The Twilight Ages

Prologue:

Europe, Anno-Domini 524

It has been nearly 50 years since the conqueror Odoacer marched his Gothic armies into the very streets of Rome itself, overthrowing the last Western Emperor. Since that year, till the present day, there has been very little in the way of true peace and lasting security in the West. However, for the past few years an uneasy peace has arisen across Europe. But even now, at the height of a new status quo, thunderclouds begin to gather at the horizon as a new wave of invaders begins to push its way south…

It is without a question that the most powerful nation in Europe is still the Roman Empire- the Eastern half, based out of Constantinople, is as vibrant as it ever was. Its territories are vast, its economy vibrant, its armies immensely powerful. Yet, the Emperor Justin seems to have little desire to directly rule the ancestral lands of Rome. He is distracted by building tensions in the East, where an enemy worthy of the might of Rome strengthens itself. He prefers to let the barbarian Kings of the West do their own ruling, giving them Roman titles and watching them with an ever-present intelligence force.

The Western Kings know not to push the buttons of Rome too hard, but they themselves are terrified of a greater threat- the Ostrogoth King of Italy, Theodoric. Theodoric has the title of Consul from the Romans, and from his court of Ravenna he watches the developments of the Western European world with interest. His own grandson, Amalaric, sits on the throne of Spain. He is as cunning as he is ambitious, surrounded by advisors both Roman and Goth- most notably the scholar Boethius. But Theodoric grows old- his successor, another grandson, Athalaric, is young and easily influenced. Even now, intrigue plays out, closely watched by all major powers around the Mediterranean.

Amalaric, King of the Visigoths, rules over Hispania and parts of Southern Gaul. Only parts- for the Franks, under their great king, Clovis, exploded from Northern Gaul and dealt devastating defeats to the Goths in Aquitaine. But Clovis has been dead now these 13 years, his Kingdom divided amongst his sons (as is the Frankish way), and the immediate threat has been lifted. To cement the peace with the successors of Clovis, Amalaric has married a daughter of that conqueror- but her steadfast refusal to adopt Amalaric’s Arian Christianity may sow the seeds for future conflict...

In Northern Africa, from his halls in Carthage, Hilderic, King of the Vandals, looks steadfastly towards Rome. His predecessor, married to the sister of Theodoric, Amalafrida, was little more than an Ostrogothic puppet. In communication with the influential Byzantine nobleman (and Imperial heir) Justinian, Hilderic cultivates a future for his people. Hilderic has reversed the ban on Catholicism, which his devoutly Arian predecessors enacted. This act, while strengthening Roman ties, caused an uprising, led by Amalafrida. That revolt has finally been rooted out and defeated- but Hilderic knows that Theodoric is watching, concerned for his sisters welfare (as well as for future Ostrogothic domination of the Vandals).

And to the North, the hordes of the Franks grow restless. Staved off by the death of Clovis, as well as Theodoric’s campaigns against them in Burgundy, the Franks still have grand ambitions. They are a people who feel guided by Divine Providence- but Divine Providence may not be enough by itself. If Frankish ambitions are to be realized, they must be realized by the sword…

And beyond the reaches of the former realms of Rome, other forces stir. Germania is in ferment, as various new tribes begin to form powerful coalitions. The Thuringian consolidate their control of Central Germania, providing an Eastern counterbalance to their rivals, the hated Franks. The Lombards grow in influence and power, slowly expanding their territory and coalitions. And even beyond Germania, new forces are marshaling which will, one day soon, burst over Christendom in fire and iron.

War and chaos is about to break over Europe once again as the ambitions of Kings and Emperors clash. The stage is set for a new chapter of history to begin- one that will change the course of not only Europe, but the entire world…

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So this is going to be my first timeline here on the site, looking at the history of an alternate "Dark Ages". Please, let me know what you think as things progress, so that I may know how to best improve! Thank you for reading!
 
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Not knowing early mediaeval history very well, the only divergence I could pick out is a Justinian focused on the east (which is very significant and very interesting). Could someone please list the additional divergences for the uninformed?
 
The Amalafrida Crises, Part One: A Rock and a Hard Place

Hilderic, the King of the Vadals and Alans, was in a strange position in the year 524. Upon his ascension the year previous, Hilderic had revoked a ban on Catholicism that his predecessors had enacted. This may have been, in part, out of a desire to strengthen his part in Mediterranean regional politics, or it may also have been out of connections with the heir apparent of the Roman throne, Justinian (who was considered to be a friend of his). But, whatever his motives, this action angered the widow of his immediate presecessor, Amalafrida. This was a problem, for Amalafrida had connections- powerful connections. And around 5,000 Ostrogothic soldiers- a gift from her brother, Theodoric, King of Italy.

With her 5,000 soldiers as a starting point, Amalafrida raised a potent force by appealing to the Moors. This dangerous force marched against the armies of the Vandals, under the command of Hilderic's nephew, Hoamer... And was defeated. The Battle of Capsa, joined 100 miles south of Carthage, saw Hoamer slaughter the Gothic-Moorish force and capture Amalafrida, who was marched back up to Carthage and immediatly imprisioned.

When her brother, Theodoric, heard of these proceedings, he was mad on several levels. For one, this was his sister- that alone was a cause for war. But more potently, Hilderic's policy reversal and the defeat of the Gothic-Moorish army placed the Vandalic Kingdom beyond the umbrella of Ostrogothic hegemony. Theodoric could not allow a blow to his prestige and power such as this to go unpunished.

Almost immediatly, letters began arriving from Ravenna, demanding Amalafrida be returned to her brother's care. Hilderic could ignore them to begin with, for the armies of the Ostrogoths were clashing with the Franks in Burgundy. But as the year turned, news came of Ostrogothic victories. Hilderic began to worry, for the undivided attention of Theodoric was now upon him, and new, more strongly worded letters began to arrive.

Hilderic was in a bind. He could not free Amalafrida, for she was an influential woman, and many in his Kingdom secretly subscribed to her views. A free Amalafrida was just that- free. Free to lobby and, potentially, raise another force against the Vandal King. However, he couldn't just leave her there, for the longer she sat in a Carthaginian dungeon, the more cause he gave Theodoric for action. And the last thing Hilderic wanted was an Ostrogothic invasion fleet banging at his doors.

The only thing Hilderic had was time. The Ostrogoths, while victorious in Burgundy, still needed time to consolidate their gains; they couldn't immediatly move against the Vandals. But how could he best use this time? Build more boats? Arm more men? That would only cause a prolonged war, which the Vandals could not endure as well as the Ostrogoths.

Hilderic instead used his time to write letters. He sent many letters to Constantinople, to Justinian and his uncle, Emperor Justin; he sent several secret letters to Boethius, advisor to Theodoric (and clandestine Roman agent); and he even sent a few extremly secret letters to the Pope, John I. The subject of his letters was singleminded- negotiation, mediated by the Empire. Even Theodoric recognized the potent force of the Empire, and the truth of the matter was that the word of the Emperor was law. If he could force Theodoric to the negotiating table, Hilderic reasoned, he could potentially get out of this situation ahead.

So he wrote his letters, and prayed his plan would work.
 
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That was a nice introduction. I'm curious to see how you will take this TL

Thanks! :)

dissatisfieduser said:
Not knowing early mediaeval history very well, the only divergence I could pick out is a Justinian focused on the east (which is very significant and very interesting). Could someone please list the additional divergences for the uninformed?

There are several, the main one right now is the survival of Boethius as Theodoric's advisor (meaning Theodoric hasn't realized some of his advisors are communicating and recieving instructions from Constantinople). And Justinian isn't Emperor yet- thats his uncle, Justin I. But he will be focused more on the East, too.
 
Christmas is coming early this year it appears. First a Viriatus timeline pops up, and now this gem. Great start. I'm not the most well versed on Dark Age European politics, but I'm gonna take a crack at where I think this is going:

Justin and Justinian seem to be poised to more or less reduce Hilderic to a client king as he begs them for protection. This will, however, buy Vandal Africa time, so maybe in the long run this prolongs their survival? And the continued presence of clandestine Roman agents in positions of power in the Ostrogothic court suggests that after Theoderic's death Justin and Justinian are hoping to be able to control his successor through these agents? Or am I far off?
 
The Amalafrida Crises, Part Two: The Reluctant Brother

Hilderic would receive word around the fall of 524 that the Byzantine Emperor was in support of his plan. The Emperor Justin desired the situation in the West to be resolved before turning his attention to Eastern matters (as the Shahanshah of the Sassanian Empire, Kavadh I, had sent him some intriguing communiques). The Emperor Justin informed Hilderic that he would invite Theodoric to the negotiating table through Pope John I. The Pope had arrived in Constantinople at the beginning of the year on the behest of Theodoric to petition Justin to reverse some anti-Arian policies he had enacted in 523. Justin agreed to reverse his decree in exchange for John I’s participation in his plan, which the Pope accepted.

When Pope John I returned to report to Theodoric in Ravenna, he reported the success of his appeal to get the anti-Arian declarations repealed. This pleased Theodoric, but what followed afterwards did not. The Pope informed Theodoric that the Emperor Julian I was gravely concerned with the state of affairs between the Vandals and his own kingdom, and that he desired to representatives from both camps to come to Patras in Achaea for negotiations. Theodoric, after a moment of surprise, dismissed the Holy Father and retreated to a private room with Boethius and a few other close advisers.

Theodoric was plain with his advisers- he did not want the Emperor to get involved in what he viewed as a family affair. Amalafrida was his sister, afterall, and a brother had a responsibility to protect his sister from mistreatment. In addition, he was Consul of Rome- Theodoric reasoned that this gave him a free hand in politics in the Western Mediterranean. The Emperor could make requests, but as Consul, he was free to ignore them.

Boethius, having been briefed by Imperial agents prior to the arrival of the Pope from Constantinople, replied to his patron famously that “Emperor’s do not make requests”. The scholar-adviser reminded the King of Italy of the power of the Byzantine armed forces, comparing them to the Frankish armies that had fought the Ostrogoths in Burgundy the year before. While not flat-out telling his patron that the Emperor would rout the Gothic armies, he reminded Theodoric that the Franks had been a tough fight by themselves- how much worse would be a fight with the greatest army in Christendom?

Theodoric was in no mood to listen to Boethius at that moment, and dismissed his advisers. The next few days saw many meetings, where Theodoric presented several alternate plans that did not involve Imperial assistance. At one point, he even declared that he was willing to bribe the Emperor with two ships full of gold to convince him to turn a blind eye to this debate. But, no matter what he tried, his advisers, led by Boethius, did not relent- they continued to contend that the Goths could not afford to offend their Imperial benefactor.

The spirited resistance of his advisers wore down Theodoric’s resolve. In September of 524 he sent word to the Emperor that he would participate in the discussions. This pleased the Emperor when he heard, for he needed to discuss other matters with the Consul of Rome...
 
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Christmas is coming early this year it appears. First a Viriatus timeline pops up, and now this gem. Great start. I'm not the most well versed on Dark Age European politics, but I'm gonna take a crack at where I think this is going:

Justin and Justinian seem to be poised to more or less reduce Hilderic to a client king as he begs them for protection. This will, however, buy Vandal Africa time, so maybe in the long run this prolongs their survival? And the continued presence of clandestine Roman agents in positions of power in the Ostrogothic court suggests that after Theoderic's death Justin and Justinian are hoping to be able to control his successor through these agents? Or am I far off?

Thanks! :)

And I can't say to much without spoiling it, but you are on the right track.
 
The Amalafrida Crises, Part Three: The Council of Patras

The Council of Patras, with the goal of resolving the crises over the Vandal imprisonment of Amalafrida, convened in the late-spring of 525 AD. Justinian, the heir-apparent to the Emperor, would act as the Imperial representative, empowered to act in the Emperor’s name; the Vandal delegation would be headed by Hoamer, the nephew of King Hilderic; and Theodoric chose his nephew, Theodahad, a son of the imprisoned Amalafrida, to head his delegation, in order to send a strong message of what his position was. However, Beothius made sure to send his son, Symmachus (Theodoric’s Counsel of the East), along to ensure that the result would be favorable.

The negotiations covered three main items-
1. The status of Amalafrida; if she was freed, would she be allowed to remain in the Vandal Kingdom? Or would she be exiled instead?
2. Vandalic compensation for the deaths of the Ostrogoth soldiers at the Battle of Capsa. If there was to be compensation, how much would be sent?
3. The status of the relationship between the Kingdom of Italy and the Kingdom of the Vandals.

The Vandals took the position that Amalafrida, if she were to be freed, should be exiled back to Gothic territory- preferably Visigothic Spain, where she would be separated from an Ostrogothic power-base from which to launch further intrigues against the Kingdom. The Vandal delegation also believed that they shouldn’t be forced to compensate the Ostrogoths for the loss of their soldiers at Capsa, as they were participating in a revolt against their rightful royal authority. And, finally, the Vandals would push for a complete separation between the regime in Ravenna and their own government.

The Ostrogothic delegation under Theodahad, as to be expected, took the opposite positions. They believed that Amalafrida should be freed and restored to a prominent position in Vandal territories as worthy the widow of a King. They believed in suitably punitive compensation for the deaths of their soldiers at Capsa. And, finally, the Ostrogoths would push for Hilderic to render the obedience that was due Theodoric as their master.

Both sides, initially, refused to move from their positions; Theodahad, despite the continuous pressure by Symmachus to take a more conciliatory approach, stubbornly demanded that his mother be freed and restored to positon. Tensions ran high in the meetings, especially as Hoamer had been the one to capture Amalafrida at the Battle of Capsa. Byzantine reports and correspondence from the delegates mention that shouting matches and insult-hurling were common sights at the negotiating table. One report, written by Symmachus in a letter sent to his father, warned that if progress was not made soon, the two sides may come to soon come to blows.

Luckily, Justinian was a patient man. As spring turned into summer, he succeeded in wearing down the intractability of both sides through bribes and Roman agents planted in the delegations. Symmachus, in a great debate with Theodahad in June, was able to finally convince him that he needed to compromise if his mother was to be free. After a break of a few weeks mid-June, the Council reconvened in July with newfound vigor.

A compromise was achieved and declared on the 15th of July of the year 525. With regards to the three main points of discussion, it achieved the following-

1. Amalafrida was to be freed from prison and transported to Italy, where she would live out the remainder of her days in Ravenna, in the court of her brother.
2. The Vandals were freed from compensating the Ostrogoths for the loss of their soldiers at Capsa.
3. The Vandals, while recognizing the position and authority of Theodoric as Consul of Rome, were free to determine their own internal affairs.
To sweeten the deal for the Ostrogoths, a military-treaty was also signed between the two powers, with the Empire acting as executor. The Ostrogoths would be able to call upon the aid of the Vandals in war as needed, and if the Vandals failed to uphold their end of the bargain, the Empire would come calling.

Still, Theodahad left the negotiating table with a sour taste in his mouth. He felt that the Ostrogoths had been cheated by the Empire, and he blamed Symmachus for convincing him to compromise. For the rest of his life, he would head an anti-Imperial faction in the Kingdom of Italy. Symmachus, however, did not mind the blame, for he had more important things to worry about than the anger of Theodahad. As he prepared to return to Ravenna, he was briefed personally by Justinian and received special instructions and documents to take to his master, Theodoric.

When the Ostrogothic delegation returned to Ravenna, Theodoric was, at the first, generally displeased with how things had turned out. The Vandals had betrayed military alliances in the past, though the Imperial offer of executorship did help things a bit, and he had lost his influence over the affairs of the North African Kingdom. However, the documents he received from Symmachus changed his tune.

Justin I, the Emperor, was entrusting Theodoric, as Consul of Rome and magister militum, with the preservation of peace in the West. As the Emperor shifted his attention East, he needed a strong hand in the West to ensure that the frontiers of the Empire remained safe and that Imperial influence in the region would prevail.

Theodoric, though he had felt that he had won a bittersweet victory at the Council, now felt that he had been recompensed. He was now, in his mind, the recognized overlord of the West. That was what he had fought for his entire life- and now, he had finally received it. With an Imperial stamp of approval, no less.

The old Goth would not know it, but this achievement would prove to be more than he had bargained for...
 
Eastern Affairs: Welcome to the Family

Justin I had good reason to shift his focus towards the East. For one thing, the only real enemy (in the Imperial mind) worthy of even the title “enemy” was there- the infamous Sassanian Empire. The Persians had been a thorn in the side of Rome since the days of the first Caesars, always waiting and watching for an opportune moment to strike against them. Territory had changed hands time and time again as the two powers engaged in a nearly endless game of tug of war. No side had ever been able to gain a complete advantage over the other.

The last time that Rome and Persia had been in open conflict had been earlier in the 6th century, when the Emperor Anastasius had fought them to a standstill… well, if observers were completely honest, the Persians had technically got what they were fighting for- the Romans paid them 1,000 pounds of gold to end the war, which had gone straight to the hands of the Hepthalites who had helped Kavadh I regain his throne. But, Imperial observers were quick to point out, the Empire had made some territorial gains, and had successfully fortified several key positions over Persian complaints (usually stifled with gold).

The completion of the Anastasian defenses would prove a deterrent to further Persian conflict, and the border, aside from the occasional raid by some Arab or Hunnic force in the employ of one side or the other, was relatively quiet… until 524, when a strange letter arrived in Constantinople.

The author of this letter was the Shahanshah of Persia, Kavadh I himself, the instigator of the Anastasian War. It had a very odd request- Kavadh asked Justin I to adopt his third son and declared heir, Khosrau. Justin and Justinian were quite confused at this request- they had heard from their spies in Sassanid lands that there was some sort of dynastic struggle going on, but they had no idea it was driving Kavadh to such lengths as this.

Experts in the subject were summoned to Constantinople to give their reports on the situation to the Emperor and his nephew. They explained that Khosrau’s eldest brother, Kawus, had been the heir apparent to the throne until the priests of Zoroaster had declared him sympathetic with a rogue ideology. This ideology, called after the name of its charismatic proponent, Mazdak, called for a radical shift in how the Persian state would conduct itself. Mazdak declared that God had intended man to share the bounties of the earth equally between themselves, but the strong, through greed, had forced the weak to submit to them. Mazdak preached that excess wealth must be shared with the poor, as God intended.

While this would seem like a strange message for a prince of the realm to adopt, Kawus, the intelligencers reported, seemed to be attracted to the idea of Mazdak’s to reduce the power of the clergy, who he blamed for many excesses and oppressions in Persia. Whatever his reasons, however, this was too radical an ideology for the heir to the throne of Persia to possess, and thus Kawus had been superseded in succession by Khosrau.

The message of Mazdakism, however, was spreading through Persia like a cancer, mostly among the poor. Mazdak had escaped an attempt on his life by agents of the Shahanshah earlier in 524, and was now moving from place to place, always one step ahead of the Shahanshah's agents, preaching his pernicious doctrine. The people grew restless, and Kawus provided a potential secular and military leader to rally around. Kavadh feared a revolt against Khosrau when he should ascend to the throne- one that would put Kawus and Mazdak in the position of power.

Thus, he wanted insurance, the intelligencers concluded. By adopting Khosrau, Justin would be sending a message that the Empire supported his ascension to the throne, adding the deterrent of possible Imperial military intervention to assure his transition to power. Mazdak and Kawus, in the face of Imperial invasion, would back down and stop making trouble. Justin and Justinian, consulting with each other, believed that it would be an advantageous position to have- the new Shahanshah would be indebted to them, and they could probably win some concessions from him.

As they approached their court in secrecy, the main opponent to the adoption of Khosrau was the quaestor of the realm, Proculus. Proculus contended that such a move was most likely illegal, and that it would intertwine the Empire too heavily in the internal affairs of its Eastern neighbor. The fate of the two nations would become inextricably lashed together, he declared, meaning if Persia fell, so to would the Empire. Justin and Justinian laughed off this assertion, and ignored Proculus’ words. The offer, in their mind, was too good to pass up.

Official negotiations with Persia opened up in 525, concurrent with the affairs of the Council of Patras. The details were ironed out by fall of that year, and in October, Justin I, Emperor of the Romans, declared that he had a new adopted son.

This would, indeed, prove more than Justin and Justinian bargained for…
 
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The Death of a King, Part One: Control the Child, Control the Future

Theodoric, Consul of Rome and King of Italy, had been around for a long time. When he was born, the empire of Attila was in its death throes following the unexpected demise of its terrifying founder. He had been raiding in the Balkans while Odoacer and his armies broke down the gates of Rome for the last time. And then, at the orders of the Emperor Zeno, he had launched an invasion of Italy himself that had led to the establishment of the Ostrogothic realm. It had been a long and eventful life, but now, at a sprightly age of 71, he had to begin to think about what would happen to his achievements after he died.

The heir apparent to the throne of Theodoric was his grandson through his daughter Amalasuntha, Athalaric. In 525 the boy was nine years old- and the prospect of a regency with a King in minority was ever present. Steps would have to be taken to ensure the succession would go over smoothly, and that Athalaric would be able to move into the position of power when the time came. This was easier said than done, however, as the King was to discover, for this 9-year old boy was the subject of a great debate for the soul of the Ostrogothic Kingdom.

The debate was a simple one in substance- how should the heir to the Kingdom be educated? On one hand was the pro-Roman camp, led by the boy’s mother and Boethius, who pushed for the boy to receive a Roman education (similar, perhaps, to the education Theodoric himself received as a young hostage in the court of the Emperor). On the opposing end, there was the anti-Roman camp, which contended that as he was an Ostrogoth, and would be leading Ostrogoths, he should receive an Ostrogothic upbringing. While the anti-Roman camp had existed for some time, it didn’t receive a rallying figure until Theodahad returned disillusioned from the Council of Patras; now, he led the push through lobbying and bribery (and the occasional veiled threat of force).

Theodoric had known that there had been some debate over the boy’s future for some time, but had been too distracted by war with the Franks and potential war with the Vandals to do anything about it. But now, after the Council of Patras, Theodoric was free to wade into the vigorous debate. His entrance into the debate would prove decisive, for the old King would listen once again to his old friend and advisor, Boethius, and side with the pro-Roman faction. The final decision for the boys education was made in fall of 525.

The composition of the regency council was the next great debate. Here, Theodoric was forced to concede some points to the anti-Roman camp. Theodahad demanded equal representation of Gothic nobles and Romans on the council, which Theodoric admitted was fair. To that end, he appointed Amalasuntha as regent; Boethius and his two sons were to be the representatives of the pro-Roman faction. To counterbalance this, Theodoric would also appoint Theodahad and three other anti-Roman noblemen to the council. This proposal was accepted with some reluctance on both sides.

Theodoric also took measures to ensure that the northern borders of the Kingdom were secure, for he knew that the greatest threat to Italy lay across the Alps in the form of the Franks. New forts were built, garrisons strengthened, and efforts were made to strengthen the buffer kingdom of Burgundy, under the reign of staunch Gothic ally Godomar. As the year 526 approached, Theodoric could take some Christian comfort in the fact that he had laid such good plans for the future- he felt that if he died that year, he would die in peace.

However, some plans were never meant to be enacted…
 
The Death of a King, Part Two: The Peace of Theodoric
In the summer of 526, Theodoric fell gravely ill. Attended by Arian priests, Roman senators, and Gothic noblemen, the old King lay on his bed and coughed and wheezed and wrote a surprising number of letters. A few of these letters survive- one was a communique to Boethius, authorizing him to murder Theodahad if he tried to break the terms of the regency council. For two weeks, the old King lay close to the door of death, but then…
He recovered. One night, he leaned over and discharged a large amount of some black, vile liquid; and the next day, he seemed to be returning to normal. By fall of 526, Theodoric had recovered enough to travel from Ravenna to Rome, though, by all accounts, even this journey seemed to tax his facilities. Upon returning to Ravenna, Theodoric returned to his palace, remaining there for the remainder of his reign.

To observers, it seemed as if the Almighty had played some sort of wicked trick on the old King. He had taken the pains to set up a regency council, he had made an effort to secure the Kingdom for the next generation, he had fallen gravely ill… and then he had recovered. It was a strange thing to many observers, who opined a variety of reasons to Theodoric’s fate. One of the most interesting of these theories (enshrined in the folk tales of Good King Thiudor) stated that when the Reaper had shown up, Theodoric had challenged him to a game of riddles- and won. However Theodoric did it, he managed to hang on for another 5 years. He did a lot of the governing of the Kingdom from his bedchamber, it was true, but he remained in full possession of his faculties to the very end.

This 5 year period was a time of unprecedented peace in the West. A Frankish attack on Burgundy (527-528), was repelled by Ostrogoth and Burgundian forces and was the only major military threat that the Kingdom would face during this time. The peace with the Vandals held- upon the request of Hilderic, a force of Ostrogoths was sent to assist them in their campaigns against marauding Berbers. The Gothic-Vandal force won a great victory against the Berbers at Zarai (529), winning some breathing room for the Vandal Kingdom. Trade also flourished in the Mediterranean basin during this time, making many powerful men rich.

However, storm clouds were always on the horizon, especially towards the end of Theodoric’s life. The Franks were growing restless; letters were coming from the beleaguered Frankish wife of the king of the Visigoths, Amalaric (Theodoric’s other grandson), claiming that she was being abused both physically and spiritually. The victories of the Ostrogoths and Burgundians also served to bruise the Frankish pride, as did reports of the gathering strength of other German tribes to the East. Relations continued to fall ever lower as the Franks, especially post-528, began to marshal in ever greater numbers for war…

Despite these storm clouds, it was still a good time to be alive, especially if one was an Ostrogoth. The carefully laid plans for a regency council slowly gathered dust as Theodoric held on to life; and Athalaric grew up, carefully educated by Boethius and other Roman scholars. This was music to the ears of Justinian (ascended to the Imperial throne in 527), who saw to it that orders were sent to the agents in Italy to ensure that the new Ostrogothic king would be shaped in especially pliable ways.

In the year 531, however, the Peace of Theodoric would reach its conclusion, and war would once again become a part of life in the Mediterranean Basin…
 
The Death of a King, Part Three: The Passing of Theodoric​

During the winter of 530 and 531, Theodoric was observed as having less and less energy. Though he remained fully lucid, he was becoming increasingly physically incapable, spending most of his time in his bed. This visible slowing of the King triggered once again thoughts of succession, which, for the five years of the Peace of Theodoric, had seemed like a far off dream. Both camps, anti-Roman and pro-Roman, began to hold secret meetings to determine what their course of action should be upon the death of the old Goth.

It was a foregone conclusion now that Athalaric would become king in his own right- the boy was 15 now, a far cry from the ten-year old that had almost gained the throne during Theodoric’s sickness in 526. The five years of education at the hands of Boethius and others had left its mark on the boy as well, who had, after some initial reluctance, proven quick to learn the Roman way. They heir had begun to surround himself with like-minded fellows as well, forming his own “court”. This was seen as a great success by the pro-Roman party (as well as the Roman agents planted throughout the government), but as an alarming development by the anti-Roman faction. Theodahad and his fellows feared a loss of influence upon the succession of Athalaric, but they could do little to stop it short of raise an armed rebellion. Even the most radical of the anti-Roman party avoided that topic, as they knew any sort of Gothic civil war would open wide the doors for Frankish, or even Roman, invasion.

In spring of 531, the King of Italy and Consul of Rome, Theodoric the Ostrogoth, died in his sleep at the venerable age of 77. Athalaric was proclaimed King of Italy that same day, with an official coronation taking place a few weeks later (after an appropriate mourning period). Athalaric issued proclamations that he would continue the policies of his predecessor of blessed memory, and sent gifts to many leading citizens of the realm to help ensure their loyalty. He sent even sent Theodahad two magnificent horses, which did little to placate the negative feelings that were simmering below the surface.

The news of the death of Theodoric spread throughout the Western world quickly. In Visigothic Spain, Amalaric, while showing forth some initial mourning, secretly rejoiced. His government had been dictated almost exclusively by the old Goth and his agents in his court who were led by Theudis, who had been sent by Theodoric to assist with the government of Spain during Amalaric’s minority (and had remained in power long beyond that). Behind the scenes, Amalaric began shutting Theudis and the other Ostrogtohic agents out of the halls of power, taking more of the reins for himself.

In Carthage, Hilderic was pleased. The death of Theodoric meant a hopeful end to the threat of Gothic domination over the Vandals, and the current arrangement of affairs suited the Vandal King very much. He congratulated himself on his political maneuvering, especially his plan to get the Empire to intervene in the potential conflict over Amalasuntha. The Vandals were now in a safer position than ever before, with the power of the Berbers dampened after their defeat at Zarai, and Hilderic could now make plans for the future that he had won for his people.

In Constantinople, Emperor Justinian was slightly miffed at loosing such a powerful and well-respected ally, but he could take some comfort in the fact that Roman agents had educated and were now advising Theodoric’s successor. But, to be honest, Justinian had little time to worry about affairs in the West, as his attention and efforts were entirely locked in the East at the moment. He did, however, make sure to let Boethius and other agents in the Kingdom know that he expected reports and updates on the situation in the West.

The Franks rejoiced to hear of the death of Theodoric. They were smarting from the defeats he had handed them twice in Burgundy, and now the children of Clovis felt the time had come for them to gain revenge against the Goth’s and their puppets. The Frankish armies mustered and prepared for war to fulfill their Divine Destiny.

Their blow would fall first of all on Spain…
 
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