The Tale of the Twelve Republics: a TLIAW Redux

PART 6: THE MEANING OF LIFE AND SHIT
Japanese Chargé d'affairs Hanabusa Yoshitada; My Experiences in Korea said:
The stench could be smelled from 10 ri away; death filled every street. From blood and corpses of its enemies was borne the Republic of Korea.
The chaos was far from over, however. Runners from the various garrisons had been swiftly moving south to spread the news of a "successful restoration"; quickly realising the situation was futile for the Conventional Army, the late Regent had already fled west to Inchon, where he would take a steamship to Tienstin. Most importantly, however, the Korean leadership was in vacuum, and the Reform Party was far from establishing any sort of control over the kingdom; there was no guarantee the Korean people, and particularly the bureaucracy, would listen at all to any of the orders that were issued by the new government; while a much lesser concern at the time, there also was the possibility that the Japanese and the Chinese would use the situation as justification for outright invasion and occupation - precipitating a crisis beyond the peninsula.

The discussions that arose amidst and after the battle between Reform Party members included such topics and much more in the ad hoc conference held with more than 200 members(the Reform Party had grown to more than 50,000 by 1884) at the courtyard of Kyunghee Palace; contrary to popular opinion, however, no Japanese authorities were present during the meeting, as the Japanese embassy was busy requesting more troops from Tokyo while ordering all forces in Korea to immediately begin a "suppression operation"(討伐作戰 Tōbatsu Sakusen). Leading the debate was Kim Yun-sik and Yoo Dae-chi. While there was bipartisan agreement over a republican form of government, a state funeral for deceased members of the royal family, and requesting only Japanese support for suppressing the insurgents, debate over largely cut the Reform Party into two factions of relatively equal size: those who argued to support Lee Chae-myon as figurehead, along with a more moderate form of reform towards enacting the Three Principles of the Self(Triegoism); and those who supported a Reform Party-dominated government and legislature, along with immediate implementation of the Three Principles for swift modernisation. Although it was clear the Reform Party was already struggling with internal party struggles, it is clear that agreement on more pressing issues coagulated the consensus within the party enough to lead other 'centres of power' - namely, the bureaucracy and rural aristocrats - one step towards modernity.

Also unlike popular understanding, not all major members of the Reform Party were present during the Kyunghee Palace Declaration; as a matter of fact, most were going back to their hometowns with Japanese escorts, preparing to persuade and calm the rural conservative elites and local bureaucracy. For example, while leaders Kim Hong-jip and Kim Yun-sik stayed behind to draft and streamline the declaration, leaders Min Tae-ho and Yun Ong-ryul(Yun Chi-ho's father) were on their way to the south to meet with influential relatives and calm the situation while the Japanese continued with their operation. However, with the discussions over and all topics to be conferred exhausted hours before the first draft, those left in Seoul were able to represent all opinions throughout their drafts.

The Kyunghee Palace Declaration was made at noon of the 27th, nearly two full days since the beginning of the armed uprising. The Declaration, signed by Kim Yun-sik and Lee Choi-eung, represented both the direction the Republic was determined to take and the legitimacy it gained from all relevant factions of the Joseon dynasty. The Declaration summarised the justification for the change in government, along with outlining the new form of government Korea was to take and the steps necessary to achieve Triegoism. While many translated versions of the document exist, particularly in English, the most well-known is that written by United States Counsul-General to Joseon George C. Foulk. Foulk's version reads as follows:

"Kyunghee Palace Declaration, First Year of the Republic(1884), June 25.​
  1. "For four millennia the Korean people have resided upon this peninsula - glorious, resolute, eternal. Since the days of Dangun the Korean people served merrily under the kings while the latter faithfully served their people, this heritage only being strengthened under Confucianism and the Joseon dynasty. The state and survival of the fatherland, however, was incessantly put in jeopardy by foreign armies beyond our borders, from both land and sea, from all four directions. Yet we have held fast. For the past one-thousand years the dynasties of Goryeo and Joseon have served the Korean people well in defending us from total annihilation, with generals Kang Gam-chan and Yi Sun-shin symbolising the strength of the Korean people against barbaric invaders. It is clear that if we become as determined and honourable as our forefathers our Korea will continuously grow and prosper.
  2. "In light of the rise of 'White barbarians' and their utilisation of wondrous machines and weapons in infiltrating our borders and sucking up our wealth, it is clear that new troubles must be met with new solutions. The late King Gojong, being aware of such situations, not only singlehandedly attempted to modernise Joseon but also publicly endorsed the Reform Party in its efforts to understand the West and to use them to the fullest advantage of the Korean people. The Reform Party owes its significance in history to the late king and thus its sincerest thanks.
  3. "The goals Gojong and thus the Reform Party wished to achieve were intuitive and innate in human nature. He wished to lead Korea to a new level of greatness, achieving far beyond other countries in the fields of military and economy. He wished to improve upon Confucianism to fit the needs of the new era, and he wished to make Korea great again. He therefore fully believed in the Three Principles of the Self and the Eight Stages of World Harmony, in the reciprocal nature between individual liberty and societal unity, the necessity of universal suffrage and steps toward modernity, and Korea's role in leading the world towards total harmony. He wished to see such ideologies be fully realised during his lifetime, and thus always acted in the best interests of the Reform Party.
  4. "Yesterday at a most inauspicious hour an insurgent force, two thousand in number, neither understanding nor willing to comprehend the king's virtuous ambitions, plotted treachery and treason that would uproot all of Gojong's plans to modernise Korea. They swarmed through our streets like rats and locusts, threatening the peace and killing innocent civilians at the wake. They threatened to put the fatherland at the mercy of foreign wars and revolutions, and push Korea into a river of death and terror. And the vile men took the one who was most dear to us.
  5. "King Gojong, who was most righteous and virtuous, willingly spilt his blood for us at the altar of fate for us to continue his will without him. We must bring his death to justice, and fulfil his goals to the utmost - for this war is not for a mere faction or another to rise to power, but is aimed for the advantage of every and all parts of the Korean people; it is a national war, a holy war, a war the object of which is to conquer our own weaknesses and obstacles and bring Korea again to great heights, to keep our rights and liberties safe from tyrannies foreign and at home. We must achieve these things to avenge king Gojong's death.
  6. "We - the Reform Party - must now oversee the establishment of a Republic form of government over Korea. To fight against those who wish to usurp the will of the late king, and to oversee a continued advancement towards modernisation, we will establish a democratic form of a people's assembly, a policy to abolish traditions and custom(sic) that force us away from our individual liberties, and a movement final and irrevocable away from weaknesses that made Korea open to barbarian occupation. We must ring the Liberty Bell which will awaken the Korean people from their docile slumber and prepare them for the dawn of a new era.
  7. "From this day onwards the old Joseon shall be called Korea, reflective of a wish to return to old glories; our flag shall be a red and blue Taeguk in the centre, surrounded by four black trigrams of the Four Directions, on a white background, reflective of our tranquility and purity as a people; the government declares continuity from the old Joseon dynasty, and will honour its previous customs and relations, particularly the tributary relationship between itself and the Qing empire. Treaties ratified by the earlier dynasty shall also be honoured and followed respectively.
  8. "Korea shall be a Republic, with democracy being one of the foundational principles of the government.
  9. "Korea shall be led by a President, elected by the Central Assembly. The President appoints members of the Cabinet, which includes the Vice President, the State Council, and the Mayor of Seoul; he also appoints the member list of the Senior Council of the 'Leader Party', and withholds veto rights against any legislature passed by the Assembly.
  10. "The 'Leader Party' shall be led by the Chairman, chosen by the Senior Council by consensus. The Chairman appoints all members of the Provisional Revolutionary Board, and after the first election one-third of the Central Assembly; he also approves the President's appointment of the Chief Justice. His chief role, however, is to advise the President on all matters concerning the Three Principles of the Self, along with filling ceremonial roles originally done by the king of Joseon. The first Leader Party shall be the Reform Party, and will continue to do so until two-thirds of the Central Assembly elect another political party.
  11. "The Leader Party shall be elected by the Central Assembly, which is to exist once the first nationwide elections are held. Until that time the Board appoints the Reform Party to act as the 'Leader Party'. The 'Leader Party' elects the Senior Council from its members, and approves members of the Cabinet appointed by the President.
  12. "The Central Assembly shall be one-third appointed by the Chairman, one-third elected by all adults of non-Seoul Korea, and one-third elected by all adult(sic) of Seoul and possibly other urban regions. The Central Assembly drafts and passes all legislations on domestic and foreign matters, until matters of state emergency forces the Assembly to be dissolved and the Senior Council acts in its place. It also votes on a member list of the Senior Council, chosen by the President. Until the first elections are held, the Provisional Revolutionary Board stands in place for the Assembly.
  13. "The original Six Ministries of the State Council shall be reorganised as the following: Department of Personnel; Department of the Treasury; the State Department; the War Department; Department of the Interior; Department of Justice; the Post Office and Communications Department; Department of Public Works and Industry; Department of Education; the Department of Agriculture and Commerce.
  14. "The Constitution of Korea shall be drafted before the first anniversary of the Founding of the Republic, which is to be declared before the first elections of the Vice President and members of the Central Assembly.
  15. "All Articles of this Declaration are binding and are to be enforced immediately. Let there be no delay nor mistake.
[Seal in red by the House of Lee] [Lee Choi-eung's signature] An announcement upon the whole of Korea."​

The Document was the first government-sanctioned document to use only Hangul script. Five pressing machines were used over a period of 26 hours for mass-printing of the Declaration. Distribution was done by Reform Party members, with assistance from Japanese volunteers. With the Kyunghee Palace Declaration the Gapsin Coup was officially over, ushering in a new era of Korean history.

2.1 The Gapsin Coup naming controversy

See Also: Korea-Japan Relations#History, "The Eastern Question" (Korea)

There exists an ongoing, politically charged dispute over whether the overthrowing of the Joseon government on June 25 1884 should be referred to as a "coup d'eat"(Hangul: 정변; hanja: 政變), a "revolution"(Hangul: 혁명; hanja: 革命), or "incident"(Hangul: 사태; hanja: 事態). While the Reform Party called it the "Gapsin Revolution", foreign newspapers of the time other than ones in Japan reported a "coup d'eat" that "toppled an ancient kingdom"; Japanese newspapers, on the other hand, heralded the "just coup d'eat" as it was to bring a supposedly pro-Japanese faction to power. There were also certain periods in Korean history, most notably between 1946 and 1970, when the government began calling June 25th "Gapsin Incident Day" mainly due to tense Inter-Strait Relations. At present, however, the standard term in Korean for the historic affair is "Gapsin Coup d'eat" as determined by the Ministry of Education and Research, while "Gapsin Revolution" is primarily used within Anglophone contexts; "625 Coup" is also widely used in colloquial or informal contexts.
 
PART 7: THE SHIT IS DEAD, LONG LIVE THE SHIT
3 Politics and Government

See Also: Eight Stages to World Harmony

With one of its objectives declared as the establishment of democracy, the Reform Party was met with very harsh realities that made even envisioning democracy barely possible: there stood no opposition party within Korea to balance the opinions of the people against those who were for reform; civil organisations and movements capable of educating the people upon individual liberties and the benefits of democracy on a bottom-up scale were nonexistent; finally, the Korean people as a whole were complete oblivious to the workings of an election, let alone democracy. Furthermore even with the insurrection put down it was entirely possible that a popular rebellion strong enough toppled the weak government. Thus the Reform Party decided to gamble with their situation by experimenting - they planned to attract the conservative Yurim scholars and rural peasants towards democratic reform and thus leading the opposition to collaborate with the government by taking a moderate stance on anti-governmental and anti-Reform Party rhetoric while quelling any armed uprising with brute force.

There exists great debate and controversy over how and why Lee Choi-eung was contacted by the Reform Party in the aftermath of the Gapsin Armed Revolt and agreed to publicly show support. While the Reform Party was never considered for any hypothetical alliance before 1884, it was clear even before 1880 that Lee was well-aware of his precarious position as the older brother of a Regent and possible replacement of the King; in the context of inter-familial conflicts that was devastating the Chunju Lee clan, Lee Choi-eung also had to fear his own brother to plot against him. The Reform Party, on the other hand, while initially considering Chae-myon for the position of figurehead due to his "intelligence", also began considering Choi-eung as a "possible option" due to his regular support of the Reform Party as Chairman of the State Council. Along with that of Lee Chae-myon, Lee Ha-eung publicly spoke against Lee Choi-eung's “corrupt character” since his days as Regent; even during the Armed Uprising Lee Ha-eung ordered the renegades to "burn down the house of Lee Choi-eung"; it was only due to sheer luck that Choi-eung escaped with the rest of his family before the Conventional Army soldiers tore the residence down. This proved to be an invaluable decision when high-ranking members of the Reform Party began visiting or requesting his presence at the Kyunghee Palace conference; by the end of the 25th, after it was clear his brother was no longer in Korea, Lee agreed to sign the Declaration as substitute to King Gojong and representative of the Chunju Lee clan. While both his conversations and speeches made his true intentions upon the accord ambiguous, it had been extrapolated by multiple historians that the decision was based on his secured ascension to power within the new government and Chae-myon’s own streak of amenability and pro-reform sentiments compared to other members of his family; thus, along with Lee Chae-myon(older brother to Gojong), the two came to represent the continued relevance of the Chunju Lee clan in Korean politics.

Modern historians point to how incredibly fortunate Korean society was allowed to grow under these specific circumstances. Not only was the government led by a cadre of visionary politicians who genuinely wished to establish liberal democracy in Korea, and an agreement struck between the Reform Party and existing bureaucracy, but the Japanese government continuously honoured the agreement with the Reform Party and never sent secret agents to spy on the government nor increase the number of “volunteers” stationed in Korea unless requested: a deliberate policy of goodwill spearheaded by Emperor Meiji. Also the international circumstances surrounding Korea forced the Qing dynasty - who under normal circumstances would have more than protested the de facto removal of a major ally and tributary state - was under stress from months of high casualty reports from the Sino-French War, and was only glad to accept Korea as a neutral power. And thus at the Treaty of Seoul the two powers of Qing China and Japan agreed to leaving Korean politics at the status quo in exchange for continued residence of Lee Ha-eung in Tienstin, while both sides agreed to remove their troops over a period of time without additional reinforcements. Thus was set the most ideal conditions for the growth and maturation of Korean democracy and nationalism.

The new government was kept busy with preparations of Gojong’s funeral and generating a pro-Reform Party consensus amongst the rural elites during the summer of 1884. All preparations were kept in line with tradition, made particularly easy by King Gojong’s remains being relatively unscathed during the battle: a crier announced the death of the king atop the roof of Kyongbok Palace, the remains was placed in a casket after being wrapped with 90 pieces of cloth, the castle walls of Seoul were secured and all markets closed, and the Provisional Revolutionary Council(previously the State Council) oversaw entire bureaucracy be transferred to provisional offices in organising the state funeral. The Reform Party was able to exploit the major branches of the old bureaucracy being kept busy; for example, the original Ministry of Public Works was reduced to a minor subsector of the Royal Sepulchre Office by mid-July. It was also during this time the Japanese “suppression operation” reached an end, as a strong majority of insurgents - a combination of Conventional Army forces and Righteous Armies - met a brutal end during what became known as “Battle of Namhansan Fortress“; the handful of leftover renegades either joined the growing number of emigrants into Manchuria and Siberia or went into hiding.

The political doctrine of the First Republic from the very day of its inauguration, throughout its twelve years of rule, along with the subsequent republics, is both based on the "Three Principles of the Self" and the "Eight Stages of World Harmony". While the Three Principles outlined three ideals for each individual to abide, the Eight Stages defined a way for Korea to implement democracy and societal harmony on a global scale. While it is clear that both Kim Yun-sik and Min Yeong-ik - the latter having spent a few years in Europe - never encountered any of Marx's works, the coincidental resemblance between the ideologies of the ideology in their fundamental objectives is astonishing. The Eight Stages are as follows: revolutionary struggles towards Triegoism as individuals; total realisation of Triegoism as individuals; realisation of Triegoism within families; realisation of Triegoism within societies; revolutionary struggles to establish Triegoism as a form of government; economic, technological and societal development through Triegoist policies; establishment of international organisations between Triegoist nations for mutual cooperation and integration; total establishment of Triegoism as world ideology.

The "Eight Stages" were, as a matter of fact, Kim's attempt to categorise the steps in which Americans were able to form their identity and become independent from British rule, later to spread their influence across the surrounding regions with the Monroe Doctrine - the first five was the process of Americans becoming independent, and the United States in the 1880s was considered to be between the sixth and seventh stages; it was expected that the Americans would reach the eighth step within the next century. The question over which “step” Korea was in comparison became a major issue that spanned the entirety of the First Republic - while some argued that Korea had realised the Three Principles of the Self on a societal level, many more questioned whether there even were enough individuals on a revolutionary struggle towards the Three Principles in the first place. There also was the question of what form the "revolutionary struggle" would take and when it would come to pass - a question that would prove extremely prophetic in the opening years of the Tonghak Revolution.
 
PART 8: YOUR MOTHER WAS A SHIBA INU AND YOUR FATHER SMELT OF FEUDALISM
Kim Hong-jip; Gwanghwa Address said:
"FOR GOJONG! FOR KOREA! FOR THE THREE PRINCIPLES!"
The question became further fuelled upon questioning the adequacy and appropriateness of the political reforms that were enacted by the Kim Hong-jip government. In the famous Gwanghwa Address held on September 15 the President stood beside the caskets of King Gojong and Empress Myongsong atop a podium and asked before a crowd of 10,000 to forever cherish their memories of them, and to remember how they found importance in the continuous movement of old Joseon towards reform; other than confirming the immediate change of the government system, he also declared election campaigns for the Vice President and members of the Central Assembly, encouraging the yangban class amongst cities and towns to assemble and decide which candidates to support. The most significant political reform, however, was change in the old bureaucracy: the bureaucratic structure was reduced from 18 to 11 “levels”, heads of each Department were to hold complete control over personnel management, and civil examinations were to be gradually modernised. The Department of Personnel was to also hold arbitrary and clandestine inspections on any bureaucrat that was reported of either nepotism or corruption.

The reaction of those gathered was mixed. Most of the crowd was comprised of men, young and old, rich and poor, from all over Korea. There were even a handful who had returned from Manchuria and Siberia to be present at the funeral. While the peasant class were generally approving of the government's efforts to reduce corruption and increase effectiveness, the opinions of yangban aristocrats were less clear. The conservatives, a strong majority and comprised mainly of the previous Noron faction, feared the Cheng-Zhu school from being completely abandoned after being the dominant political ideology of Korea for five centuries; a significant minority was extremely uncomfortable by this apparent self-coup by the Min clan, with the blatant use of Japanese forces only exacerbating the sentiment. The liberals amongst the aristocrats, however, believed otherwise; all yearned a complete departure from both Confucian factionalism and clan-based nepotism, and while they were fully aware of the less-than-palatable nature of the Coup they wished to fully exploit the situation and bring about a healthier form of politics. Many therefore looked forward to a reform of Korean Confucianism towards the shilhak school or possibly even the Wang Yangming School, which was the leading sect of Confucianism in Japan. Fierce debate over the matter between the two factions was prolific through the weeks that progressed, and physical fights sporadically broke out with a few casualties.

Multiple historians on modern Asian studies have made comparisons between Korea's Gapsin Coup and Japan's Meiji Restoration. On multiple levels, the similarities were uncanny - spurred by foreign incursion, the radical reforms were spearheaded by a small number of individuals whose ultimate goals were based on Western models and were fulfilled by exploiting preexisting institutions - the need to "fulfill Gojong's wish" for Korea and "restore Imperial power" for Japan. The reforms carried out resulted in the disintegration of an existing aristocracy and the rise of a new one, along with swift modernisation and industrialisation; and in both cases, the governments established after met brutal deaths. The similarities ended there, however. Unlike Japan, Korea did not suffer from feudal regionalism; unlike Japan, Korea was very undeveloped in economy and industry. Unlike Japan, Korea was not dominated by any belief system; unlike Japan, Korea retained an elite class inexperienced in either taxation or conscription. Thus unlike Japan, Korea did not have the luxury to rely on regional economies or industries for sustained development, and unlike Japan, Korea had the luxury to rely on a developed political party system; unlike Japan, Korea had no reason to overly instill religious nationalism in its education, and unlike Japan, Korea had every reason to believe mass conscription would not work in increasing military strength.

The differences became starkly apparent when Korea, only 22 months after the Coup, declared a Constitution and with it a legislature based on a national electorate - at a time when the Japanese Genrōs were considering neither.

The Constitution of 1886, declared a few months before the second anniversary of the Gapsin Coup d'eat, was modelled after the United States Constitution and was comprised of seven Articles. The preambles, as did the Kyunghee Palace Declaration, pointed to the Reform Party, The Three Principles of the Nation and the 6.25 coup as the context of which the Republic is founded; it also outlined Korea as a formal upholder of Confucianism and successor of the previous Joseon dynasty. The First Article outlined the role of the ‘leader party’ and the requirements they are to fulfil – in Korea’s particular case the Reform Party. The ‘leader party’ needed a Senior Council through which decision can quickly be made, as well as a Chairman to execute the decisions made by the Council. The ‘leader party’ was to be elected by obtaining two-thirds majority of the votes from the Central Assembly and approval by the Supreme Court. By basically establishing a rigged system the Reform Party made sure they were continuously in power until “modernity and democracy becomes firmly established in the hearts and minds of the Korean people”. The Second pointed to the Central Assembly and its role as the sole legislative body of Korea. Representatives are, following the American model, to be at least 30 years old, a citizen of Korea for at least nine years, and reside in the province or district they represent. Powers of the Assembly included Impeachment of the President, which requires a two-thirds majority and approval by both the Supreme Court and Chairman. They are also mandated to open annual sessions from December for several months.

The Third Article established the role of the Chairman, President and Vice President. At least in theory the Chairman and President share the roles of head of state and head of government, but the main role of the Chairman is to enforce the party philosophy onto the President while the execution of such is under the latter’s discretion. The President was to either be a current member of the Reform Party(not part of the Senior Council) or be publicly supported with a signed petition of more than 20% of the total population. The Chairman does hold the power of impeachment, at which case the Supreme Court and Central Assembly must both agree upon it. If the President is removed, unable to execute his powers in office, dies while in office, or resigns, the Vice President was to be successor at the approval of the Chairman; otherwise the Supreme Court was to decide upon the next President.

The Fourth Article described the judicial branch, including the Supreme Court of Korea. The Supreme Court held the final say in how a law is to be interpreted(via a judicial review), along with holding the powers of civil and criminal contempt. The Supreme court further held the powers of jurisdiction over all cases over international treaties, foreign citizens unless specified by a treaty with the country the citizen(s) are from, and disputes between provinces. The Supreme Court held no authority to execute a legislature by the Assembly on determining what treason was unless approved by the Council beforehand. The provincial courts were not given as much freedom as its counterparts in the United States would be: for example a regional court only hold a Jury trial when the Supreme Court allows them to. The Fifth determined the relations between the central government and provincial governments. The administrative system has remained more or less the same since before the 6.25 Revolution except the provinces may decide to establish a legislature, although the central government withholds the power to dissolve them at any given time.

The Sixth Article determined the process for amending the Constitution, which may proposed either be done by three-fourths majority from sitting members of the Central Assembly, from the request of the Chairman, or through a plebiscite, called by the Assembly at which two-thirds majority is needed. For the proposal to become ratified, an absolute majority from both the Council and the Central Assembly is needed. The Seventh Article defined the Constitution as the ‘supreme law of the land’, to be abided by all citizens, residents and regional governments unless specified otherwise.

Several characteristics made the Korean constitution distinct form either the Japanese or American one. First was the formalisation of the dominant-party system, with Reform Party members always holding at least one-third of a majority. An idea devised by Park Yong-hyo, it was a compromise between the Japanese unicameral system of House of Peers and the American bicameral Congress; by essentially merging the Upper and Lower houses together, direct communication and mutual collaboration was hoped in the Central Assembly. This was further entrenched by Korea’s adoption of a “Republican honours system”, where persons that made long-term contributions to the Korean government were allowed tax cuts on income, a seat at the Assembly via approval from the Chairman, and the “honour” to send the first child to the Republican Military Academy. Second was the “collective leadership” between the Chairman, the President, and Vice President. While the President was considered the leader of Korea with “honour descended from the heavens upon his position”, the Chairman clearly had superiority in terms of keeping the President on “Party line”; the Vice President, on the other hand, also held great political significance as the only position directly elected by the Korean electorate and serving as an unofficial party whip for the opposition party. The “Triumvirate” or failure of one between related parties, although replaced with different institutions at different eras throughout modern Korean history, will be a strong characteristic of Korean politics.
 
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PART 9: THE LONGEST STRAW, WAS IT?
Ernest M. Satow; Diplomatic History of Asia said:
"The elections of '86 heralded a new era for the Orient, where Democracy was to shine a new path for the ancient civilisations from the Ottoman to Nippon(sic) Empires towards modernity"
The First Republic would oversee over twenty elections, on both regional and national levels, throughout its existence; on the summer months of the same year the Constitution was proclaimed the first elections were held by the Korean government on a national scale, to elect a Vice President. Kim Hong-jip and Lee Yun-sik were elected as President and Chairman respectively by the Reform Party , Lee Chae-myon appointed the Head of the Provisional Revolutionary Board, and Park Yong-kyo the Mayor of Seoul in the immediate days after the Coup; the Korean people slowly became adjusted to the new system of democracy, and those not affiliated with the Reform Party slowly began to form modern political parties and their respective candidates.

Three candidates rose to national prominence as candidates by the winter of 1885: Kwak Jong-suk, Yoo In-suk and Lee Chae-myon. Kwak was famed for his essays on Buddhist and Daoist doctrines and the letter forwarded to the British and Russian embassies accusing the Japanese of breaking "international laws" and calling for a multinational hearing; he represented the moderate-conservative voice amongst aristocrats of the rural provinces, and the opinion that acceptance of Western ideology and technology to a certain degree is necessary for Korea's survival. Yoo In-suk was one of the forty-eight scholars that led a petition for King Gojong to not sign the Korea-Japan Treaty of Ganghwa; his vocal anti-foreign stance and humble personality caught the attention of the large Noron faction. Lee Chae-myon represented the continuation of Heungseon Regent's policies to many, and was seen favouribly by all, particularly those in the southern provinces. Together they represented the Conservative Party(Hangul: 수구당; hanja: 守舊黨) that dominated the opposition in the Central Assembly.

Behind these three, however, were further interesting developments. While the yangban class(those who were allowed to vote in the first pan-national election) were mainly comprised of aristocrats and wealthy landowners, a significant minority was comprised of destitute yangban who were no different from average peasants. Void from any ideological standing, this enfranchised group showed a tendancy to vocally support the Reform Party, often going so far to be blatantly pro-Japanese; disgruntled by their disparity in economic standing with the landowners, this group began establishing "Scholar Parties"(Hangul: 사회당; hanja: 士會黨) in townships and representing a radical voice for reform and westernisation amongst the peasant class. Another unrepresented but growing political voice was that of labour unions. In wake of the opening of Korea to trade, foreign merchants - primarily Chinese and Japanese - began to exploit the local economy and rig the system to their advantage, abiding by rules and customs only when necessary. This spurred businessmen and merchant-couriers - termed "Pobusang"(Hangul: 보부상; hanja: 補負商) - to form a general coalition; representing all low-wage labourers and transportation services, they organised in major harbours and refused to unload cargo if their demands were not heard - this only being exacerbated as foreign investments began pouring into Korea and factories began spreading like wildfire.

As time progressed the radicalisation between the two subsets of Korean political parties became more clear: while the Scholar Party supported the proliferation of agrarian Christianity and protested the "elitist bigotry" of Korean conservatives, the labour unions became thoroughly consolidated and began supporting Marxism and Global Communism along with the Three Principles; the Railway Strike of 1896-7 is regarded by many as the pinnacle of such political developments, along with representing the failure of the dominant-party system in Korea's socio-economic context of the pre-modern age. Along with the three main factions of the Conservative Party, they represented the dynamic growth and maturation of Korean democracy and party-line politics.
 
PART 10: SPLITTING STRAWS
Lee Ha-eung said:
"For 14 long years the Min Dynasty has trampled upon our values and ridiculed our ideologies; now we shall make things right again."
Due to the active development of politics and civil society, the Korean government and the Reform Party became more and more harshly criticised. The announcement in 1885 to consider Yoon Cheung for a place in the Confucian Shrine was openly ridiculed; the corruption scandal of Vice President Lee Choi-eung resulted in multiple newspapers questioning the "moral integrity" of the Reform Party; the government decision to borrow large amounts of money form foreign powers for industrial and economic development was protested; the Korea-Japan Treaty of Commerce and Navigation, despite being a watershed moment for Korea due to subjecting Japanese citizens under Korean laws, was harshly criticised for being "part of Japan annexing the Korean peninsula"; and the best efforts made by President Yoon Chi-ho to bring the country together during the height of the Rail Strike and initial overtures of the Tonghak Revolution was laughed at as "ridiculous" and "naive". While public protests of such matters never exceeded 1% of the population before 1896 - an overwhelming majority of Koreans were peasants or workers and had no luxury of participating in them - and was insignificant in the greater scheme of Korean development and modernisation, it was important as the beginnings of the notably active nature of Korean democracy.

Ultimately, the growing voice of anti-governmental sentiment was well-evident in the elections of Central Assembly members. While the northern provinces such as Hwanghae and Pyongan always voted for Reform Party candidates, along with urban districts such as Seoul and Chunju, this was not so for the southern provinces; only once was there a Reform Party candidate elected as Congressman during the 14 years of the First Republic in the Honam provinces, and while Youngnam was always mainly Independents by the elections of 1897 all seats were held by Conservative Party candidates. Only the Chwungchung and Kangwon provinces came to show a more balanced division between Reform and Conservative. While Kyongki has consistentally voted for more Reform members than Conservative, it remained an outlier due to being mainly held by Independents. It's necessary to remember, however, that even at times when the one-third directly elected in the Central Assembly were almost wholly comprised of Conservative Party members, the remaing two-thirds were dominated either by Reform Party members or pro-Reform businessmen, selected via the "Republican honours system"; their opinions were partially heeded at best and blatantly ignored at worst. While the Reform Party was more than happy to accomodate the political growth of the Opposition, it was active and vigorous in rebuffing any attempt to hamper reform.

Four Presidents came to lead the First Republic; Kim Hong-jip, Kim Ok-gyun, Min Yeong-ik, and Yoon Chi-ho.

Kim Hong-jip's Presidency began with wide reforms that met with wider hostility. The change in civil examinations and university entrance examinations broke the spirits of thousands of men who were preparing decades for the test, resulting in a string of suicides; the original proclamation to give universal suffrage was widely criticised, with no support from even the peasants themselves. Other reforms, however, proved to have more support. Litter is abandoned for rickshaws, which increased employment for the urban poor; rural aristocrats were appointed for government positions if they were recommended; it became illegal for relatives and friends to be in the same governemnt department. Most significant, however, was the push for exapnding modern education; a modern military academy was established, the Sungkyunkwan was abandoned and replaced with the Republican Central University(Hangul: 공화중앙대학교; hanja: 共和中央大學校); more than 200 missionary schools and 100,000 traditional academies were founded during his presidency, and five technical-education schools(industrial, agricultural, commercial) were established in the year 1887 alone. Ultimately, his Presidency was marred in a corruption scandal involving Vice President Lee Choi-eung and Kim, facing a growing crisis, decided to not rerun for the Presidency.

Kim Ok-gyun came to be the most hated out of all the presidents; although Min was heavily accused of "nepotism" and "cronyism" during his presidency, the scale of bitterness was nowhere near that of Kim, who regularly saw protests and was forced to use the Japan-trained police to suppress them, further fermenting anti-governmental hatred amongst the rural ppulation. There were three main factors to this rise in protests. First was the torrent of social reforms that followed his inauguration. While the ones previous were generally an attempt to remove class-based segregation, the ones by Ok-gyun were interpretable as an attempt to directly undermine the yangban class; these included: land reforms where farmers began to own the land they worked; enfranchisement of peasants to also be able to perform funeral rites; and the enforcement to cut hair for the right to vote. The last in particular saw a positively revolutionary spirit amongst the rural elite, where thousands protested the policy, members of the Conservative Party threatened to walk out from the Central Assembly and there even grew a petition to elect Hong Kil-dong, the fabled Robin Hood-esque hero of Korea of the mid-Joseon dynasty. The protests were suppressed however, and the reforms went through after being slightly modified.

The second major factor was Kim Ok-gyun's fascination with the laissez-faire trade policy. While the unequal treaties forced the Korean government to have some restrictions on tarrifs, this was not for all products and there was some liberty to what degree the tarrifs could be enforced; all countries that were recognised to have Most Favoured Nations status, for example, could only have tariff rates up to 5%. Under Kim Ok-gyun, however, all tariffs were temporarily abandoned; all industries, whether state-governed or private, were left to fend for themselves. This completely destroyed some sectors of the Korean economy. While the passive policy kept inflation in check, wage values crashed below value of most basic goods; urban unemployment rose to almost 30% in some districts of Seoul during the winter months of 1890; farmers went out of work due to the low price of grains from Chinese and Vietnamese imports, and had to seek cash crops for capital accumulation. Even some of the government-invested factories such as Hungnam Steel Works were threatened to close down. The policy, therefore, was abandoned after two years.

The third major factor was the sudden increase in foreign investments and, with the taxation system not being enough, an increase in borrowing from foreign countries. While there were reforms being successfully made in taxation, it was calculated that they were still not enough for economic development; furthermore, with exploitation(or "sqeezing") being a chronic problem in direct taxation, it was viewed that more taxes would be too much a burden and likely lead to a peasant rebellion. Thus the Kim government decided to invite the Russian, American and Japanese governments for a chance of investment; personal connections were used on multiple levels centred around the Reform Party, and businessmen ranging from Shibusawa Eiichi to Andrew Carnegie all began making massive investments through the Republican Bank; the policy, while allowing the government to invest in major agricultural reforms(mainly reconstruction of village reservoirs and widening of roads), only allowed for Korea's economy to be further swamped with foreign imports; the only major exports Korea was able to sustain were porcelain, oiled paper, ginseng and dried fishstuffs, with raw cotton or tea not even avaliable due to competition in China and Japan.

The investments were largely in the form of competition between Japan and Russia; when it was decided over a deal of 20 million silver taels(nearly doubling Korea's yearly tax revenue) that Korea would participate with Russia in the construction of the Trans-Siberian Railway with Hungnam, not Vladivostok, as the main Russian harbour of the Far East, Japan forced a similar deal, buying rights to construct the Seoul-Uiju Railway for 17 million. Not only did these series of decisions prove disastrous to improving the public's opinion on the Reform Party, but the Russian construction of a major naval base in Hungnam made Britain make theirs more permanent, which was in Port Hamilton(Hangul: 거제도; hanja: 巨濟島).

The Republic of Korea saw the first pan-national demonstration in wake of the increase in foreign influence over the domestic economy. Political leaders gathered in front of Kyungbok Palace - now the Presidential Republican Palace - to protest the move, and declared there a call to action by the population; the National Debt Repayment Movement(Hangul: 국채보상운동; hanja: 國債報償運動) thus began to repay Korea's foreign debt of almost 40 million. At the height of the Movement almost one out of every three Korean men had given up tobacco to provide funds, and thousands of Korean women had taken to the streets to encourage donation of dowries and other family treasures. While the movement was ultimately unsuccessful and the leader Yoon Pil-oh arrested under allegations of slander against Chairman Kim Yun-sik in December 1891, it was the first action that proved to be a major platform for political growth for both the Conservative Party and women as a whole. Ultimately, in wake of the Russo-Japanese Railway deals crisis, Kim Ok-gyun was forced to resign on 1892, mere months after his second term had begun.

Min Yeong-ik came to be the third President as surrogate in Kim's absense until 1895; Chairman of the Reform Party Kim Yun-sik deemed Vice President Park Un-sik as too "hot-headed" and believed the role of President unfit for a scholar and journalist known for his strong xenophobic rhetoric; despite what the Conservative Party argued, unemployment was reaching record lows due to the economic boom under foreign investment, and he decided that an anti-foreign leader of Korea would be disastrous to guaranteeing returning profits for investors.Min's policy platform was simple - "continuum" and "stability"; while no major attempts were to be made by the Reform Party to encourage foreign investment, none were to stop them; while special committees were to be established at the local level to hear of concern and anger towards the land reform, the programme was to be continued; while women who owned property were given rights to vote and the military academy was to continue the programme for recruiting female cadets, no further social reforms on the improvement of gender relations were to be attempted. While many protested the simple fact that he was a prominent member of the Min clan and argued his presidency being the "puppetmasters" revealing themselves, going so far as to burn and destroy portraits of Min's ancestors in the streets, nothing was farther from the truth as Min was chosen purely for his expertise on diplomacy and commerce, and Kim made the decision himself; however this does little to explain the justifiable anger of average Koreans towards the Min clan, who were a corrupt force of their own. Thus Min Yeong-ik refused candidacy when his term was over and became Chairman of Cheil Bank, from which he served a more fulfilling position of helping more than two hundred Korean firms become successful and expand.

The Presidency of young Yoon Chi-ho - thirty of age, four years younger than Min - was mired with conflict and economic depression. The land reforms progarmme, upon reaching the southern provinces, was met with great hostility, with surveyors often being physical abused and sometimes even killed; Korea's first major railway construction, the Seoul-Chunju line, was delayed more than four years due to protests from workers; Japanese residents in Korea were constantly met with hostility and were in severe danger when in the rural areas; with the Panic of 1894, the global stock market went into recession and unemployment rose dramatically. However Yoon, being confident of the strength of negotiations and debate that he was so eloquent in from the days at Emory and Yale, continued to push for negotiations and conferences between different parties; in the eyes of most Koreans however, the dominant-party system by the Reform Party was already despotic and unconciliatory, and any other reforms however democratic were null and void.

Yoon also attempted multiple times to control the rise of the Tonghak Armies. Using his experience as pastor going around penitentiaries of Georgia and Alabama to help criminals repent and turn to Christianity, Yoon attempted to make a calm and collected approach to the rise of a force bent to destroying the Republic and restore the Regent as rightful monarch. The initial blunders by the Mayor of Chunju, however, cost dearly; his ham-fisted attempt to deal with the rebels by using Japan-trained policemen and harshly interrogate often innocent civilians turned the religious movement to a general uprising. The situation quickly worsened as the Conservative Party in Kyongsang Province threatened to join their "compatriots" and the Chinese began supplying munitions through Kunsan.

Yoon continued to hold fast, announcing a conference between the Conservative Party, Reform Party, and the Tonghak after a truce, arguing that peace and stability is ultimately imperative "in stopping foreign foes become involved"; however, with one of the Tonghak armies' main objectives being "remove every foreigner from Korea", no agreements to be reached. By the time the negotiations came to a full standstill the southern provinces were held by Tonghak Armies and there were rumours spreading of Lee Ha-eung, with help from Chinese admiral Yuan Shikai, preparing to launch a land attack from the northwestern border of the Korean peninsula. To respond to this possible threat, Republican Guards were stationed near the Yalu River and regional armies were mobilised to respond to the threat in the south; however, the army divisions either ran away or actually joined the Tonghak Armies; by Summer of 1897 the Tonghak was ten miles from the city walls of Seoul, and the government was forced to evacuate to Hamhung.
 
PART 11: PLAGIARISING ALWAYS HELPS
4 Administrative Division

During most of the Joseon Dynasty, Korea was divided into eight provinces(Hangul: 팔도; hanja: 八道). The eight proinces' boundaries remained unchanged for about 480 years from 1413 to 1890, and formed a geographic paradigm that is still reflected today in Korea's administrative divisions, dialects, and regional distinctions. The names were: Chungchong, Kangwon Kyonggi, Kyongsang, Cholla, Hamkyong(originally called Yeonggil), Hwanghae(originally called P'unghae), and P'yongan. The provinces were further divided into petty prefectures (Hangul: 현; hanja: 縣), prefectures (Hangul: 목; hanja: 牧), urban prefectures (Hangul: 부; hanja: 府), and commandaries (Hangul: 군; hanja: 郡). Except between periods of warfare in the 16th and 17th centuries, the Joseon Dynasty continued to appoint the governors on all administrative levels above townships, which were locally selected.

This tradition was honoured by the Republic of Korea for the first 6 years; local aristocrats continued to hold political power, and the Reform Party strove to maintain good relations with the Conservative Party through the local yangban class. In the wake of growing protest against the influx of foreign investment, however, the government realised a need to decrease political power from the rural regions; along with a growing need to reconstruct administrative divisions along more reasonable lines for effective taxation and regional infrastructure management, the Republican government declared a major reform to change Korea's administrative division along Japanese lines.

From June 25th 1890 the Korean peninsula was redivided into 20 "Japanese prefectures" (Hangul: 현; hanja: 縣), 1 "Japanese circuit" (Hangul: 도; hanja: 道), and one urban prefecture. The prefectures were: Kyongsong Prefecture, covering what was formally East Hamkyong Province; Kangkye Prefecture, covering both Hamkyong and Pyong'an Provinces; Uiju Prefecture, covering the northern portion of West Pyong'an Province; Wonsan Prefecture, covering the southern portion of West Hamkyong Province; Anju Prefecture, covering the central portion of both West and East Pyong'an Provinces; Pyongyang Prefecture, covering the southern portion of both West and East Pyong'an Provinces; Haeju Prefecture, covering the western portion of Hwanghae Province; Kaesong Prefecture, covering the southern portion of Hwanghae Province; Kangnung Prefecture, covering the eastern portion of Kangwon Province; Chunchon Prefecture, covering the western portion of Kangwon Province; Suwon Prefecture, covering the eastern portion of Kyongki Province; Inchon Prefecture, covering the western portion of Kyongki Province; Andong Prefecture, covering the northern portion of both Kyongsang Provinces and a portion of East Chungchong Province; Kongju Prefecture, covering West Chungchong Province and a portion of East Chungchong Province; Taegu Prefecture, covering the central region of both Kyongsang Provinces; Tongnae Prefecture, covering the southeastern region of East Kyongsang Province; Chinju Prefecture, covering the southern region of Westn Kyongsang Province; Namson Prefecture, covering the southern region of East Cholla Province; Chunju Prefecture, covering the northern portion of West Cholla Province; and Kwangju Prefecture, covering the southern portion of West Cholla Province. Chejudo became a "Circuit" and, like its Japanese equivalent Hokkaido, was put under an Agency for government-sactioned agricultural development; Seoul, called "Hanseong" in official documents, continued to be an "urban prefecture", directly controlled by the central government. The various "prefectures" were directly controlled by the government and their governors were given the authority to select mayors and other form of leadership in regional subdivisions; individual "wards" of Seoul however gained autonomous councils based on universal suffrage.

As the administrative divisions changed, so did the electorate; the seats for the prefectures were increased to 100, and were divided equally with each prefecture taking 5 seats. During the remainder of the First Republic a few changes were made: Kangkye Prefecture was briefly made a Circuit while Andong Prefecture was divided between Andong and Chungju until it was harshly criticised and restored within six months; Pyongyang and Chunju were made urban prefectures in 1894, with Andong and Wonsan following suit in 1896.
 

Zagan

Donor
Welcome back! :)

Interesting stuff, although I am unsure what part of it is like OTL and what is different!
It seems that I should have studied non-European history as well... :eek:
 
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