isn't more than half a million a bit too much for an "empire" that is basically the european version of Chile? i would say between 400k and 500k
There would have been around 20-25 years of peace so maybe the population grew by that much from around miud-to-high 400 thousands around the late 1480s?
 
read again what alexios did with the possible usurpers.
now use your beautiful mind and imagine what could possibly happen to the daughter of an emperor murdered by a cousin in the 15th/16th century
I have doubts like apostle Thomas. If i dont see clearly in the TL her death, i will not believe it.
 

pls don't ban me

Monthly Donor
I have doubts like apostle Thomas. If i dont see clearly in the TL her death, i will not believe it.
at some point is stated that Alexios eliminated all his close relative with the usual blinding for males and convent/monastery for women. so it's assumable that the poor girl is secluded somewhere, but at least she's alive
 
What made the eleutheroi loyal to an insane emperor?I thought Alexios was actively lashing out against all those around him including his own bodyguards.
 
Ah, I see, so the House of Osman won't die if Ebulhayr wins the war. Honestly that makes me support the Vizier even more since the Ottomans have more to lose with Mehmed's purge of the majority Greek bureaucracy than keeping the Ottoman sultans as puppets for the Grand Vizier.

Still, I do have to recognize that Ebulhayr's position isn't the strongest even after the war, since this can easily devolve into an Almanzor situation where the strongman dies and his successors can't keep up the pace, leading to a breakdown between the remaining Turkish nobility and the Greeks, possibly turning into another civil war. Assuming that he does win, the Grand Vizier has a tough road ahead of him trying to maintain power while propping up puppets in the throne.

As for the Karamanids, thank you for the rundown as it was a joy to read. They're probably the biggest threat to the Trapezuntines once this war has passed so it'll be interesting to see how they will contend with the rising Beylik.


*looks at the Bataids longingly*
View attachment 627841
Planet of Hats really awakened the tantalizing possibilities of what a Muslim Roman Empire could bring to the table for me in Moonlight in a Jar, and to see it possibly happen in The Undying Empire, albeit done in their own way, is just simply too interesting to ignore. I'll be looking at the Ottoman Empire with great interest.

Reason being that it's more likely to arise under the Ottomans than the Trapezuntines though due to the rise of Hellenization and the decline of the existing Turkish nobility. Mehmed II already declared himself as Kayser-i-Rum before, so who knows if the next Sultan claims the title again to rob the Trapezuntines of further prestige and glory as the Emperor of the Romans.

Alexios really was a mixed bag, wasn't he? Although he basically forced all of the capable nobles and bureaucrats towards their enemies, especially Constantinople out of all places, he did purge the scheming dynatoi to essentially allow David to be able to recover the Trapezuntine Empire without any problems.

Still, seeing what he was capable of during his last days was very depressing as he basically engaged in an orgy of violence and insanity before he died. Not a good look but what matters is how will the Three Basils shape the Empire once the dust has been settled. Taking advantage of the Civil War is an interesting possibility but I don't know if they are even able to if the purges have devastated the army's command.
1. Good to know someone is rooting for the Vizier. Ebulhayr holding on would probably be the best option for the Ottomans long term, but the sheer chaos that would break out if Mehmed would win is definitely an alluring idea.
2. I agree with your point about Trapezous and the Turks, and if Ebulhayr does win out then he will definitely do so. Perhaps styling himself 'consul', like the Romans of old?
3. If I ever do a retrospective on the emperors, Alexios will definitely be an interesting one to cover. His reign did see the effective neutering of the nobility, a trend that would be continued under David, but at what cost. He'll definitely go down as something similar to the Trapezuntine Caligula or Vlad the Impaler but, hey, as long as the empire is better for it. You do make a good comment about the army though, and the purges aren't over yet.
Well.....
.....
.....
Alexios V was.....something.

Great job on the whole chapter. This was nicely done and I really liked seeing the emperor go cuckoo.
Thank you, Alexios was indeed something.
Sure, feel free. Happy to have you bounce ideas off me
Thanks, I'll PM as soon as I can collect my thoughts.
so basically there the trapezuntine nobility is almost estinguished, if this can be mantained, trebzion has resolved forever the nobility problem like england after the war of roses
Bingo.
Well, um........,,. All hail Emperor David! May he rule a boring empire!
A long and boring reign indeed! :) Unfortunately, David won't get to have a boring reign, but fortunately, there won't be too many reverses.
May he spearhead a better future for our Empire!
Forward to victory! O STAVROS NIKA!
If you guys know any could you recommend me some Byzantine or Roman history books? (excluding "Streams of Gold, Rivers of Blood" and "Restorer of the World")
One of my best resources for this TL is "The Late Byzantine Army; Arms and Society" by Mark Bartousis (might have misspelled that name), which describes how the Byzantine state of the Komnenoi era raised and financed armies, as well as the role they played in contemporary society. Most of my Trapezous research is done with books older than my parents that our out of print, so I can't help you there, unfortunately.
Is it wrong Alexios going "Ima die anyway, so everyone with one head too much can be helped" made me laugh XD?
Tbh, I was kind of enjoying coming up with creative ways to kill his enemies. I may or may not have watched a certain scene from the Godfather several times yesterday.
 
Hey Eparkhos, out of curiosity what is the population of the Trapezuntine Empire around 1510-1514? I'm guessing its around 600,000 to 650,000 people total.
Let's see:

I've been kind of slack with my notes about this subject, so we'll have to do some hard-core MATHEMATICS:

Back in Part X's question section, I agreed with @Averious that the Empire had a population of about 250,000 in 1468. Since then, they have annexed Sinope, eastern Paphlagonia, Perateia and some eastern territories, which I estimate as increasing the population by about 75,000, giving us a total population of about 325,000 in 1475. I'll go ahead and subtract 50k as a rough guess of the losses from the Second Ottoman-Trapezuntine War, and for simplicity's sake I'll pretend this happened a decade earlier. That gives us a base population of 275,000. The average European fertility rate during this period was +0.18% annual, which I'll bump up to +0.24% to compensate for environment factors (namely, they're farming in a rainforest) and the more organized tax structure of the Empire, which allows the peasants to keep more of their produce. Next, given that Trapezous is a net migration attractor, I'll give a migrant population increase of ~500 per year, which is a conservative estimate. This data will cover the period between 1475 and 1515 for simplicity's sake, or forty years total. Now we feed this into an interest calculator (this is the one I use):

Starting principle (pop in 1475); 275,000
Annual: 500
Monthly: --
Interest: 1.24%
Compounds annually
Tax and Inflation:0
Years: 40

This gives us a 1515 total of 472,223. I'll round this to 475,000 as a form of adjustment for all the weirdness involved in long-term calculations like this, which gives the Trapezuntine Empire a total population of 475,000 in 1515. But wait, this was only counting citizens, not foreign residents or slaves. I don't know how to calculate the number of foreigners, but I do know that during this time period 10% of the Georgian population were slaves. 475,000*0.10 = 47,500. I'll round this to 45,000 to compensate for rounding up the citizen count, giving us some 520,000.

There were some 520,000 subjects of the aftokrator living in the Trapezuntine Empire in 1515, not including foreigners.

I'm not very good at math, so someone please double-check these numbers and inform me if I'm wrong.
 
I have doubts like apostle Thomas. If i dont see clearly in the TL her death, i will not believe it.
at some point is stated that Alexios eliminated all his close relative with the usual blinding for males and convent/monastery for women. so it's assumable that the poor girl is secluded somewhere, but at least she's alive
Alexeia is probably in some convent, like he said. If I may ask, what made you so interested in her particularly?
What made the eleutheroi loyal to an insane emperor?I thought Alexios was actively lashing out against all those around him including his own bodyguards.
I think they are loyal to Trebizond rather than the Emperor.
Money.
 
Part XXXIII: Musical Chairs (1514-1516)
"Alexander had spent all his life waiting in the shadows to become emperor. Thirteen months later, he was dead. What followed was a six-year game of musical chairs to establish who the new basileus would be. The shifting alliances and backroom deals which followed are Byzantine in their detail. They are a fine example of how that term gained its meaning.

"So please, stand up. When the music starts, walk slowly in a circle to your left. When the music stops, well, you know what to do..."

- Robin Pearson

Part XXXIII: Musical Chairs (1514-1516)

Alexios’ final purges had cleansed the Trapezuntine state of much of its more debauched and conspiratorial aspects. However, Trapezous was truly a Byzantine state, and no single man could completely cleanse the empire of its darker nature. The efforts of the late aftokrator had gone a long way towards securing the reign of his son, but the responsibility for maintaining this security would fall upon the shoulders of a priest, a diplomat and a slave, far from the most inspiring group of men to oversee a decade (at minimum) long regency. In a place as corrupt as the Trapezuntine Empire, they were hardly the best men for the job….

As the dying emperor’s men ravaged the upper classes of the capital in search for any would-be assassins, the true killer of the emperor was in the wind. Skaramagos had correctly ascertained two things; namely, that Katsarina would double cross him at the first opportunity, and that Alexios might not be dead. He picked his way across the city, shot the guards outside the building where his brother was being held, and rescued him. Then they fled eastwards out of the city, making their way across the breadth of the empire to the eastern frontier. Ever the opportunist, Skaramagos saw a chance in all of this, and was unwilling to pass it up.

Back in the capital, meanwhile, the Three Basils were shakily adapting to the levers of government. As previously mentioned, they were far from good candidates for the regency. Mgeli had spent the last decade and a half traveling across Central Europe, flitting between the courts of Rome, Esztergom and Krakow and even accompanying a Papal expedition led by Antonio Trivulzio against the Barbaries to recover a stricken Trapezuntine merchantman. He was a career diplomat, and while this was a trait that would be useful in pretty much any court throughout history, he had no experience in actually governing. He knew what not to do, of course, having observed many rulers in the Holy Roman Empire and beyond fall from grace and power due to blunders and bad slips, but this wasn’t much help. The Patriarch was even worse off, having spent most of his life as a quiet country priest before being shot up to royal tutor and advocate for the deranged prince-turned-emperor. The task of handling the fractious infighting of the Pontic Church and relations with the other surrounding Patriarchates would have probably been more than he could handle by itself, but having to do that and rule in David’s name was an overwhelming challenge for him. Basileios the Scythian was a career soldier, true[1], but he had little actual battlefield experience other than a few battles in the Samtskheote War half a decade previous and some battles with Karamanid raiders in the Lykos Valley. He was a thoroughly unimaginative commander, and swung between essentially ignoring the actions of the other regents and threatening to have his soldiers murder them anytime they did something that pissed him off. David was a non-entity at this point, unable to even say ‘David Megalokomnenos’, and so the three men were left to blunder their way forward, hoping that they did more good than they did harm.

Alexios’ murder of anyone who looked at him funny had effectively gutted the ranks of the Imperial bureaucracy, aristocracy, and the upper echelons of the army with few exceptions. While this crippled the aforementioned organizations and thus posed a sizable challenge to the new regency, in the long-term it was a boon for the empire’s stability. All but the most tepid and inoffensive servants of the aftokrator had been purged, and this allowed the regents to refill their ranks with loyal and docile men, the kind who wouldn’t pose a threat to either the joint regency or the young David himself. The remainder of 1514 was spent analyzing potential recruits and hand-selecting new administrators and officers. Mgeli was the prime driver behind this, of course, as the Patriarch was already occupied with trying to reform the Pontic Church’s organizational structure and the Scythian was sacking officers left and right in a manner not dissimilar to Alexios’ old purges. While they were distracted in doing this, plotters began to come out of the woodwork, seeking the power that was wielded by a regent for themselves.

Chief among these were Skaramagos and Ioannes Sabbiades who were, funnily enough, half-brothers. Antonio Scaramanga had been rebaptized in the Orthodox Church during the 1480s, and had sired a bastard son who went on to become the commander of the eastern frontier. Alexios, even during his most paranoid flights of fantasy, had never dared to execute a war hero as beloved to many of the commoners as Sabbiades was, and so he had remained as the governor of the eastern military frontier, fighting off Karamanid raids and attacks from the rump Samtskheote state. When his half-brother informed Sabbiades of the ongoing turmoil in the capital, the general saw an opportunity to gain power for himself. He was not a power-hungry man by nature, but having to spend years dreading the approach of every rider from the west had instilled in him a desire to be in complete control of his destiny, a desire which he believed could only be fulfilled by seizing the regency for himself. He had more than enough loyal soldiers to do it--after all, the eastern military frontier was the second-most heavily garrisoned region in the Empire, and most of the soldiers posted there supported him whole-heartedly. He and Skaramagos just needed the right opportunity to take power for themselves.

Meanwhile, in the capital, the regency council began to fracture in mid-1515. Previously, Basileios Mgeli and Basileios the Scythian had, if not gotten along very well, at least tolerated each other. However, as Basileios III’s mind began to slip[2]--he was nearly eighty, after all--conflict began to brew between the two men. Mgeli, who had been the chief administrator of the regency simply due to lack of any other would-be clerical minister. As such, he assumed that he would step into the void left by Basileios III’s increasing incompetency. This, however, Basileios the Scythian would not allow. Conventional wisdom held that in order to secure oneself at the top of a Byzantinesque state such as Trapezous, you would need the support of two of the three pillars of the state[3]. With the initial arrangement of the regency, each of the Basileios had held one of these pillars; Mgeli the bureaucracy, Davidopoulos the church and Scythian the army. Perfectly balanced, as all things should be. However, now that Basileios was on the verge of bowing out, the potential for one of the men to gain the advantage was clear to him. Mgeli had not exactly tied to endear himself to him, either, encourage the growth of the city watch and the expansion of the city’s regular garrison as counterbalances to the eleutheroi.

When Basileios III formally declared his retirement in August 1515, Basileios the Scythian sent a detachment of eleutheroi to arrest Basileios Mgeli, so that he could not prevent him from installing a claimant of his own upon the patriarchal throne. The regent was caught completely off-guard and was confined within his apartments within the palace with a few secretaries, unable to reach his network of supporters before he was effectively imprisoned. With his ally-turned-rival reduced, Basileios the Scythian appointed one of his colleagues, a military chaplain known as Thomas the Vainakh, as Patriarch, cinching another one of the pillars of state behind him, or so he thought.

Mgeli knew that the ante was rising with every second, and he had to act quickly if he wanted to keep his head on top of his shoulders. He paid off a guard and slipped out a letter to his cousin up in Tennessee to Sabbiades, traveling through a secret network of couriers he had arranged on the side. He promised Sabbiades a seat on the regency council and command of all the realm’s armies if he would revolt against Basileios the Scythian, hoping that the two would fight each other and allow him to weasel his way out of his present predicament, or at least fire a Parthian shot. Basileios the Scythian, meanwhile, officially deposed Basileios Mgeli a few days later, elevating a fairly obscure notary named Konstantinos Ypsilantis to replace the former emperor’s cousin and join himself and Thomas the Avar as regents. Hoping to tie up a loose end, he had Mgeli paraded out of his cell and put on a ship to Tmutarakan in chains. The ship then sank a few hundred yards from shore with exactly one death. Thus died the last son of Keteon.

While Mgeli himself was dead, his Parthian shot flew straight and true. In September 1515, Sabbiades received the late regent’s offer and, after ruminating on the subject for a time, decided the time was right. He raised the standard of revolt at Artane (OTL Ardahan)[4] on 26 September, and was hailed by his men as the true regent of the emperor David. There were already nearly 5,000 professional soldiers scattered across the section of the frontier under his control[5], and the bandons of the region rallied to his standard. With the harvest already completed, he was able to raise an unusually great number of men, mustering 12,000 men in his army proper even with 4,000 men left behind to guard the frontier from any opportunistic raiders. Sabbiades knew that the most likely strategy his enemies would take would be to keep him trapped on the far side of the mountains for as long as possible, in hopes that he would begin to waver and start to bleed to defections. As such, he drove directly across the mountains, floating down the Akampsis in a two-week long advance to the sea. Vatoume surrendered without a fight on 15 October, securing Sabbiades his foothold on the northern side of the mountains. He turned and swept along the coastal plains toward the capital itself, gathering more men as he marched. His success can be attributed to promises of relief from the rising taxes imposed by the capital and promises of the restoration of the glory of Alexandros II, whom Sabbiades had campaigned beneath on several occasions[6].

Basileios the Scythian was, understandably, more than a little concerned by the vast rebel host that was currently marching towards the capital with all haste. He scrambled together a host, mustering 3,500 of the 5,000 eleutheroi[7] and marching out from the city mustering bandons from the lands surrounding the city. Most of these conscripts weren’t exactly eager to fight and die for the claim of some barbarian who had no distinguishing victories or endearing traits other than his money and his title, and fewer still were willing to do so against the war hero Sabbiades. As such, he was able to muster a host of 8,000, which was by now outnumbered by more than 2:1 and growing. Basileios decided his best option was to try and blunt Sabbiades’ advance and force him to endure a winter siege, which would hopefully affect the rebel army in a manner similar to Mustafa II’s thirty years before. However, this would never come to pass.

After watching his predecessor be murdered on his orders, Konstantinos Ypsilantis had quickly deduced that Basileios could not be trusted. He had begun plotting against his nominal ally almost at once, managing to neatly insert himself into much of Mgeli’s network. Within a few weeks, he had managed to turn the regular garrison and the city watch to his side with a number of well-placed bribes. As soon as the bulk of the eleutheroi were a day’s march beyond the city, he ordered the city gates to be closed, then fled the palace for the army barracks in the upper town. Ypsilantis’ loyalist forces quickly coalesced, and within a few hours they and the city watch had managed to secure all of the lower and upper towns. A traitor opened one of the citadel’s sally gates, and he and his soldiers were able to fight their way through into the palace complex and the eleutheroi barracks there within. The battle here was fierce, as the narrow corridors and small, disjointed buildings reduced much of the fighting to one-on-one duels. The city watch and the regular garrison took heavy losses as the disciplined eleutheroi fought desperately, but weight of numbers was on their side and they eventually cut off and then took the Imperial chambers. Ypsilantis personally shepherded David out of the building, after which he turned the cannons on the citadel walls about and threatened to blow the palace to kingdom come if the eleutheroi didn’t lay down their weapons. Some kept fighting, but most of them reluctantly surrendered and were led away in chains. By the end of the day, all but the most isolated tunnels and chambers in the warren beneath the palace had been swept of their defenders. David, stuttering on every word due to an unfortunate speech impediment, proclaimed the deposition of Basileios the Scythian and Thomas the Avar (who had been imprisoned when the coup began) and elevated Ypsilantis to sole regent.

Ypsilantis, I mean David, immediately drafted a chrysobull declaring that the Scythian was deposed. After hastily making and signing copies, riders were dispatched to distribute these messages amongst his camp. Sure enough, most of the bandons took this as an opportunity to abandon the field, rushing away to their homes and families. Basileios of course denounced the message as false and treasonous, but this did not prevent the eleutheroi from fracturing as several junior commanders attempted to arrest their captain as a rebel. While the eleutheroi were busy fighting themselves and the bandons fleeing in all directions, Sabbiades decided this was as good a time as any to attack, and his army surrounded and then overran the divided enemy camp. Basileios the Scythian was found barely alive and was tied to the back of a horse leg-first, dragged for several miles over sharp rocks on his face, then tied in a sack with a rabid dog and thrown down a well[8]. Sabbiades then resumed his march on the capital, arriving outside the city just as winter was setting in on 8 December 1515.

Ypsilantis was essentially forced to let them in, as Sabbiades had a worryingly large siege train consisting of cannons captured at a supply depot at Kapnanion and several dozen more taken from cities along his marching route. Sabbiades entered the city in a triumphant march, being hailed as a liberator by many of the residents of Trapezous, a fact which only further unnerved Ypsilantis. However, the most worrying thing that happened that winter for the new regent was Sabbiades’ proclamation that he ought to be coregent, as he had been promised such a role by Mgeli before his untimely death. Ypsilantis obviously didn’t want to give up his power to a man who already wielded so much, but with a large army camped in the lower town, it wasn’t exactly like he could say no. On 14 December, Ioannes Sabbiades was raised to co-regent with Ypsilantis, returning the city and the empire to an uneasy power-sharing agreement. It would not last long.

By the time he was elevated as regent, both Sabbiades and Ypsilantis were plotting to have the other bumped off. The reasons for this were rather obvious, as Ypsilantis feared that his nominal partner would try to overthrow him and Sabbiades feared that his nominal partner would try to have him killed. Unfortunately for them, neither of them was an especially skilled plotter, and so throughout December 1515 and into January 1516, they made a series of clumsy, badly-handled assassination attempts against each other. Be it poison, the assassin’s knife or barrels of power, they tried it. Skaramagos had disappeared somewhere into the Qutlughid Empire back in July, and so Sabbiades was left without his best assassin, which was no doubt extremely frustrating. By February, the two regents had holed up in opposite wings of the palace and refused to speak to each other. Why Sabbiades didn’t just outright depose Ypsilantis at the first opportunity is unknown--it is possible that the regent, with nothing left to lose, might try and repeat Mgeli’s little stunt and plunge the country into civil war--but it would prove to be a fatal mistake.

On 23 February 1516, Sabbiades finally threw up his hands and said ‘Screw it’. That morning, several dozen of his soldiers burst into Ypsilantis’ wing of the palace, hacking down the regent’s guards and rushing into his personal rooms. They pulled the man they found sleeping there from his bed and realized, to their shock, that it was not in fact him. Ypsilantis had started sleeping in an adjoining closet out of fear of being killed in his sleep, and while the soldiers had been busy he had fled into the tunnels beneath the palace. Furious that his quarry had been lost, Sabbiades ordered his men to spread out through the tunnels and hunt him down. For two days they searched, finding nothing, as Ypsilantis fled between different store rooms and hidden tunnels. Finally, on the third day, he presented himself before a group of soldiers and demanded to be taken to Sabbiades. The general had his former co-regent brought before him, taunting him before he had him executed. However, Ypsilantis retorted in kind, mocking him for his clubfoot and weak leg. Sabbiades flew into a rage and began screaming at him, causing the soldiers holding him to shrink back. Seizing the opportunity, Ypsilantis pulled a concealed dagger--from where is not known, but given that the wound later became severely infected, many historians have a guess--and stabbed Sabbiades in the arm, missing his chest by a few millimeters. Absolutely apoplectic now, Sabbiades grabbed Ypsilantis and threw him out of nearby window, sending him hurtling seven hundred feet to the bottom of the Kontos Valley.

Sabbiades was proclaimed as David’s regent later that same day, but he would not have long to enjoy it. He refused treatment for his wound until he had been formally invested, not wanting to waste time getting it cleaned. He allowed it to be treated afterwards, but it was too late. It was already infected, and within a few days the infection worsened into severe blood poisoning. By 27 February, he was in agonizing pain and took so much opium that he couldn’t move from his bed. A day later he was dead, and David was left without a regent once again.

By now, the people of Trapezous were thoroughly fed up with the regent roulette, and the garrison and the bureaucrats agreed. After a bit of deliberation, the city garrison invited the megas doux, the highest-ranking officer who had stayed clear of this mess, to take the regency. Loukas Ratetas[10] had worked his way up to the admiralty from a lowly rower on an Imperial galley, and was well-respected by all because of his honesty, loyalty and genial nature. He had actually been raised to his office in 1511 because he was the only captain who Alexios had trusted, and he had been sufficiently inoffensive to survive the following years. He was at Kerasounta, overseeing the loading of new cannons onto his galleys, when Sabbiades died. After a brief caretaker regency by Patriarch Nikolaos (Thomas had been deposed by Ypsilantis), Ratetas arrived in the city on 12 March and formally accepted the regency, becoming David’s seventh and final regent.

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
[1] Although this wasn’t exactly a willing decision since he was, y’know, a slave.
[2] Basileios III likely had an early form of dementia as early as Nikephoros’ reign, but it truly became impactful during his regency.
[3] That is, the army, the bureaucracy and the church. Huh, A-B-C. The ABCs of Byzantium, perhaps?
[4] This was the capital of the eastern frontier, the largest settlement conquered from the Samtskheotes
[5] The size of the Trapezuntine military had ballooned during the long peace between 1486 and 1517. Note: This span is referred to as the long peace due to the lack of major foreign wars, the war between Basileios the Scythian and Sabbiades being the only major civil conflict and the Samtskheote War being the only foreign conflict, which didn’t inflict much damage on the Empire itself.
[6]
 
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Alexeia is probably in some convent, like he said. If I may ask, what made you so interested in her particularly?


Money.
Why not kill him and get someone who can give you a pay rise like other Roman guard units?At least you don’t have to be afraid of getting killed randomly.
 
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hi. I really want to ask how extensive the Polynesian and incan exchange is as a lot could change if some technologies were spread to the Incans.
 
I love all of this drama and backstabbing, it reads like something that could be perfectly adapted into a black comedy a la Death of Stalin.
 
Well, at the very least this latest round of Byzantine musical chairs were limited mostly to the court. No large, expansive and resource consuming civil wars!
 
Well those three didn't last long. Maybe this new regent will stick? Doubt it with all of the byzantine politics going on for the Romans.

I think Trebizond is even more incapable of taking advantage of the ongoing Second Ottoman Civil War since their leadership was gutted again and the army is in a state of confusion and disrepair. That only leaves the Karamanids to ravage and take the rest of Anatolia, which would be very bad news for the Komnenoi. Let's hope the Ottoman Sultan still has the teeth to fight back....or should I say Grand Vizier Ebulhayr Pasha, hehehehe.
 
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Let's see:

I've been kind of slack with my notes about this subject, so we'll have to do some hard-core MATHEMATICS:

Back in Part X's question section, I agreed with @Averious that the Empire had a population of about 250,000 in 1468. Since then, they have annexed Sinope, eastern Paphlagonia, Perateia and some eastern territories, which I estimate as increasing the population by about 75,000, giving us a total population of about 325,000 in 1475. I'll go ahead and subtract 50k as a rough guess of the losses from the Second Ottoman-Trapezuntine War, and for simplicity's sake I'll pretend this happened a decade earlier. That gives us a base population of 275,000. The average European fertility rate during this period was +0.18% annual, which I'll bump up to +0.24% to compensate for environment factors (namely, they're farming in a rainforest) and the more organized tax structure of the Empire, which allows the peasants to keep more of their produce. Next, given that Trapezous is a net migration attractor, I'll give a migrant population increase of ~500 per year, which is a conservative estimate. This data will cover the period between 1475 and 1515 for simplicity's sake, or forty years total. Now we feed this into an interest calculator (this is the one I use):

Starting principle (pop in 1475); 275,000
Annual: 500
Monthly: --
Interest: 1.24%
Compounds annually
Tax and Inflation:0
Years: 40

This gives us a 1515 total of 472,223. I'll round this to 475,000 as a form of adjustment for all the weirdness involved in long-term calculations like this, which gives the Trapezuntine Empire a total population of 475,000 in 1515. But wait, this was only counting citizens, not foreign residents or slaves. I don't know how to calculate the number of foreigners, but I do know that during this time period 10% of the Georgian population were slaves. 475,000*0.10 = 47,500. I'll round this to 45,000 to compensate for rounding up the citizen count, giving us some 520,000.

There were some 520,000 subjects of the aftokrator living in the Trapezuntine Empire in 1515, not including foreigners.

I'm not very good at math, so someone please double-check these numbers and inform me if I'm wrong.
Wonderful maths !
 
Well those three didn't last long. Maybe this new regent will stick? Doubt it with all of the byzantine politics going on for the Romans.

I think Trebizond is even more incapable of taking advantage of the ongoing Second Ottoman Civil War since their leadership was gutted again and the army is in a state of confusion and disrepair. That only leaves the Karamanids to ravage and take the rest of Anatolia, which would be very bad news for the Komnenoi. Let's hope the Ottoman Sultan still has the teeth to fight back....or should I say Grand Vizier Ebulhayr Pasha, hehehehe.
One update said that Trebizond attacked no ?
 
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