim heathens and considered these much more pressing problems than some squabble over leadership. Most importantly, that was exactly how the whole affair was viewed in most of the Orthodox world--just some leadership squabble. Dionysios, nor Basileios or Philippos, was able to really fan the flames of passion needed to turn this issue into a massive schism because there was very little at stake. Rather than there being some all-encompassing doctrinal dispute such as the Acacian or Great Schism, the Dionysian Schism, as it was rapidly becoming known, was more akin to the Arsenite Schism of the late 13th Century, of concern only to those living in a small region.

With very little foreign support for the Patriarch forthcoming, Basileios and Philippos were able to confidently wait him out with little more than an exchange of a series of insulting letters. In 1472, the Bishop of Amisos was convinced to finally pick a side and did so, coming down solidly in support of Basileios. This did little to hurt Dionysios’ cause, but it was a major prestige hit. The schism finally ended in 1474, following a bizzare string of events. The schism, as well as his crass personality and generally repugnant nature, had garnered a great number of enemies for Dionysios, and in 1473 his domestic opponents caused a synod to accuse him of apostasy and depose him. The charges were far from convincing--his accusers were only able to produce a pair of lawyers and a courtesan who swore that they had seen him embrace Mohammed--and his opponents soon became desperate. One night, Dionysios was drugged and kidnapped by his opponents, who then circumcised him in his sleep and returned him to his residence. The next day, when a pained Dionysios hobbled into the cathedral, his opponents demanded he strip naked before the synod to prove he had not been circumcised. It was obvious that the operation had been recently performed, but by now there were enough diehard opponents and idiots for the vote to depose him to carry through. After several weeks, the synod then elected Romanos Khalitzes, the former Bishop of Herakleia, as Patriarch Andreas II.

Andreas was far more reconciliatory than Dionysios, and so he reached out to Basileios and Gerontios (Philippos’ successor; the metropolitan died in 1473) in hopes of mending the schism. The two metropolitans were surprisingly receptive, and in mid-1474 the two factions restored communion with each other. There was a clandestine agreement that the metropolitans would soon be elevated, but Andreas was unwilling to do this directly. He was afraid that this would set a bad precedent and that future patriarchs would have to deal with ambitious metropolitans creating schisms willy-nilly in an attempt to advance themselves. As such, rather than directly appointing either Basileios or Gerontios, he instead summoned another ecumenical synod in 1475. This synod was held in Constantinople--the first since the city’s conquest--and after the summary declaration that the hated Council of Florence was null and void the issue of the patriarchs was brought up. Basileios and Gerontios both presented their cases in November 1475. Gerontios stated that the distance between his ecclesiastical provinces and Constantinople was too great for the Ecumenical Patriarch to hold sway over both, and evidently this was found reasonable, for he was proclaimed the first Patriarch of All Russia that very week. However, there was considerably more opposition to a Trapezuntine Patriarchate. The distance to Constantinople was significantly less than Russia’s, while there was much talk of the Metropolitanate of Trapezous and its subsidiaries being transferred to the Patriarchate of Georgia. However, Basileios counterred these with geopolitical and linguistic concerns--the Trapezuntine Empire was the last free, Orthodox Greek polity. If it were to remain subject to Constaintople, it was entirely possible that the perfidious sultan would use it as leverage to reduce the last spark of Rome and righteous Christianity in Asia Minor. As for the Georgians, they were already overstretched, and a transfer to them would necessitate the latering of liturgical languages, something that rang sourly with the primarily Greek synod.

On 11 February 1476, the Patriarchate of Pontos was created, with Basileios invested as its first Patriarch. However, there were still a number of concerns over how this would be implemented. The Ecumenical patriarchate nominally controlled ecclesiastical affairs west of the Taurus mountains, and no one was quite sure where the borders of the new patriarch were to lie. After several more weeks of negotiation, a solution was reached. The Pontic Patriarchate would take control of all Ecumenical territories east of the Ottoman border, while everything west of the border would remain under the Ecumenical Patriarch. This pleased few--Basileios wanted all of Anatolia, while Andreas wanted the Pontic Patriarchate’s borders limited to the spine of the Pontic mountains--but it was good enough to be taken as a makeshift measure. Few at the time knew it, but these stopgap borders would last for several centuries before being altered. Finally, the Orthodox territories in Crimea (Gothia and the lands subject to the Genoese) would also be subject to the Pontic Patriarchate, with the border with Georgia being laid along the current boundary with the Ecumenical Patriarchate[6].

Basileios returned home to a hero’s welcome, with a jubilant crowd meeting him on the Trapezuntine docks and accompanying him all the way to the Hagia Sophia of Trapezous. The Patriarch had emerged victorious from the schism, having finally accomplished the goals of centuries of Trapezuntine metropolitans. For this, along with several reported miracles performed while proselytizing amongst the Vainakhs, he was canonized as Saint Basileios of Funa three years after his death in 1483. He is regarded as patron saint of Trapezous alongside Saint Eugenios and as patron saint of Avaria, alongside Saint-King Rusalav. Finally, he is known as the patron saint of arbitrators, a fitting legacy for a man with such an immense legacy.

However, he has not yet left his story, as he would play a large hand in the reign of Alexandros II….

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[1] This was the medieval name for the Chechens, as some of you may remember from Byzantium’s Resurrection
[2] The title ‘metropolitan’ can be roughly equated with the Latin archbishop, all this is a very rough comparison. More accurately, a metropolitan bishop is a bishop who presides over a holy city or center of pilgrimage, the latter of which Trapezous was.
[3] The official stance of the Orthodox Church was that the Greek Gods, as with all other pagan pantheons, were in fact demons and/or princes of hell. Even as the popularity of classical names rose in the late middle ages, these were considered inappropriate for baptism (unless the name was shared with a saint).
[4] For those of you not versed in biblical meanings, here Basileios is referencing Matthew 5:30 and 18:6 to suggest that Dionysios was a pedophile.
[5] Cyprus had an arrangement within the church, wherein the Metropolitan Bishop retained his position but bore the privileges of a patriarch.
[6] A map of this will be put up soon.
 
Last edited:

Eparkhos

Banned
I don't mean to be rude, but I can't help but notice that the number of likes is far less than usual. Is there an error in the text or timeline? I'd like to improve my writing, so any advice or criticism is asked for.
 
I don't mean to be rude, but I can't help but notice that the number of likes is far less than usual. Is there an error in the text or timeline? I'd like to improve my writing, so any advice or criticism is asked for.
Might be people unable to read it because they forgot to set it on their watchlist? I should know cause I use to forget the notifications and press like.
 
Religious politics tend to not be my cup of tea. I like it but I think I speak for a majority when I say that economic problems, court intrigue, reformations for both administrative and military are more popular. I still love it though
 
Or a slow day, some people don’t come on here on certain days anyway.

Yeah it honestly depends.
This is me. I don't login to AH.com every day, so the next time I come here I have to do a lot of reading so I'm sometimes several days late in reading updates.
I don't mean to be rude, but I can't help but notice that the number of likes is far less than usual. Is there an error in the text or timeline? I'd like to improve my writing, so any advice or criticism is asked for.
Not at all, this is a great TL. I especially liked the Brother's War chapters. The ending was unexpected and somewhat hilarious and shows that this isn't a straight one-sided wank. The fact that Trebizond goes through times of both crisis and prosperity makes the TL feel quite realistic. Please continue.
 
Ive auctually had this problem a few times were i auctually dont get a notification for a message ln a watched thread, meaning sometimes i miss chapters and discussions, so perhaps its that, and some people dont log on everyday.
 

Eparkhos

Banned
Might be people unable to read it because they forgot to set it on their watchlist? I should know cause I use to forget the notifications and press like.
This is me. I don't login to AH.com every day, so the next time I come here I have to do a lot of reading so I'm sometimes several days late in reading updates.

Not at all, this is a great TL. I especially liked the Brother's War chapters. The ending was unexpected and somewhat hilarious and shows that this isn't a straight one-sided wank. The fact that Trebizond goes through times of both crisis and prosperity makes the TL feel quite realistic. Please continue.
Ive auctually had this problem a few times were i auctually dont get a notification for a message ln a watched thread, meaning sometimes i miss chapters and discussions, so perhaps its that, and some people dont log on everyday.
@Eparkhos For some reason, I didn't get a notification of a new update. Had to check the word count to see if there was a new post.
Or a slow day, some people don’t come on here on certain days anyway.
You're probably right, thank you. I sometimes have this problem myself.
Or it could be that people are not as interested in religious politics as in other things.
Religious politics tend to not be my cup of tea. I like it but I think I speak for a majority when I say that economic problems, court intrigue, reformations for both administrative and military are more popular. I still love it though
Fair enough. I must ask, though, what's your opinion on the format I used for this one? I intend to write the parts about the colonization of the New World in the same manner.
Yeah it honestly depends.

I wouldn't worry about it very much @Eparkhos. Your tl's are pretty good. Heck it inspired me to write my Komnenian timeline.
Thanks, man.
 
Part XIV: Aftokrator, Aftokephalos?

Eparkhos

Banned
Part XIV: Aftokrator, Aftokephalos? (1474-1476)

The death in battle of Alexios Alexandropoulos Megas Komnenos at the young age of 28 had left the Trapezuntine Empire briefly without a ruler. Alexios’ young son, Alexandros II, had quickly been placed upon the throne while a succession of regents--first Basileios of Funa and then Dowager Queen Keteon and finally Keteon and the general Alexios Mgeli--oversaw the affairs of state. While the threat posed by a continued succession crisis or a weak regency had been quickly met and neutered, there was still one final threat to the future of the Trapezuntine Empire; Alexandros himself. Child rulers were notorious for their indolence, insolence and incapableness, with a childhood spent in the lap of luxury often going to their heads. As Alexandros II took the throne in his own right in the summer of 1474, the realm and surrounding territories waited with bated breath. Would Alexandros be as Ioannes Axoukhos, a wastrel who abandoned the duties of state in favor of personal pleasure? Or would he, like the immortal Basileios Bulgaronktos, raise his realm to unprecedented heights in a decades-long rule? Only time would tell.

The childhood of the future Alexandros II had been unusual, to say the least. Born in 1458 in the court of his grandfather, the first few years of Alexandros Iunior’s life had been fairly quiet, with him being tutored alongside the other sebastoi[1]. However, things had gone south in 1465, when his grandfather died in the midst of a succession crisis. Alexios took his family and entourage, including Alexandros, with him on his flight from the capital. Alexandros spent several formative months trapped inside Kapnanion during the winter of 1466, as Sabbas’ armies closed on him and his family. Then, after the Battle of Kapnanion resulted in the death of both his father and his uncle, Alexandros was dragged out of the fortress and brought to the now-unified army as they debated whether to kill him and recall one of his great uncle in front of him. Fortunately for the young prince, Mgeli ultimately persuaded the soldiers to support Alexandros’ candidacy, and he was brought back to Trapezous by the army. He was then installed upon the throne with Funa as his regent, and over the following months several tutors and close servants were assassinated by the court factions. Finally, after a year of constant fear, his mother became regent and quelled the intrigues of the court factions. Then, she married Mgeli, and Alexandros began to have to fear that his stepfather would kill or depose him. Paranoia overshadowed every aspect of Alexandros’ life and he soon became very insular and standoffish.

It was this constant concern for court matters that ultimately inspired the characteristic which made Alexandros famous in the Latin world. With nearly everything Pontic or Kartvelian a potential threat, the young prince was pushed away from the mainstream pursuits of the Ponts, namely writing and playing polo[2]. Instead, he developed an interest and ultimately obsession with the courtly manners of western Europe, as were related to him by the many Italian and other western merchants who frequented Trapezous. Ironically, the chivalric epics and stories of courtly love that Alexandros believed were commonplace in the west were a romantic invention, but of course, he had no way of knowing that. Instead, as he devoured Tirant lo Blanch or L’Morte d’Arthur, he absorbed a western mythos that would come to have a profound effect on him. By his late teens he had essentially created Trapezuntine jousting, and the tournaments of his reign would become the stuff of legend across Europe and the Near East. Perhaps most importantly, the notion of holy war would become etched into Alexandros’ mind. But that, of course, is for a later time.

The regency of Keteon ended and the sole reign of Alexandros II began on 12 May 1474. The streets were filled with Trapezuntines eager to see their new (well, technically new) monarch. Alexandros had spent the previous few months in seclusion due to unknown reasons, and there was speculation that even his mother was unsure of his state, either physical or mental. A massive cheer went up as the aftokrator appeared from the palace, sitting astride a blue roan[3]. He was, quite frankly, of average appearance for a sixteen-year-old, standing an even six feet with dark hair and a large nose with few other outstanding features. He then rode across the city, accompanied only by a few trusted guards, to the Hagia Sophia, cheered all the way. In the Hagia Sophia, he finally became the official aftokrator. The ceremony was new, supposedly of his own invention, and began with him kneeling before the altar with Funa presiding. Keteon girded her son with a sword belt[4] bearing the sword of his grandfather, and the Metropolitan then crowned him as ‘Basileus ke Aftokrator ton panos Oriens ke Perateia’[5]. Alexandros then emerged, crowned and bearing his sword, to the cheering crowd who hailed him as ‘O Neas Alexandros Megas’ or, as he would become known to the Turkmen, ‘Skantarios’[6].

The first matter to be decided by Alexandros was one that faced all former child-rulers; marriage. During his minority, Keteon had arranged for Alexandros to be betrothed to his third cousin, once removed, Helima Beghi Agha bint Uzun Hasan bin Ali Beg bin Qara Yoluq, or as she would be known by the Ponts, Martha. Martha was the daughter of Theodora, the daughter of Ioannes IV who had been married to Uzun Hasan to secure an alliance with Aq Qoyunlu. Martha and Alexandros had been betrothed to secure a similar alliance, as the alliance with Aq Qoyunlu was of growing import due to increasing size and prowess of the Turkmen realm. Uzun Hasan had defeated Jazan Shah and integrated the two hordes, then continued his conquests eastwards and driven the Timurids out of Iran. He now ruled over a realm stretching from al-Jazira all the way to Afghanistan, and could easily crush the Trapezuntines if he so desired. Knowing the import of this alliance, Alexandros was content with maintaining his betrothal (although there was some speculation about a marriage to a Kartvelian princess or native Pont) and the two were married in 1475. Martha was, like her husband, a woman of unremarkable appearance who looked more Persian than Pontic. However, she was very well-learned with a surprising grasp on paideia[7], and evidently the two took to each other well. As a side note, Martha had been baptized as Orthodox but raised as a Muslim, a surprisingly common arrangement for children born of Christian mothers in 15th Century Persia[8].

With the marriage consideration out of the will, Alexandros turned his attention to foreigna affairs. Legitimacy was a problem that plagued all Trapezuntine empires, and in spite of his long and surprisingly non-conflicted regency Alexandros felt the need to prove his legitimacy in the eyes of man and God. The traditional manner of doing so was a foreign war, but Trapezous’ options were rather limited; they were allied with the Kartvelians and the Aq Qoyunlu, and the thunderdome of Turkic statelets on their western border made any permanent conquests in the region nigh-on impossible. However, Alexandros looked even further abroad than Trapezous’ immediate neighbors and cast his gaze north, across the Black Sea. Perateia, which had fallen out of Trapezuntine orbit decades previous, was ripe for the reconquest.

There were two potential enemies Alexandros would be going up against, the Goths and the Genoese. The former were a truly pathetic statelet, having collapsed into infighting between tribal bands due to generations of corruption and court intrigue. (Basically OTL Trapezous in 1461) They could muster at most 5,000 men if all factions were persuaded to put aside their differences, and possessed only a handful of fortified strongholds, of which only Mangup and Funa could really be described as fortresses. Mgeli, who had become his son-in-law’s megas domestikos, estimated that they could be defeated within three weeks of a Trapezuntine fleet landing at Kalmita. The Genoese, however, posed far more of a threat. Genoese possessions in the Black Sea--Gazaria and a few ports on the edge of the steppe--could be taken fairly easily with the exception of the might fortress of Soldaia (Sudak), but if reinforcements could make it past the Bosphorus then Trapezous would be left up a creek.

However, the ability of the Genoese would soon be greatly reduced. In the early 1460s, the Sforza dynasty of Milan had conquered much of northern Italy and the Genoese, who at the time were on the verge of the civil war, agreed to be governed by the Sforzas in exchange for certain rights. In late 1474, an angry mob lynched Prospero Adorno, the Milanese governor, and proclaimed the restoration of the republic. However, they had little popular support and before they could organize an army there was a very large Milanese army led by a very angry Milanese duke camped outside of the city walls. The Genoese were frantically recalling every available man to defend the city, and this left the Black Sea fleet severely undermanned. Here, Alexandros saw an opportunity to flex his muscles and began putting together a fleet.

In May 1475, as soon as the winter winds had calmed, an armada was put out from Trapezous. Alexandros himself commanded the soldiery on board, who numbered some 4,000 drawn from a mixture of eleutheroi, bandonoi and mercenaries, while the ships were commanded by Konstantinos Psarimarkos, who was by now in his late sixties. They sailed westwards to Sinope and resupplied, then made a direct crossing of the Black Sea to the Crimea. They arrived at Caulita, the port closest to the peninsula’s tip in early June. The Genoese commander was shocked to see such a large force appear out of nowhere and surrendered without a fight, even before Alexandros could clarify that he had no intention of taking the city. Not wanting to look a gift horse in the mouth, the Trapezuntines then swiftly occupied the port. Alexandros then sent a series of dispatches to the governor at Caffa, explaining how as a subject of the Doge had come to safeguard Genoese possessions in this time of great weakness. Finding the governor gone, the Trapezuntine messenger then presented this message to the lieutenant governor, a man named Antonio Scaramanga. Scaramanga believed that Genoese fortunes were in decline, and so he offered to give over all of Gazaria to Alexandros’ ‘protection’ in exchange for land and a high court position. The aftokrator agreed out of hand, and over the next three months Trapezuntine fleets criss-crossed the Black Sea, taking Genoese ports and castles by force or by Scaramanga’s orders.

After these were completed, Alexandros turned north and marched into Gothia. As predicted, they were too divided to offer a united front, and the aftokrator crushed the various tribal armies in a brief campaign lasting only two months. He then laid siege to Mangup, having already reduced Funa, and attacked the walls of the great fortress with cannons brought from Trapezous. The roar of heavy guns soon turned the walls to rubble, and after a final assault the Principality of Doros was ended on 22 September 1475. Alexandros parcelled the land out into pronoiai to be settled by Greek and Lazic veterans, then seized Funa, Mangup and Kalamita as property of the crown. He appointed a strategos named Ioannes Lazaros to oversee the pacification of the new territories and the settlement of vacant land, then set sail again in mid-October, barely beating the winter storms back to Trapezous.

The campaigns of 1475 were an outstanding victory for Trapezous, with both the Crimean territories as well as formerly Genoese possessions across the Black Sea being subjected to the will of the aftokrator. However, despite the crushing nature of the victory, Alexandros would not have long to rest on his laurels. In the spring of 1476, the bey of the Çandarids sent a desperate plea to Trapezous, offering tribute and vassaldom in exchange for help in his ongoing struggle, an offer Alexandros thought too good to refuse….

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[1] ‘Sebastoi’ is the term for male relatives to the emperor either within his family or within five degrees of consanguinity.
[2] Tzykanion, or Byzantine polo, was a popular sport in the Middle Byzantine Period and remained a common sport in Pontos long after its decline in the rest of the former Empire. Ioannes Axoukhlos, a famously indolent ruler, was killed while playing it.
[3] That is, a grey horse with silver interspersed with grey hair. The use of a blue roan would be incorporated into later coronation rituals.
[4] This was a tradition borrowed from the Ottomans, who marked a sultan’s reign as beginning with his sword-girding.
[5] Firstly, this translates as ‘Emperor and self-ruler of all the East and the lands across the Black Sea’. Secondly, there’s a linguistic divergence here--OTL Pontic retained an antiquated phonology, where as TTL the writing has changed to reflect the manner in which it is spoken. As such, ‘kai’ has been shortened to ‘ke’, as Pontic does naturally.
[6] A cookie to whoever guesses the reference first.
[7] Paideia was the Byzantine art of speaking.
 
Part XIV: Aftokrator, Aftokephalos? (1474-1476)

The death in battle of Alexios Alexandropoulos Megas Komnenos at the young age of 28 had left the Trapezuntine Empire briefly without a ruler. Alexios’ young son, Alexandros II, had quickly been placed upon the throne while a succession of regents--first Basileios of Funa and then Dowager Queen Keteon and finally Keteon and the general Alexios Mgeli--oversaw the affairs of state. While the threat posed by a continued succession crisis or a weak regency had been quickly met and neutered, there was still one final threat to the future of the Trapezuntine Empire; Alexandros himself. Child rulers were notorious for their indolence, insolence and incapableness, with a childhood spent in the lap of luxury often going to their heads. As Alexandros II took the throne in his own right in the summer of 1474, the realm and surrounding territories waited with bated breath. Would Alexandros be as Ioannes Axoukhos, a wastrel who abandoned the duties of state in favor of personal pleasure? Or would he, like the immortal Basileios Bulgaronktos, raise his realm to unprecedented heights in a decades-long rule? Only time would tell.

The childhood of the future Alexandros II had been unusual, to say the least. Born in 1458 in the court of his grandfather, the first few years of Alexandros Iunior’s life had been fairly quiet, with him being tutored alongside the other sebastoi[1]. However, things had gone south in 1465, when his grandfather died in the midst of a succession crisis. Alexios took his family and entourage, including Alexandros, with him on his flight from the capital. Alexandros spent several formative months trapped inside Kapnanion during the winter of 1466, as Sabbas’ armies closed on him and his family. Then, after the Battle of Kapnanion resulted in the death of both his father and his uncle, Alexandros was dragged out of the fortress and brought to the now-unified army as they debated whether to kill him and recall one of his great uncle in front of him. Fortunately for the young prince, Mgeli ultimately persuaded the soldiers to support Alexandros’ candidacy, and he was brought back to Trapezous by the army. He was then installed upon the throne with Funa as his regent, and over the following months several tutors and close servants were assassinated by the court factions. Finally, after a year of constant fear, his mother became regent and quelled the intrigues of the court factions. Then, she married Mgeli, and Alexandros began to have to fear that his stepfather would kill or depose him. Paranoia overshadowed every aspect of Alexandros’ life and he soon became very insular and standoffish.

It was this constant concern for court matters that ultimately inspired the characteristic which made Alexandros famous in the Latin world. With nearly everything Pontic or Kartvelian a potential threat, the young prince was pushed away from the mainstream pursuits of the Ponts, namely writing and playing polo[2]. Instead, he developed an interest and ultimately obsession with the courtly manners of western Europe, as were related to him by the many Italian and other western merchants who frequented Trapezous. Ironically, the chivalric epics and stories of courtly love that Alexandros believed were commonplace in the west were a romantic invention, but of course, he had no way of knowing that. Instead, as he devoured Tirant lo Blanch or L’Morte d’Arthur, he absorbed a western mythos that would come to have a profound effect on him. By his late teens he had essentially created Trapezuntine jousting, and the tournaments of his reign would become the stuff of legend across Europe and the Near East. Perhaps most importantly, the notion of holy war would become etched into Alexandros’ mind. But that, of course, is for a later time.

The regency of Keteon ended and the sole reign of Alexandros II began on 12 May 1474. The streets were filled with Trapezuntines eager to see their new (well, technically new) monarch. Alexandros had spent the previous few months in seclusion due to unknown reasons, and there was speculation that even his mother was unsure of his state, either physical or mental. A massive cheer went up as the aftokrator appeared from the palace, sitting astride a blue roan[3]. He was, quite frankly, of average appearance for a sixteen-year-old, standing an even six feet with dark hair and a large nose with few other outstanding features. He then rode across the city, accompanied only by a few trusted guards, to the Hagia Sophia, cheered all the way. In the Hagia Sophia, he finally became the official aftokrator. The ceremony was new, supposedly of his own invention, and began with him kneeling before the altar with Funa presiding. Keteon girded her son with a sword belt[4] bearing the sword of his grandfather, and the Metropolitan then crowned him as ‘Basileus ke Aftokrator ton panos Oriens ke Perateia’[5]. Alexandros then emerged, crowned and bearing his sword, to the cheering crowd who hailed him as ‘O Neas Alexandros Megas’ or, as he would become known to the Turkmen, ‘Skantarios’[6].

The first matter to be decided by Alexandros was one that faced all former child-rulers; marriage. During his minority, Keteon had arranged for Alexandros to be betrothed to his third cousin, once removed, Helima Beghi Agha bint Uzun Hasan bin Ali Beg bin Qara Yoluq, or as she would be known by the Ponts, Martha. Martha was the daughter of Theodora, the daughter of Ioannes IV who had been married to Uzun Hasan to secure an alliance with Aq Qoyunlu. Martha and Alexandros had been betrothed to secure a similar alliance, as the alliance with Aq Qoyunlu was of growing import due to increasing size and prowess of the Turkmen realm. Uzun Hasan had defeated Jazan Shah and integrated the two hordes, then continued his conquests eastwards and driven the Timurids out of Iran. He now ruled over a realm stretching from al-Jazira all the way to Afghanistan, and could easily crush the Trapezuntines if he so desired. Knowing the import of this alliance, Alexandros was content with maintaining his betrothal (although there was some speculation about a marriage to a Kartvelian princess or native Pont) and the two were married in 1475. Martha was, like her husband, a woman of unremarkable appearance who looked more Persian than Pontic. However, she was very well-learned with a surprising grasp on paideia[7], and evidently the two took to each other well. As a side note, Martha had been baptized as Orthodox but raised as a Muslim, a surprisingly common arrangement for children born of Christian mothers in 15th Century Persia[8].

With the marriage consideration out of the will, Alexandros turned his attention to foreigna affairs. Legitimacy was a problem that plagued all Trapezuntine empires, and in spite of his long and surprisingly non-conflicted regency Alexandros felt the need to prove his legitimacy in the eyes of man and God. The traditional manner of doing so was a foreign war, but Trapezous’ options were rather limited; they were allied with the Kartvelians and the Aq Qoyunlu, and the thunderdome of Turkic statelets on their western border made any permanent conquests in the region nigh-on impossible. However, Alexandros looked even further abroad than Trapezous’ immediate neighbors and cast his gaze north, across the Black Sea. Perateia, which had fallen out of Trapezuntine orbit decades previous, was ripe for the reconquest.

There were two potential enemies Alexandros would be going up against, the Goths and the Genoese. The former were a truly pathetic statelet, having collapsed into infighting between tribal bands due to generations of corruption and court intrigue. (Basically OTL Trapezous in 1461) They could muster at most 5,000 men if all factions were persuaded to put aside their differences, and possessed only a handful of fortified strongholds, of which only Mangup and Funa could really be described as fortresses. Mgeli, who had become his son-in-law’s megas domestikos, estimated that they could be defeated within three weeks of a Trapezuntine fleet landing at Kalmita. The Genoese, however, posed far more of a threat. Genoese possessions in the Black Sea--Gazaria and a few ports on the edge of the steppe--could be taken fairly easily with the exception of the might fortress of Soldaia (Sudak), but if reinforcements could make it past the Bosphorus then Trapezous would be left up a creek.

However, the ability of the Genoese would soon be greatly reduced. In the early 1460s, the Sforza dynasty of Milan had conquered much of northern Italy and the Genoese, who at the time were on the verge of the civil war, agreed to be governed by the Sforzas in exchange for certain rights. In late 1474, an angry mob lynched Prospero Adorno, the Milanese governor, and proclaimed the restoration of the republic. However, they had little popular support and before they could organize an army there was a very large Milanese army led by a very angry Milanese duke camped outside of the city walls. The Genoese were frantically recalling every available man to defend the city, and this left the Black Sea fleet severely undermanned. Here, Alexandros saw an opportunity to flex his muscles and began putting together a fleet.

In May 1475, as soon as the winter winds had calmed, an armada was put out from Trapezous. Alexandros himself commanded the soldiery on board, who numbered some 4,000 drawn from a mixture of eleutheroi, bandonoi and mercenaries, while the ships were commanded by Konstantinos Psarimarkos, who was by now in his late sixties. They sailed westwards to Sinope and resupplied, then made a direct crossing of the Black Sea to the Crimea. They arrived at Caulita, the port closest to the peninsula’s tip in early June. The Genoese commander was shocked to see such a large force appear out of nowhere and surrendered without a fight, even before Alexandros could clarify that he had no intention of taking the city. Not wanting to look a gift horse in the mouth, the Trapezuntines then swiftly occupied the port. Alexandros then sent a series of dispatches to the governor at Caffa, explaining how as a subject of the Doge had come to safeguard Genoese possessions in this time of great weakness. Finding the governor gone, the Trapezuntine messenger then presented this message to the lieutenant governor, a man named Antonio Scaramanga. Scaramanga believed that Genoese fortunes were in decline, and so he offered to give over all of Gazaria to Alexandros’ ‘protection’ in exchange for land and a high court position. The aftokrator agreed out of hand, and over the next three months Trapezuntine fleets criss-crossed the Black Sea, taking Genoese ports and castles by force or by Scaramanga’s orders.

After these were completed, Alexandros turned north and marched into Gothia. As predicted, they were too divided to offer a united front, and the aftokrator crushed the various tribal armies in a brief campaign lasting only two months. He then laid siege to Mangup, having already reduced Funa, and attacked the walls of the great fortress with cannons brought from Trapezous. The roar of heavy guns soon turned the walls to rubble, and after a final assault the Principality of Doros was ended on 22 September 1475. Alexandros parcelled the land out into pronoiai to be settled by Greek and Lazic veterans, then seized Funa, Mangup and Kalamita as property of the crown. He appointed a strategos named Ioannes Lazaros to oversee the pacification of the new territories and the settlement of vacant land, then set sail again in mid-October, barely beating the winter storms back to Trapezous.

The campaigns of 1475 were an outstanding victory for Trapezous, with both the Crimean territories as well as formerly Genoese possessions across the Black Sea being subjected to the will of the aftokrator. However, despite the crushing nature of the victory, Alexandros would not have long to rest on his laurels. In the spring of 1476, the bey of the Çandarids sent a desperate plea to Trapezous, offering tribute and vassaldom in exchange for help in his ongoing struggle, an offer Alexandros thought too good to refuse….

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[1] ‘Sebastoi’ is the term for male relatives to the emperor either within his family or within five degrees of consanguinity.
[2] Tzykanion, or Byzantine polo, was a popular sport in the Middle Byzantine Period and remained a common sport in Pontos long after its decline in the rest of the former Empire. Ioannes Axoukhlos, a famously indolent ruler, was killed while playing it.
[3] That is, a grey horse with silver interspersed with grey hair. The use of a blue roan would be incorporated into later coronation rituals.
[4] This was a tradition borrowed from the Ottomans, who marked a sultan’s reign as beginning with his sword-girding.
[5] Firstly, this translates as ‘Emperor and self-ruler of all the East and the lands across the Black Sea’. Secondly, there’s a linguistic divergence here--OTL Pontic retained an antiquated phonology, where as TTL the writing has changed to reflect the manner in which it is spoken. As such, ‘kai’ has been shortened to ‘ke’, as Pontic does naturally.
[6] A cookie to whoever guesses the reference first.
[7] Paideia was the Byzantine art of speaking.
is that from a total war fanfic?
Also i realy love this tl its realy realy great i love your writing style of actualy giving the greeks smth to struggle for.
 
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