The Twilight Ages

The Great Western War, Part One: The Campaigns of 532​

Amalaric, Visigothic King of Spain, was married to a daughter of the legendary Clovis, named Chrotilda. Chrotilda was seen as a lynch pin in maintaining the peace between Spain and the Frankish Kingdoms of her brothers- however, there was a wrench in the works. Amalaric was fiercely Arian, almost militantly so, while Chrotilda was a staunch Catholic in the vein of her mother. Almost as soon as the marriage was arranged, efforts were made by Amalaric to convince his wife to abandon her beliefs and cling to his own view of religion. However, Chrotilda refused to yield, which over the years whittled away at Amalaric’s patience.

After the death of Theodoric in 531, Amalaric assumed full control over the Spanish state from Theudis, who had governed the kingdom (ostensibly on Amalaric’s behalf) as an agent of the King of Italy. Theudis had pursued many of the same policies as his mentor, including a general practice of religious toleration. Almost all of Spain’s non-Gothic citizen were Catholic, and Theudis realized that in order to ensure the stability of the nation, their views on religion must be respected. When Amalaric himself took control however, he reversed this policy, beginning to persecute Catholic priests and believers across his realm… most notably his wife.

Abuse in marriage was not unheard of in this era, being indeed a rather common occurrence, but Amalaric seemed to take delight in his marital strife. He would withhold food from Chrotilda, sometimes forcing her to sit at his banquet table and abstain while he and his fellow noblemen stuffed their faces with fine food. He kept her awake at night, preventing her from sleeping with loud music and debauchery. And, of course, he beat her- quite severely. Chrotilda bore this abuse with the patience of a saint through most of 531, until her patience finally snapped.

After one of her beating sessions in the winter of 531-532, she cleaned herself off with a towel and sent the bloody piece of cloth to her brother, King Childebert of Paris, along with a message detailing not only her struggles but the struggles of all Catholics in the heathen realm of Amalaric. This unusual message had a great effect on Childebert, and he rallied his armies to go to war against the Visigoths to avenge his sister. He communicated with his other brothers, informing them of his intentions. The three sons of Clovis had been looking for an excuse to go to war with the Goths for some time now, and they readily supported Childebert’s actions. Clotaire, who dominated the largest portion of Francia (having taken over the portion that had been given to his now deceased brother Chlodomer in 524, in addition to his original section), promised military support from his territory in Aquitaine, while Theuderic, whose Kingdom bordered Burgundy and Ostrogothic territory, pledged to guard against possible Ostrogothic intervention.

The armies of Clotaire and Childebert, having assembled in mid-June of 532, marched into Visigothic territory, making for the major city of Narbonne, the capital of the Visigothic Kingdom. Amalaric had had little advance notice of the Frankish invasion, but managed to cobble together a decent sized force to oppose them. The two sides approached each other near the fortified town of Carcasum, which had been the site of Visigothic victories during the campaigns of Clovis. Amalaric, over the protests of Theudis and other advisors, decided that his armies would engage the Franks on the road towards Carcasum.

The Battle of Carcasum was joined in early July of 532. The first stage of the battle took place in the late-morning, when the infantry lines of the Franks and Visigoths met and began to engage in hand-to-hand combat. This was brutal, vicious combat, and it lasted for a large portion of the day. The Visigoths goal was to force the center of the Frankish line, but despite several fervent assaults that inflicted heavy casualties, the Frankish center did not break.

The turning point of the day took place towards the evening. The Frankish cavalry, considered to be the pride and joy of the army, had remained aloof from the fighting during the day, stationed on the wings of the Frankish battle line. As the sun began to set, the melee began to slow as the Visigoths realized that the Frankish infantry would not yield. Amalaric was discussing preparations for that night’s fortified encampment and the strategy for the next day, when he was expecting additional reinforcements, when he was interrupted by the blaring trumpets of the Frankish cavalry. A great shout arose from the Frankish lines as the horses thundered forward in a hammer and anvil maneuver, simultaneous to a fresh infantry counter-attack.

The cavalry the Visigoths had on the field was weak in numbers and low in quality, and their attempts to hinder the Frankish attack were brushed aside. The cavalry slammed into the rear of the engaged Visigothic infantry, forcing a wide scale collapse of the exhausted troops. The left and right wings of the Gothic line were enveloped, and the center soldiers began to flee in terror at the sudden change in fortunes. Amalaric abandoned his position, riding as fast as his horse could carry him towards the walls of Carcasum, leaving his guards behind him in the dust.

The retreat towards the fortification proved to be almost as bloody as the battle, as disorganized Visigothic troops were hunted down by roving bands of Franks as the night wore on. Reports suggest that only a fourth of the Visigothic army was able to make it back to Carcasum’s safety, the rest captured, killed, or missing. The arrival of reinforcements that next day prevented the Franks from surrounding Carcasum, but Amalaric’s confidence was shaken. He himself withdrew to Narbonne, leaving Theudis in charge of maintaining the line.

The general did a decent job of protecting the capital of Narbonne during most of the summer, based out of the now front line fortress of Carcasum, but despite his efforts he was outmaneuvered by the Franks. By October of that year, the Franks had invested Carcasum, trapping Theudis and a large portion of the Visigothic army behind their lines. With Narbonne now threatened, Amalaric prepared to abandon the capital, though the expected Frankish attack never came. King Clotaire maintained that they could not take Narbonne and hold it until Carcasum was in Frankish hands and Theudis defeated. King Childebert, at first reluctant to adopt this strategy, was eventually convinced.

As fall wore on and fighting season ended, diplomats began to do their jobs. Clotaire and Childebert sent letters to Amalaric at Narbonne, outlining their demands-

1. The recognition of Frankish rule over Carcasum
2. The return of Chrotilda
3. The end of the persecution of Catholics in Visigothic territories
4. The payment of a large sum of gold to solidify an eternal peace

Amalaric had been shaken after the events of the summer’s campaigns, but he was not shaken so far as to agree to such steep demands. He was strengthened by reports smuggled from Carcasum that stated that Theudis and his men expected to be able to hold out for quite some time if necessary, and thus refused the demands of peace the Frankish kings had sent him. He engaged in some diplomacy of his own, sending letters to Ravenna, Carthage, and Constantinople, seeking aid from whatever sources that he could find.

King Hilderic, however, wanted nothing to do with this fight, and Athalaric was thoroughly unsympathetic with his kinsman (who he personally blamed for starting this conflict in the first place). However, Athalaric was more willing to help Amalaric when word came from Constantinople with the Imperial response. Though he was currently thoroughly engaged in Eastern affairs, Justinian knew that, in order to secure his Western borders, the Franks must be held off. He sent a communication to Athalaric, reminding him of the obligations his grandfather of illustrious memory, Theodoric, had agreed to, holding out the title of Consul of Rome as a reward.

This seemed to convince the ambitious young king, who finally decided to come to the aid of his kinsman by the late winter of 532-533. This would serve to broaden the scope of the conflict, however, as it would bring the third of the Frankish Kings into the war…
 
The Great Western War, Part Two: The Campaigns of 533​

The entrance of Athalaric into the war came as little surprise to the Frankish Kings. Clotaire had often maintained in his meetings with his council of war that the King of Ravenna would come to the aid of his kinsman, and that he relished it- “better to kill them all at once than one at a time”, he would say when he heard official word of Ostrogothic intervention. Childebert, while being a little bit more reserved, also looked forward to Frankish victories over both the Gothic Kingdoms. He believed that that would prove to the Christendom that the Franks were to become the masters of the West.

The only one of the brothers who was not in the least degree excited when word came of the Ostrogothic declaration of war was Theuderic. He knew full well what the Ostrogoths were capable of- they had given him a bloody nose in Burgundy twice now. They were fine warriors and difficult foes, and could bring to bear a level of organization that the Franks could only dream about. He also worried that this fighting would distract the brothers from what he viewed as a clearer and pressing danger; to the West, the Alemanni grew restless, the Thuringians more powerful, the Lombards gathered more to their banners, and the ever-present threat of Saxon or Frisian raiders hovered just over the horizon.

On the Ostrogothic side of things, almost all portions of society were in favor of the war. Whether pro-Roman or anti-Roman, the rulers of the Kingdom saw this as an opportunity to finally show the Franks who was in control of things in the West. Athalaric knew this was his great chance to demonstrate his willingness to be a leader in the Western Mediterranean and win the coveted title of Consul from Justinian. This would cement his reign over the Kingdom of Italy, and bring those who still harbored doubts about his potential into line.

The Ostrogoths, along with their Burgundian allies, made plans on how to best protect Narbonne and free the army of Theudis from its siege in Carcasum. Athalaric and Godomar of Burgundy settled on a strategy in the early-spring of 533; Burgundian-Gothic forces would march along the coast to Narbonne to meet up with what forces Amalaric could rally; they would then march on Carcasum, either forcing the Franks to lift the siege and pull back or face their united armies. In the meantime, a relatively sizeable force would be left in Burgundy and Northern Italy to protect against potential Frankish invasions there. Athalaric would be in command of the force marching to Narbonne, while Godomar would be in charge of the defensive efforts.

Almost immediately, the campaign ran into problems. A surprising amount of rain delayed the march from Italy till the middle of May; this angered Amalaric, who, holed up in Narbonne, began to accuse Athalaric of wasting time. This in turn angered Athalaric, who almost gave up helping him until a lecture from Boethius reminded him that he had to, if he wanted to gain the prestige that his grandfather had possessed. By the time the army got underway, Theuderic had begun a series of lightning raids into Burgundy and Italy. Relying on small numbers and mobility, these Frankish raids focused on burning cropland and destroying stores. The material effect that these raids had were minimal, but the morale damage was great- Athalaric was forced, by the terrified demands of governors and noblemen, to break off a portion of his army and send it off to help secure the “porous” northern borders.

Marching along the coastline, the army of Athalaric reached Narbonne in June, at the height of campaign season. Already that year, Frankish raids on Narbonne had burned several outlying villages and suburbs, and Amalaric was terrified to leave the city. The first time that he left his palace in almost two months was when the armies of Athalaric arrived. For the first time in almost a year, Amalaric seemed to be calm- he greeted his cousin with an embrace, seemingly forgetting that just the month previous he had accused him of failing in his familial duties.

A council of war between the Visigoths and the Ostrogothic-Burgundian generals demonstrated the severity of the situation in Carcasum. Theudis and his men were running low on supplies; in addition, a Frankish assault on the walls in May, while repulsed, had killed many soldiers that the general could not afford to replace. It was immediately decided that the armies must combine and march to free Carcasum; the combined force of Visigoths, Ostrogoths, and Burgundians began the three-day march towards the fortress in late June.

The Frankish kings, of course, had been watching the army from the time it left Italy and had made preparations, bringing in additional soldiers from both of their kingdoms. They also had the privilege of being able to pick the location for the battle to take place; a small farmstead, some eleven miles from Carcasum. When word came of the advance towards Carcasum, the armies, leaving some men to continue the siege of the fortification, marched out to meet them at the preselected field of battle. The Gothic-Burgundian army encountered the Franks towards the end of their second day of marching; they pitched camp and prepared for battle.

The day of battle opened up with the Goths and Burgundians marching towards the Frankish lines (Visigoths on the left, Ostrogoths in the center, Burgundians on the right), their cavalry watching their flanks. They had learned their lessons from the defeat at the Battle of Carcasum the previous year, and the Ostrogoths had brought a strong cavalry contingent with them. After a general exchange of missiles, the battle was joined when the Burgundian right flank launched a sudden attack on the Franks, heralded by a cavalry charge of their own. The Frankish left, initially caught off guard, gave some ground before solidifying and pushing back, strengthened by their own reinforcements.

By that time, the battle lines on both sides had clashed together, and the cavalry was engaging each other on the wings. As the day wore on, the Gothic-Burgundian army seemed to have gained the upper hand. The Ostrogothic center was well equipped and well trained, and was dealing terrific damage to the Frankish center, forcing it to bulge almost to the point of breaking. However, their efforts failed when Clotaire and his personal guard entered the fray- his banner and presence rallied his men, and the Franks pushed back against the Ostrogoths, slowing their progress to a standstill. As night drew over the battle field, the two sides returned to their camps with no clear victor.

That night, both armies licked their wounds and prepared for the next day’s contest. Both sides had suffered terrible casualties, but both thought the other had been bled worse. Athalaric, who had never seen real combat before, was in a little bit of shock, but he had recovered enough to be able to give orders that next day.

The second day of battle proceeded much as the first, with both sides battle lines clashing, trying to force the other on to break, the cavalry fighting on the wings. However, the Franks had managed to secure some additional reinforcements, leaving their siege camps at Carcasum dangerously low; they put these soldiers into position on their right flank, and sent them out against the Visigothic portion of the coalition army during the heat of combat. The Visigoths, fewer in number than their Burgundian or Ostrogothic allies, crumbled, and their line broke. Athalaric was forced to pull back his main battle line in an attempt to prevent a rout, in which endeavor he was successful; but the damage dealt by the Franks was done.

With his left flank completely gone, and with horrible casualties suffered, Athalaric was forced to pull back towards Narbonne; he placed what troops he had left on duty of securing the front against the Franks. This had the successful effect of securing Narbonne from further Frankish raids that summer, though both sides were really too exhausted after the Battle of Zeno’s Farm, as it came to be called (named after the owner of the farmstead where the battle took place). The lines solidified, and the supply situation in Carcasum, still cut off from aid, worsened.

Much more intriguing stuff was going on in the East, in Burgundy and Northern Italy. Theuderic had launched an invasion of Burgundy in late June, surprising Godomar and defeating him in battle. The Burgundian King had been forced back to the edge of his Kingdom that bordered Italy; however, Gothic and Burgundian counter attacks had prevented Theuderic from capitalizing any further, and even drove him back. Still, by the end of the campaigning season, almost two-thirds of Burgundy was under Frankish control.

The shocked Godomar immediately recalled what troops were part of Athalaric’s Western army to come back to defend his realm, more worried about the survival of his Kingdom than the rescue of some random Visigoths in some obscure fortress. Athalaric protested this move, but to no avail; by Fall, he was in command of a much smaller force than that which had left from Italy at the beginning of that summer. He was discouraged, but not undaunted.

He wrote letters back to Ravenna, ordering reinforcements to be sent to the North and also to his own positions. He managed to get the sullen Amalaric (back to his scared self after the events of Zeno’s Farm) to rally what troops he could. And, most importantly, he wrote a letter to the King of the Vandals, Hilderic, invoking the Council of Patras. That Council had determined that the Vandals must help the Ostrogoths in war when they call for it or face Imperial retribution. Hilderic, reluctant to commit to such a treaty, thought about saying no (especially as the Empire was still fighting in the East). But news of Imperial victories convinced him it was the safest course of action to say yes.

Theudis, trapped still in Carcasum, snuck letters to the Gothic commanders, telling tales of eating rats and rumors of cannibalism. He declared he could not hold out through the winter if he did not receive aid; a daring clandestine mission was planned and carried out in November, in which several agents of Athalaric, disguised as merchants, were able to sneak some basic supplies into the fortification. The receipt of these supplies would help Theudis and his men make it through the winter, but not much further.

Letters also flowed between the lines as well. The Franks reiterated their demands of the previous year, with the additional point of recognizing control over the occupied portion of Burgundy, which were rejected by the Goths. As the war entered its third year, both sides were realizing that they had gotten involved in something much bigger than they had previously thought… with no way of getting out of it.
 
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Wow, nearly 900 views! Thanks, guys! :) Now, since I knw there have been people viewing this, I want to know what you all think- do you like this, do you not like this, do you have any suggestions for my very newbie self, etc.? Let me know!
 
I am greatly enjoying this TL.

Since you mentioned "Imperial victories" does this means that the Eastern Romans have managed to beat the Mazdaki Persians?
 
The Great Western War, Part Three: The Campaigns of 534​

The year 534 opened with the Kings of all the major Western Powers (save Hilderic) in war camps, planning for their campaigns for the summer. Both the Franks and the Gothic Coalition felt that they were going to be able to deliver a knockout blow that year, and spent the off season planning for their offensives. The Franks planned to knock out Carcasum as early as possible that year, freeing up the soldiers from that siege camp and placing the strategic location in their possession. They would follow up the seizure of Carcasum with a holding action in the West, with the purpose of protecting their front. The major offensives would be launched in the East, against the Burgundians and Ostrogoths- the Frankish Kings reasoned that if they could overwhelm Burgundy and begin to descend into Italy, they could force the Ostrogoth contingent near Narbonne to retreat back home, knocking them effectively out of the conflict and driving their enemies to the negotiating table.

The Goths and their allies, on the other hand, planned for major offensives on both fronts. Godomar, King of Burgundy, demanded a stronger response against the Franks occupying some two-thirds of his Kingdom, forcing Athalaric to transfer armies intended for the West to march to the North instead. The allied armies in the West would, still, receive some Ostrogoth reinforcements, but for the most part they would receive just enough to recoup their losses from Zeno’s Farm the previous summer. Vandal soldiers would make up the difference, sailing from North Africa to Narbonne and joining the armies of the two Gothic kingdoms; they would be commanded by the nephew of Hilderic, Hoamer (which would cause some tension with the anti-Roman noblemen commanding troops within the Ostrogoth contingent). When the armies rendezvoused, the troops in the West would launch another attack to break the Franks and break the siege.

As the weather warmed and spring wore on, troops moved across Western Europe. Franks marched south; Ostrogoths marched into Burgundy, while the Vandal fleets gathered in preparation to sail towards Europe. By the end of May, most of the troops were in place, save for the Vandal soldiers. The Vandals had yet to sail, with Hilderic dragging his heels a little bit, worrying about the possibility of a renewal of violence with the Berbers. This worried Athalaric, sitting in his war camp in Gaul- while he had reinforced his army from the losses of the previous year, he was loathe to launch an attack without the Vandal support. He sent letters to Hilderic, pushing him to action, reminding him of his duties and the threat of Imperial attack.

Soon, however, news came to Hilderic that would drive his worries about the Vandals to the back of his mind. His agents near the front line came back to camp at a sprint, screaming that the Franks were assaulting Carcasum and had breached the walls. They were streaming into the fortress as they spoke. Athalaric acted quickly- the armies of the Ostrogoths and Visigoths, Vandals or no Vandals, had to act. They set out from their war camp, which was some two days march from Carcasum, as fast as they could travel.

The Frankish assault, though successful in breaching the outer walls of Carcasum, was now stalled as they fought from block to block and as the Visigoths and Theudis withdrew into the central citadel. Word came to Clotaire and Childebert, as they directed the assault that the Goths had marched from their war camps towards Carcasum. They decided that a delaying action would be necessary to hold the Goths off from reaching the city while the assault was still in progress- a small detachment of Frankish soldiers were sent to hold the road and defend their position till the main force, after overwhelming the fortress, could come to assist.

The Goths marched through the night, however, and surprised the Frankish delaying force while they were still setting up position. The Franks attempted to hold their position, which was assisted by the fact the Goths were dog tired, but even in their exhausted state the Goths were able to break through the Frankish line by the end of the day through their overwhelming numbers. Athalaric, however, was forced to camp for the night, a mere few hour’s march from the walls of Carcasum.

The Franksih assault had driven the surviving Visigoth garrison into the citadel, where Theudis was still managing to fend off their strikes. The Franks continued to attack during the night, trying to force their way in through brute force. But Theudis and his men held, determined to die where they stood- not knowing that a relief was just a few hours away. In the wee hours of the morning, Clotaire, impatient and worried about the Gothic force nearby, headed an assault meant to deliver a killing blow- during the attack, a rock flew down from the citadel and hit the Frankish King on the head, wounding him severely. The assault dissolved as the Franks feared their King had died.

As light erupted, the Franks had more reason to worry as the Gothic army of Athalaric, refreshed as much as a few hours of fitful sleep could give them, arrived on the horizon. Childebert, assuming command of both armies, determined that they could not win a victory that day in their disorganized state; he withdrew the Frankish army in a hasty retreat back towards Frankish territory. This was against the advice of several Frankish commanders; when Clotaire came to a few days later, he raged against his brother, calling him a fool for not facing the Goths in the field.

But history is made up of snap decisions, and Childebert had made one when he ordered the retreat. The Gothic forces entered the sacked city of Carcasum, greeted by the skeleton of a garrison that had survived the siege and intense assault. Theudis, emaciated and haggard looking, embraced Athalaric as the armies cheered their victory; after a short time of recovery, the general would return to Narbonne to confront his terrified master, Amalaric, who was still holed up in his palace, terrified. Theudis’ return would mark an end to Amalaric’s attempts to rule his Kingdom directly- the general reassumed the “stewardship” of the Kingdom, ruling in the name of the King.

Vandal ships arrived a few weeks later, with Hoamer receiving a long lecture from a very angry (yet relieved) Athalaric, who harangued the Vandal for his tardiness. However, Athalaric could not be totally angry, for he was in a better position than he had thought he would be at that point on the summer- he had avoided a major pitched battle, only clashing with a Frankish holding force before retaking Carcasum relatively bloodlessly; this meant that his army was still very much intact, with the Vandal reinforcements placing him in a strong strategic position. This position would not last very long.

The Franks were still strong in numbers, despite the bloody failed attempt to take the Carcasum citadel, and were much closer to home than their opponents. Their losses were recouped quickly, and Clotaire, after venting his spleen on his brother, took steps to unify the command structure of the armies of the two Kingdoms, to prevent future stupid decisions from being made. This would contribute to the victories of the Franks over the Vandal-Gothic armies later that summer; with a sudden burst of confidence, Athalaric would launch an incursion into Frankish territory, to be repelled brutally at the Battle of Castrum Hill. This battle, taking place on the site of an old Roman fort, saw the Vandal-Gothic force surprised by a sudden Frankish attack, which would drive them out of Frankish lands and reestablishing Carcasum as the front line. A second attempt in August by Athalaric to drive the front line into Frankish territory would be beaten back as well.

In the meantime, Frankish agents and Frankish gold began to travel over the Pyrenes into the wild tribal lands to the North of the Visigoth Kingdom. The agents found a ready audience, who hated the Visigoths for their attempts to encroach into their land. The Vascones, Astures, and Cantabri, among others, launched raids deep into the heartland of Hispania; helped by the fact most Visigoth soldiers were in Gaul, the tribes would ravage the countryside, even succeeding in sacking the major settlement of Caesaraugutsa (August, 534). Visigoth peasants fled from the raids into more secure locations, hurting the harvest- many of the fields were burned by the tribes.

This terrified the coalition, who were forced to send troops to help secure Hispania- but these soldiers were few in number, for fear of weakening the front against the Franks. The situation was dire in the West for the coalition; while they could hold of the Frankish armies all the day long, they could not advance against them. Discussions began to trend towards negotiating a peace; but news from the East stopped that talk in its tracks.

In Burgundy, the war had raged brutally over the course of the entire summer. Godomar and Theuderic slugged it out, the front line changing almost weakly as they bled each other in a titanic struggle. Major battles were fought at Genava (June, Burgundian victory); Lugdunum (June, Frankish victory); Valentia (July, Burgundian victory); Aventicum (July, Frankish victory); and at Genava again (August, Frankish victory). Theuderic brought the full strength of his Kingdom to bear, which slowly ground away at the numbers of the Burgundians; local pro-Catholic uprisings also served to assist the Franks as summer wore on. After the victory at the Second Battle of Genava in August, Theuderic had the Burgundians on the ropes…

And then the Thuringians invaded. Always a rival to the Franks, the Thuringians took advantage of the chaos on the Southern border of their neighbor to launch an invasion. They brushed aside the Frankish garrisons deployed on the frontier, and they began to drive into Frankish territory. Theuderic, in a panic, sent more troops to help them, but by that time everything began to fall apart. The Alamanni, under Frankish dominion since their conquest by Clovis in 496, rose up and declared their freedom from their Christian masters; other Germanic tribal confederations, sensing an opening, began to march further West, intending to take a piece of the pie.

Theuderic, who had feared a Germanic invasion from the East for some time, wrote letters to his brothers, demanding their aid. Clotaire and Childebert, who realized that this would be a threat to their own security, knew that they would have to protect against these invasions. They signaled to the coalition in the West their willingness to negotiate, even as they began to transfer soldiers to the East. The exhausted and bloodied Goths, feeling that this was a chance to get the situation in Hispania under control, agreed to hold peace discussions.

The discussions would take place in Carcasum, the city that had been the cause of so much bloodshed, in October of that year…
 
The Great Western War, Part Four: The Peace of Carcasum

To the background of a new wave of Germanic invasion from the East, the delegations of the Frankish Kings and the Gothic-Burgundian-Vandalic coalition met at the town of Carcasum; the town was still a shadow of its former self, despite some efforts at restoring it after the year and a half long siege and brutal assault that had only been resolved earlier that year. It seemed a fitting place to resolve a conflict that had cost so many lives and had, truly in the end, not changed much by itself.

The Frankish Kings themselves were not present, as they were marching east to counter the invasions, and were instead represented at the peace by a delegation headed by the son of Clotaire, Charibert. Charibert had no illusions that it would be hard to win many concessions while the tribes were tearing up their Eastern borders, but he could rely on the war weariness of the coalition, as well as the ravaging of Hispania and the devastation of Burgundy to avoid making any concessions of his own. Still, he came with a list of demands-

1. The return of Chrotilda.
2. The end of Catholic persecution in the territories controlled by the Goths and Vandals.
3. The end of Godomar’s rule, and the creation of a Catholic Kingdom of Burgundy.
4. Payments to the Frankish Kings to ensure future peace.

Charibert knew that these were optimistic demands, and fully expected to be forced to abandon most of them- but he put on a good face and decided to see what he could accomplish.

The allies were represented by Athalaric, Theudis, Hoamer, and a contingent of Burgundian nobles. Godomar refused to abandon his Kingdom while it was still under Frankish occupation, and remained in his Kingdom trying to rally what soldiers and supporters he could. Their demands were simple-

1. The end of Frankish support for the tribal raids in Hispania.
2. The full withdrawal from the Burgundian Kingdom.
3. Reparations to repay the damage caused and to ensure future peace.

The negotiations, at first, seemed to be going the way of the coalition, just as Charibert had predicted. They reminded the Frankish prince of the successes they had had against the Franks in retaking Carcasum, and reminded him that his people were facing a dire threat of invasion from the East. Charibert refused to admit this, but slowly dropped hints that he was prepared to accept their terms. However, he was adamant upon the return of Chrotilda and the end of Catholic persecution.

Amalaric was loathe to give up his wife, but his advisor, Theudis, reminded him that the Franks, if they survived the onslaught from the East, would probably come knocking again- and that would squarely be his fault. Amalaric, however, continued to refuse the point- but Theudis made his decision for him. The Visigoths agreed to return Chrotilda and end the persecution of Catholics. Amalaric was incensed at his general’s actions, but the people were behind Theudis, including the nobility and the army. Amalaric was powerless to prevent the negotiations from taking away his wife.

The final peace treaty was agreed to in the early weeks of November of 534.
1. The return of Chrotilda and the end of Catholic persecution in Visigoth lands.
2. The end of Frankish support for the tribal raids in Hispania.
3. The full withdrawal from the Burgundian Kingdom.
4. Frankish reparations to compensate for poor harvests and the rebuilding of Carcasum.

This peace would allow the Franks to look to the East; however, the peace would also result in the end of the great Western coalition under Athalaric. The Vandals would return home, as the fight in Spain was not under the umbrella of the Treaty of Patras. The Burgundians would have a devil of a time trying to regain control of their country from Catholic rebels; the Visigoths would face the prospect of trying to reassert control over Hispania, as well as a new threat of Suebi attack. And the Ostrogoths would return home, having won no territory- but having kept the peace.

Letters went to Constantinople, reporting on the success of the campaign, reminding Justinian of the promise he had given Athalaric when he had first intervened- the title of Consul of Rome. The Emperor, still much distracted by Eastern affairs, waffled for a time, but eventually decided to issue the decree. Athalaric had now inherited the glory of his grandfather- he was the Consul of Rome. He enjoyed the pomp of the ceremony thoroughly.

But soon, he would have little reason for joy, as the threat of Germanic invasion from the East slowly cast its shadow over all the Western World…
 
Great and excellent update.

Great update and excellent chronicle of events as storms threaten war once more Gaul from Germany.

One question: I think at this point, unless the Saxons and Frisians, other Germanic peoples were Christianized at least in part and / or mixed forms syncretic therefore hardly massive rebellions would have a religious motive. :confused:
 
Great update and excellent chronicle of events as storms threaten war once more Gaul from Germany.

One question: I think at this point, unless the Saxons and Frisians, other Germanic peoples were Christianized at least in part and / or mixed forms syncretic therefore hardly massive rebellions would have a religious motive. :confused:

Thanks for the compliments!

In answer, the Alemanni were Pagan until the 7th Century at least; some of the Burgundians were Arian; Visigoths and Ostoroths were Arian, as were the Vandals. There were still heavy conflicts between the Arians and Catholics, with persecution of Catholics going on and off in Spain and North Africa.

Does thay answer your question or confuse you more?
 
It's a relatively

It is a relatively minor point, since I am aware of the intra Religious tensions between the Arianism and Catholicism and between Christianity and the pagan reaction but my question was that while they were pagans all the Saxons, Frisians. The Alemanni were mostly practitioners or pagans or syncretic forms, with a minority of them was Christian ... given that I think the situation would be more nationalist than religious rebellion.
 
It is a relatively minor point, since I am aware of the intra Religious tensions between the Arianism and Catholicism and between Christianity and the pagan reaction but my question was that while they were pagans all the Saxons, Frisians. The Alemanni were mostly practitioners or pagans or syncretic forms, with a minority of them was Christian ... given that I think the situation would be more nationalist than religious rebellion.

It would be partly nationalist in nature, yes, but the Alemanni Christianization only really began in the 7th Century- before that there is little evidence of Christian influence in the Alemanni culture. They had also only been under Frankish rule since 496, so there had been little chance for Christianity to really lay hold on them by 534. So I guess it would be a mix of nationalism and religion that would cause a revolt. Does that sound correct?
 
The Mazdakite Wars, Part One: The Gathering Storm
During the time of the Peace of Theodoric, affairs in the Eastern Mediterranean were anything but peaceful. After the adoption of Khosrau by the Emperor Justin in 525, the Shahanshah Kavadh had hoped Mazdak and Kawus would be cowed into towing the line through the threat of Imperial military intervention. However, Khosrau did not realize the zeal of a reformist, especially when that reformist believes that he is receiving guidance from the Divine. That miscalculation would prove to be fatal.

Mazdak, instead of being terrified of the threat of the Empire, incorporated that into his mission. The fact that the Shahanshah was willing to allow one of his sons to be adopted by a heathen Emperor, with such actions being approved by the Zoroastrian leadership, was proof of the corruption in the system and demonstrated that the Persian ruling elite had fallen from Divine Grace in the pursuit of greed and sustaining their unrighteous domination, Mazdak thundered. More and more Persians, who had been raised in the belief that the Romans were the enemy of the state and were thus shocked by Kavadh’s move, flocked to Mazdak’s message.

Kawus, in the meantime, began to meet secretly with other major figures in Persia who listened to the message of the reformer. They discussed plans for the future- a future were Kawus and the principles of Mazdak guided Persia into a fair and equal future. They discussed revolution…

For the next few years, the tension continued to build in Persia as Mazdak, though hunted by agents of the Shahanshah, traveled from place to place, continuing to preach his message of reform to all who would listen. Attempts by the mainline Zoroastrian clergy to counter the revolutionary teachings of the reformer were only met with marginal success, as more and more citizens clung to the idea of equality for all. Kawus, in the meantime, built his coalition, promising other noblemen positions of leadership in the new order.

It was never clear how much Kawus truly agreed with Mazdak’s doctrine- he may have viewed the reformer as a means to an end, of weakening the Zoroastrian establishment. Whatever his reasoning, however, Kawus was supportive of Mazdak’s efforts to proclaim his message to the extent that he could without compromising his position…

Kavadh did his best to protect the realm from the pernicious doctrine preached by Mazdak, continuously trading letters with the Emperor Justin to try to ensure that the Empire would intervene in the support of Khosrau. Justin, however, while offering some reassurances, was still a bit dodgy about the details. It wasn’t until Justin’s death in 527 and the ascension of Justinian that the Empire would take a more firm stance in favor of supporting the succession of Khosra. Some of Justinian’s advisors informed him that he should be able to win some form of concessions from the Persians, in exchange for the promises of military and diplomatic support.

This would prove to set the course for the Empire to be involved in a conflict that would change the fate of the Near East forever…
 
The Mazdakite Wars, Part Two: The Death of a Shahanshah​

It was the year 529, and the tension was continuing to build in Persia. Mazdak, supported by Kawus and a cadre of Nobles, continued to preach his message, using the fact that the Emperor had adopted Khosrau as his son to show the corruption in the higher realms of government. While mostly adhered to by the common folk, Kawus did a decent job of convincing some noblemen of the Persian state to defect to Mazdakism, by promising them a new role in the future government if they supported his cause.

Kavadh, though at this time increasingly ill, was not unaware of these development. The entirety of Persia’s internal security apparatus was engaged in routing out Mazdak and his followers, though they were usually unsuccessfully- in part due to the fact that Mazdakite sympathizers had infiltrated even the most “loyal” offices of the government. As Kavadh’s health declined over the course of 529, the players began to put their pieces into play, ready for the moment of the Shahanshah’s death.

Khosrau, the heir designated by Kavadh, did his best to ready for the building civil conflict. He traveled the Persian nation (alongside a sizeable force of guards), rallying support for Zoroastrian mainstream doctrine and trying to break the coalitions his brother was forming. In addition, he sent countless letters to Constantinople, seeking to reassure himself that his relative by adoption, Justinian, would come to his aid when the crises came to a boiling point. On his part, Justinian continued to reassure the Persian heir with promises of support, but most of his letters obliquely hinted at the Roman desire for concessions (both territorial and economic) from the new Shahanshah in exchange for their support. Khosrau did his best to ignore this topic; when he did address it, he made very vague promises that only served to tide Justinian over for a few weeks before renewing his pressure to get something in writing.

Justinian did make good on his promises, though. He sent a sizeable force under General Belisarius, one of his uncle’s favorite commanders, to positions near the Persian border, with orders to move into Persia if requested. Many of the Roman soldiers, and even Belisarius himself, expressed some concern about intervening in Persian internal affairs- “Wouldn’t it be better for all involved,” Belisarius stated in a letter to Justinian, “if we just let the heathens kill each other? It would certainly save us time if Persians spilled Persian blood, without Roman steel having to be involved.” But Justinian, buoyed by Khosrau’s vague claims of concessions and a desire to secure the Eastern border (just as his uncle, Justin, had secured the Western frontiers in the latter end of his reign), was adamant that his men stand and wait for further orders.

It was in November when the Shahanshah of Persia, Kavadh, died of his illness; and the house of cards collapsed. While Khosrau was quickly declared Shahanshah by the Zoroastrian mainstream leadership, Mazdak and his followers contested that claim on the basis of worthiness and instead declared Kawus the rightful heir. Armies moved into position, and by the end of December, Mazdakite forces began to clash with forces of the Persian government. Belisarius readied his men to advance into Persia, waiting on orders from Constantinople.

At first, the orders did not come, for Khosrau delayed asking for concrete Roman assistance as long as he could. The original idea behind the Roman adoption had been the threat of military intervention- Khosrau and his father had both hoped that that would have been enough to prevent Mazdak and Kawus from acting out on their goals. However, since that had failed, he hoped that if he crushed the rebellion quickly enough that Roman help would not be required, thus saving him from actually having to give Justinian concessions of any form. But embarrassing defeats at the hands of Mazdakite armies near Darabgerd (January 530) and Kerman (March 530) would force Khosrau’s hand. He sent a letter in late March, asking officially for Roman intervention.

The Legions received their orders, and in late April of 530, Belisarius crossed into Persian territory at the head of a force of 30,000 men. Many of those men would never cross the border out of Persia again…

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Hey, kinda brief, but an update is an update, right? Hope you enjoy!
 
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