The Sultanate of Rumistan: An Alternate Anatolia

And so passes the twilight era of the Mongols. Burilgi's conquests and the Great Yuan could certainly be seen as the last gasps of an upturned world, and I can see Chinese and Eurasian chroniclers noting such in their histories. For Europe, the collapse of the Balkans and subsequent chipping of the Roman Empire to just Constantinople and Co. would serve as their own reminder of time's passing; only time will tell what comes after.

The first Islamic state was the Sultanate of Kelang, centered on the titular city, quickly becoming a cultural center of both jurisprudential and Sufi learning in Malaya.

OH YEAH.

My Kelang relatives would be happy for this. :biggrin: With the nearby tin mines and coastal plains for agriculture, the city is a good place for a capital of a kingdom, though I personally favor a northerly spot like Kuala Selangor as the soil is better there, but I digress.
 
Special Update 4: Minorities in Burilgi's World
Special Update 4: Minorities in Burilgi's World
With the death of Khukir Burilgi Emir Khan, the whole world over was changed, redefined. Him and his conquests represent both a refutation of the old Mongol order and a continuation of it, bringing the synthesis of the Mongol Empire and its culture into the 15th century. To truly appreciate the ways this immense state has redefined so many lives, one can examine the cultural roles of different ethnic groups, minorities within an empire so vast that just about everyone is a minority. But, in truth, there is one group that holds the majority of power: the group commonly called Turco-Mongols by contemporary historians. Burilgi himself was a great representative of this cultural fusion of Turc and Mongol, with his Bashkir mother and Mongol father. Whether they call themselves Tatars, Bashkirs, Kirghiz, or Uzbeks, the vast expanse of steppe and sand from the Crimean Peninsula to the Tianshan mountains is inhabited by the heirs of Temujin and Burilgi, the inheritors of extensive Central Asian empires. With his capital at Sarai on the Volga, it was this new Turco-Mongol tradition that began the administration of his empire, inheriting the extensive networks of the Mongol Empire as well as the literate culture of Iran. Within the Burilgid empire proper, these Turco-Mongols form the vast majority, but to truly understand this new world their interactions with other groups must be examined.

Although a Turcic group just like the Turco-Mongols, the Turcs of the Tarim Basin (properly referred to as Tarim Turcs, Hui Turcs (from a Chinese perspective), or Uyghurs (though the latter is not especially popular)) retained a distinct identity from the remainder of the Burilgid domain, primarily due to their entrenched literate culture and distinct history beyond the Tianshan. On a map, it may seem that the Tarim Basin was a backward in relation to the rest of Burilgi’s empire, but in truth it became a bustling center of culture and trade. The cities of Kashgar, Yarkand, Turfan, and others, after recovering from the devastation of Burilgi’s invasion, increasingly became points of interaction between the struggling Great Yuan and the states to the west, with more Chinese seen in these Turcic cities since the end of Chinese rulership over the Tarim Basin. Furthermore, the Tarim Basin is the birthplace of the printing press, a gift of the east so readily loved by Burilgi himself. Tarim Turcs found their way all the way to Sarai as mechanics for printing presses, with the machine itself developed for the printing of the Arabic script. This transition wasn’t too difficult: they had already been designed for writing the Hui Turc language, ultimately derived from the Syriac language’s writing system, resembled Arabic turned on its side. The first thing printed using a press west of the Tianshan mountains was an imperial decree by Burilgi’s sadly unnamed vizier of Sarai that restricted trade coming into the city with an outbreak of disease that year. The second thing printed was a copy of the first five chapters of the Shahnameh by Ferdowsi. The third was a Qur’an. The Tarim Turcs could be proud to contribute to the literary culture of Central Asia as their derivation of a Chinese invention spread from Sarai out into Tatary and Transoxiana.

Another Turcic group, the Turcomen of Khurasan did not benefit so greatly from Burilgi’s conquests as the Tarim Turcs. They have more cultural connections with Iran than with the Mongols, and as such did not have the cultural foundations to be part of the majority Turco-Mongol culture of the empire, this division made only worse by Burilgi’s slaughter of Khurasan. Thousands of Turcomen died at the swords of his armies, rapidly depopulating the whole of the region. The already very pastoralist Turcomen reverted to even more basal and isolated forms of pastoralism, as the cities in Khurasan were destroyed and left as nothing but husks of their former selves. The Turcomen were violently forced out of the society built in Burilgi’s empire.

This fate was not shared by the Persian speakers of the Iranian Plateau and Transoxiana, who benefited greatly by the sudden conquests of the Burilgid Empire. Persians formed the backbone of the Burilgid administration (albeit how fledgling it was during Burilgi’s conquests), large numbers of them moving from Transoxiana to other parts of the empire. Khurasan received an influx of agrarian Persian immigrants following Burilgi’s push into the Iranian plateau, namely from Transoxiana. The Iranian Plateau itself was devastated by Burilgi’s invasion, but it remains independent from the Burilgid Empire and thusly Persians retain much in the way of the economic and cultural influence they had before his conquests. While the Ilkhan is always ready to claim that they are Mongols, and while this is true, the ruling elite of the rump Ilkhanate has become almost completely nativized, enmeshed with the populace of the state. While Persian Muslims dominate the upper class affairs of both the Ilkhanate and the Burilgid Empire, Zoroastrian Persians have become increasingly disadvantaged, targets of massacres by Burilgi’s armies and increasingly pushed out of public life in the land they once ruled over. Ilkhan Uthman bin Abu Said is almost fanatically Sunni, and punished Shi’is and Zoroastrians equally. His repression of Zoroastrians has caused mass migrations of the mostly agrarian minority into lands neighboring the rump Ilkhanate, creating refugee Zoroastrian communities in newly independent Fars and in isolated valleys of the Iranian plateau. Meanwhile, Shi’is come to dominate in the fringe regions of Iran, namely Arran and southern Khurasan. Movements made up of Zoroastrians and Shi’i Persians targeted against the Ilkhan and his government are increasingly prominent, though always violently repressed.

Another group which retained some modicum of political independence were the Armenians, namely Persianized Armenian Muslims and Armenian Christians. Both communities rose up when Burilgi invaded the Ilkhanate, in support of the Burilgid forces in the Caucasus, but in the end it was only the Armenian Muslims which benefited greatly from the conquest. As a reward for their support during the push through the north into Iran, the community of Persianized Armenian Muslims, headed by a small group of Armenian Muslim nobility from the former Ilkhan rule over the region, were granted the title of Armenshah and rulership over the territory around Lake Sevan and the city of Yerevan. Armenian Christians, on the other hand, were granted nothing; this is despite them making up the vast majority of the Armenian rebels who fought against the Ilkhanate during the Burilgid invasion. The community of Armenian Christians is disapproving of the rulership of the Armenshah, instead desiring to restore Christian rulership over the whole of Armenia. A sort of protracted resistance war between the Armenshah and rebellious Christians (many of them based out of Mount Ararat) defines Armenian politics, with the Armenshah attempting to suppress it without drawing the attention of the Ilkhan or of Burilgi (and now, his successor). He does not want Armenia to become like Iran or Khurasan.

Georgia is a very different story. The Kingdom of Georgia collapsed to the onslaught of the Burilgid armies as they pushed across the Caucasus, fleeing to the more southerly cities and defended by the force of arms of the Sultanate of Rum. They resisted Burilgi’s conquest, and so, instead of being granted autonomy like the Ilkhanate or the Armenshah, Georgia was placed under the rulership of a Turcic tribe loyal to Burilgi: the White Tatars. The exact origin of this group is obscure, but presumably they are ultimately a result of Mongol migration into the region of the Pontic-Caspian Steppe, and the subsequent intermixing with the local Turcic population. The White Tatars were predominately Sunni Muslim, and when awarded the land of Georgia by Burilgi they began to suppress Christian practice and attract Turcic settlement from north of the Caucasus. The ringing of bells in Georgian churches was banned, as was the use of the recently spread printing press for printing Bibles. The Georgian populace bristled at many of these practices, but generally were not especially resistant to the nomadic rulership of the country. In fact, many of the peasants, especially in the southern regions of the White Tatar Horde, paid taxes and tribute to both the King of Georgia and to the White Tatar Emir!

Jews were already widespread throughout the lands of Burilgi’s conquests, and his expansive empire only allowed Jewish communities to spread further. Turcic Judaism, that being the sort of Judaism practiced formerly by the Khazars, seems to have completely died out by the time of Burilgi’s conquest of the north Caucasus, with whatever remnants of it prominent in the Neo-Khazar Confederacy stamped out for the final time by Burilgi’s armies. In its stead, two distinct Jewish communities became increasingly widespread: Mizrahim, more specifically Judeo-Persians, and Karaim from Crimea. The Jewish communities of greater Iran actually benefited greatly from the conquests of Burilgi, primarily as they became the means of trade within and without his state. Persian was the lingua franca, and the Persian Jews, who spoke both Persian and their unique communal dialects (whether from Ray or Bukhara or the region of Mazandaran) took great advantage of the smoothing out of trade barriers. While the Chinese may have come to the Tarim cities to do trade, it was often with Persian Jews that they were trading with, not with Turcic Muslims. The Karaim, the unique Turcic Jewish community of Crimea who did not acknowledge the Talmud as a religious text of any spiritual import, began to spread out from Crimea and into the Burilgid territories in Ukraine and the north Caucasus, but at this point they remained only a notable minority. However, Karaim who traveled into the coastal cities of the Black Sea often were the intermediaries between the local Moldavian elite and their Muslim Turco-Mongol overlords.

The last remaining minority group of Burilgi’s Empire are those peoples in its westernmost fringes: the Russians. Kiev is but a burnt out husk after the constant grinding warfare at its gates and at its walls, but the people of Rus’ retain their distinct culture and identity. While the White Tatars in Georgia may be suppressing Christian practice, Burilgi’s empire never implemented laws to suppress the Christians, and in fact the collapse of the Golden Horde and the expansion of Burilgi’s state did benefit certain Russians. Namely, the Russian merchants who traded primarily in furs, lumber, and agrarian products had a wide market opened up to them, and for the first time in history Russians had somewhat regular access to the Siberian furs that so enticed them. However, this came at the cost of political independence and semi-regular massacres, as well as raids from the Burilgid Empire into the still independent Russian principalities between the Turco-Mongol state and Poland and Lithuania. Novgorod attempts to advocate for the interests of the Russian minority in the Burilgid Empire, but is relatively powerless to do so, even as not insignificant numbers of Russians, especially those in the easternmost cities, begin to turn to Mecca when they pray, and forego the reverence for icons of the saints…
 
Timeline (1243-1410)
Just to help clear things up and place many of these events in perspective, I have decided to create a timeline from the PoD in 1243 up to the death of Khukir Burilgi Emir Khan in 1410. This does not include much of the information from the past two special updates, primarily because they touch on things that are more gradual and will continue after this timeline's end in 1410. Here is the whole thing!

1243: The Battle of Kose Dai: Victory of the Seljuq Sultanate of Rum against Mongol forces under Baiju.

1246: Death of Sultan Kaykhusraw II and Crowning of Sultan Kayqubad. Crowning of Guyuk Khan as the Khagan of the Mongol Empire.

1246-1259: The Time of Tamar: Domination of Gurcu Hatun or Tamar, the mother Sultan Kayqubad bin Kaykhusraw II. Commissioning of beautiful works of art and architecture.

1248: The Battle of Malatya: Victory for the Seljuq Sultanate of Rum (forces led by Kilij Arslan bin Kaykhusraw II, with Georgian and Armenian auxiliaries) against Mongol forces under Guyuk Khan. First use of gunpowder by the Mongols against the Seljuqs.

1249: The uprising of Kaykaus the Traitor and beginning of the Seljuq Civil War. Liberation of Georgia by King David VII, and death of King David VI.

1250: Full independence achieved for the Sultanate of Rum and the Kingdom of Georgia. Establishment of Mameluk Sultanate of Cairo.

1256: Ceasefire signed between Kaykaus the Traitor and Kilij Arslan. Invasion of Poland by Guyuk Khan.

1258: Death of Sultan Kayqubad bin Kaykhusraw II, crowning of Sultan Kilij Arslan IV.

1259: Return of Sultan Kilij Arslan IV to the battlefield; failed attempts of Gurcu Hatun to maintain her influence in court (end of the Time of Tamar). The Vision of Kilij Arslan IV.

1262: Complete defeat of Kaykaus the Traitor, and his flight to Constantinople. Recapture of Constantinople by the Romans.

1265: Beginning of the grain dole to respond to the famines due to dry weather and warfare. Opposed by Gurcu Hatun.

1270s: Construction of the Blue Mosque of Sinope by Sultan Kilij Arslan IV.

1280: Death of Kaykaus the Traitor.

1282: Death of Gurcu Hatun.

1289: Construction of Uuchlaarai Gej Naidaj Baina Monastery in Iran by the Ilkhanate, making it the only Buddhist monastery in the Middle East.

1294: Death of Sultan Kilij Arslan IV and crowning of Sultan Kaykhusraw III.

1300: Meeting of Sultan Kaykhusraw III with King Vakhtang II of Georgia, forming the agreement between Georgia and Rum for Georgia to invade Trebizond if they supported the Romans in the upcoming war.

1302-1312: Osman’s War.

1304: Osman’s decision to not invade the southern holdings of the Eastern Roman Empire, sparing Smyrna.

1306: Collapse of the Roman defenses in the Balkans to Serbia and Bulgaria. Basileos Andronikos calling in Trebizond into the war.

1310: Complete collapse of the Trapezuntine defenses outside of the city of Theodoro.

1312: Conversion of Ilkhan Quthluq to Islam, taking on the name Muhammad Quthluq. Outbreak of civil war between Basileos Andronikos II and Andronikos III, backed by Venetian merchants.

1320s: Entrance of the Pestilence into the eastern regions of the Ilkhanate, ravaging Khurasan and Sistan. Spread of the Pestilence into the Golden Horde.

1324: Andronikos III wins the Roman civil war and is crowned as Basileos, giving special trading rights to Venetian merchants.

1328: Outbreak of Pestilence in the city of Nicomedia, being the first Anatolian city to have evidence of such an outbreak.

1330: Birth of Khukir Burilgi Emir Khan.

1331: Death of General Osman. Igor Ivanov Grigorivich is chosen to be Grand Prince of Novgorod.

1332: Death of Oz Beg Khan to the Pestilence in the Golden Horde, causing its collapse and the end of the barrier to Christian travel to the east. Sultan Kaykhusraw III issues a proclamation declaring his health and lack of Pestilence. Foundation of the Manghit Horde of Babak Temur Khan.

1330s-1370s: Beginning of the process of Kurdification of eastern Anatolia, spurred on by rapid population declines in the eastern highland regions. Continues for many decades. Creation of the ofeiletis class in cities in western Anatolia, and spread of Mevlevi and Dimashqi Sufi sects in cities in Western Anatolia.

1339: Foundation of the Western Oirat Kingdom along the Volga, the westernmost Buddhist state. Beginning of the Polish Civil War, with the uprising of the House of Odrowaz against King Casimir the Headless.

1341: Failed attempt to defeat the Odrowaz clan by King Casimir of Poland, including calling up the Bogoria clan to fight the Odrowaz. Between 1341 and 1342, Casimir would rapidly lose the support the most important noble and knightly families of Poland.

1344: Death of Dmitry the Fat of Vladimir to the Pestilence, beginning of Oirat invasion of Vladimir.

1346: Marriage of the sister of King Charles I of Hungary and Voivode Ioan of the newly independent Moldavia. Siege of Vladimir by Oirat forces under Ayuka the Terrible, ending with Oirat capture of the city and destruction of Russian monuments, ransacking of Russian churches. Signing of the Ceasefire of Krakow between the Odrowaz and Bogoria clans of Poland, beginning of the Siege of Warsaw.

1347: Execution of King Casimir the Headless.

1349: Death of Sultan Kaykhusraw III and crowning of Sultan Mahmoud Shah. Siege of Sarai by the makeshift alliance of Babak Temur Khan of the Manghits and Khan Komek of the Kipchaks. Execution of Djanibek Khan, last Khan of the Golden Horde.

1350: Sultan Mahmoud Shah begins efforts to restructure the grain dole system, assisted by his wife Sayar.

1352-1372: The Alexionite Uprising, led by the apocalyptic non-ecclesiastical ascetic Theodoros, centered on a movement of Persian-influenced Christians who acknowledge Basileos Alexios VI as the second coming of Christ.

1354: New push by Borgu Khan of Crimea into Moldavia; the Battle of Soroca between Crimean and Moldavo-Hungarian forces.

1356: Sultan Mahmoud Shah strikes deals with many Kurdish tribes in eastern Anatolia to give them some autonomy in exchange for a cut of the produce of their herding, as well as ensuring autonomous defense on the eastern borderlands.

1357: Recapture of Vladimir by Novgorodian forces under the orders of Grand Prince Igor Ivanov Grigorivich. First use of a combined force of Kurdish nomads and traditional infantry by Sultan Mahmoud Shah, against the Alexionite rebels.

1358: First Diet of Krakow, headed by Walentyn Corwin (Valentinus Corvinus) of house Bogoria. Death of Grand Prince Igor Ivanov Grigorivich of Novgorod.

1359: Signing of the Treaty of Krakow, end of the Polish civil war and establishment of the Polish Sejmate, with Walentyn Corwin as its first Krol.

1360: Battle of Sakarya River, defeat of Alexionite forces by Orhan son of Osman and Sultan Mahmoud Shah.

1363: End of the Crimean-Moldavian Wars.

1371: Death of Babak Temur Khan of the Manghit Horde. Burilgi supposedly begins a campaign of assassinations of aspirant generals at the orders of Khurgesh, former wife of Babak Temur Khan.

1372: Defeat of the Alexionite Rebellion, flight of Theodoros to Constantinople and resettlement of many Alexionites in Gallipoli and Thrace.

1374: Uprising of Alexander the Alexionite in Prusa, quickly put down by the forces of Orhan son of Osman.

1375: Death of Jurchi Batu, and invasion of Turcomen in service to the Ilkhanate into the Manghit Horde.

1377: Burilgi’s invasion of Bashkortostan. He slices off the ears and noses of the Bashkir lords and slings their bodies upon the walls of Ufa, as well as executing several Bashkir sky-worshiping priests.

1378: Beginning of the Black Vest Uprising of radical nativist Daoists in southern China.

1379-1381: Hajj of Sultan Mahmoud Shah.

1379: Conversion of the Samogitians to the Roman Catholic Faith. The Samogitian King is renamed King Solomon I of Samogitia.

1380s-1480s: Period of the creation of the controversial “Buddhist Jesus” statues in the upper Volga.

1382: Siege of Kazan and end of the conquest of the Khanate of the Kipchaks. Khan Komek commits suicide. Burilgi sacks the city completely.

1384-1388: Burilgi’s brutal invasion of the Crimean Horde of Mahmet Khan, wherein he burned every field he came across and ultimately captured Eski Kirim without a fight. Decapitation of Khan Mahmet of Crimea.

1389: Fall of Kiev to the forces of Burilgi the Blind.

1391: Burilgi’s attempted invasion of Poland, foiled by the successful defenses of the Polish Caesar, Zdislaw Czapla.

1392: Burilgi turns his focus to the east and quickly conquers the Kirghiz steppe region.

1394: Zdislaw Czapla’s forces begin to make progress into the Russian principalities, causing Burilgi’s forces to fall back.

1395: Capture of Turfan by Burilgi, with the Chagatai governor of the city decapitated.

1396: Burilgi’s capture of several Tarim Turc intellectuals who introduced him to the printing press, causing his fascination with the device. A number of Tarim Turcish scholars are sent to Sarai to develop a printing press for the Arabic script. Burilgi’s semi-autonomous army in the Balkans makes an agreement with Basileos Alexios VI to invade the Sultanate of Rum from the west.

Late 1390s-1400s: Second Alexionite Uprising, against Roman control and the Burilgid forces in the Balkans. Stops the Burilgid armies from pushing through the western regions of Rum.

1398: The five day siege of Karshi which led to the final dissolution of the Chagatai Khanate. Beginning of Burilgi’s widespread massacre in the Turcoman regions of Khurasan.

1401: Burilgi receives the letter from Uthman bin Abu Said, the disgraced brother of Ilkhan Ali. Beginning of Burilgi’s invasion of Iran.

1402: Death of Sultan Mahmoud Shah of Rum, leaving two sons: Muhammad and Kilij Arslan.

1405: Beginning of the collapse of the Ilkhanate’s control and influence in southern Iran.

1409: Siege of Sultaniyeh and capture of the city by combined Burilgid, Armenian, Arab, and Persian forces under the control of Uthman. Ilkhan Ali bin Abu Said is killed from afar by arrow shot, with his children sold into slavery on the contingent that their owners never hurt them.

1410: Khukir Burilgi Emir Khan sends forces to support the Khan of the Great Yuan in his efforts to fight the Black Vest uprising. He dies shortly after in Tabriz, and is buried in a grandiose tomb in Yarkand.
 
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Awesome posts! The world of Middle-East won't be ever the same as we knew in OTL. So, who is the strongest power in the Middle-East at this point?
 
Awesome posts! The world of Middle-East won't be ever the same as we knew in OTL. So, who is the strongest power in the Middle-East at this point?

Well, the most powerful country in the whole world is the Burilgid Empire, but it isn't entirely situated within the Middle East and isn't exactly the most stable country in history. I would say that the Mameluk Sultanate is the most powerful and most influential country in the Middle East, seeing as it has been very dominant for about 150 years now, and has the 'Abbasid Caliph as well. The Sultanate of Rum would be more influential if it weren't so inward-focused: it has been on the defensive for about a century, having to deal with civil wars, famines, and outbreaks of pestilence, as well as having to deal with attempted invasions by the Romans and Mongols.
 
Apologies for commenting so late!

The welfare of minorities in the Burilgid Empire are intriguing. The influx of educated Persians into the bureaucracy will mean that some degree of Persianization will occur across the empire, with the language having a chance to become unofficially “co-official” with Turco-Mongolian and its sister tongues, especially as the language of administration. Couple this with the printing press and there will be some interesting linguistic and cultural changes across the empire.

The Russians are another group that can cause weird things. Russian trade connections to the vast Burilgid domains will make their merchants filthy rich in comparison to their free brethren, not to mention becoming exposed to cultural currents across Eurasia. And with the capital of Sarai so close to the heartland, it’s unsurprising to see them beginning to convert to Islam. I wonder how the free principalities (Novgorod and co.) will see them though. Apostates?

The Armenians and Georgians will have a tough ride, but with the Demon of Bashkortostan now dead, time is on their side.
 
Special Update 5: The Spread and Use of Black Powder
Special Update 5: The Spread and Use of Black Powder
Supposedly invented on accident in China by an errant alchemist sometime during the 9th century, explosive black powder quickly came to prominence all around the world over the course of the 14th century, primarily spread through the expansions of the Mongol Empire and its successor states. The Mongols used Chinese black powder weapons, namely arrows tipped with the substance and simple bombs, in raids on Hungary and during the invasion of Poland, as well as during the War of Independence in the Sultanate of Rum, and it was this use in a number of major invasions which brought the substance to the forefront in lands to the west of China. In the Middle East specifically, the first written source on how to create black powder was produced by the Syrian Hassan al-Rammah during the mid-13th century, who seems to have been primarily working from Chinese documents: most of the terms he uses are derived from Chinese, while many of the new terms present themselves as fundamentally foreign inventions. Central among these were the “Chinese arrows” and “Chinese rockets”, the types of weapons utilized by the Mongol armies. Hassan al-Rammah himself also developed what he called “an egg which moves itself and burns”, a simple explosive made out of two metal sheets and filled with naphtha, metal filings, and black powder, attached to a small float and rudder in order to keep it straight as it moves along water. Hassan al-Rammah gained some support from the new Mameluk Sultan of Cairo, and his “burning egg” would be used in fights against the Mongols across the Euphrates. Hassan al-Rammah would be the first Middle Eastern inventor to develop black powder weapons, but he would not be the last.

Chinese_rocket.png

An illustration of a Chinese rocket

In the Sultanate of Rum, black powder was used by Guyuk Khan at the Battle of Malatya, bringing the material to the attention of the soon-to-be Sultan Kilij Arslan IV. While there are no remaining documents from the supposed experimentation with black powder that Sultan Kilij Arslan IV began (unlike the black powder studies of Syria and Egypt), it is obvious from later centuries that Sultan Kilij Arslan IV’s inquiries into black powder had a great impact on the Turcoman state. During the 14th century, the Seljuqs began forays into black powder weaponry, producing “burning eggs” in the style of Hassan al-Rammah as well as “Chinese rockets” on simple wooden stands. Generally, however, black powder weapons were slow to catch on in Anatolia. The rapid spread of nomadic Kurdish tribes in the east and the invasions by primarily nomadic horsemen meant that traditional cavalry efforts were more focused on, with black powder weapons only seeing use in the suppression of the Alexionite Rebellion in western Anatolia. However, even this limited use was a great advantage: the Romans had no access to such weapons, and the mix of nomad Kurdish forces and Turcoman gunners made quick work of the Alexionite and Dimashqi strongholds in west Anatolia. But, throughout the 14th century, black powder weapons remained very simple, and primarily focused on single-use weaponry and explosives.

al-rammah1.jpg

Hassan al-Rammah's "burning egg", from his book on his black powder inventions
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A modern rendition of Hassan al-Rammah's invention.

During the period of Mongol rule over the majority of Iran, black powder weapons were kept out of the hands of the populace and only used by the Mongol ruling class. However, with the rapid collapse of Mongol control in southern Iran, many of the rising factions and local warlords very quickly picked up on the formerly forbidden weaponry. Sometimes called the “Era of the Gunpowder Warlords” in Iranian historiography, war in Mesopotamia, Arabistan, and Fars was primarily defined by the rapid adoption of explosives and Hassan al-Rammah’s “burning egg” weapon. It was said that not even Baghdad was safe from the constant black powder blasts of rival warlords and local factions. In Iraq, war was the birthplace of innovation, with ever more accurate rockets created to more safely target the walled defenses of rival cities while not toppling the sacred minarets of the holy mosques.

In Europe, black powder primarily spread from east to west, first appearing in Hungary and flourishing in Poland and Germany. Rockets were not nearly as common in these places as placed explosives, with the civil unrest and wars between princes in Poland and Germany being great testing grounds for the practice of digging beneath city walls and placing parcels of crude explosive material. Rockets were not especially popular throughout Europe, as they were primarily centered on the Islamic regions, but Venetian and Genoese merchants, with their regular contacts with the Aegean and the Levant, would bring back the first “Chinese rockets” (in Europe referred to as “Syrian rockets” or razzi siriani in Italian) to Europe in the late 14th century, sparking a flurry of quick wars in Italy that spread the inventions further.

By the dawning of the 15th century, black powder weapons can be found everywhere from China to France, in as diverse forms as simple bombs to fire arrows to “Chinese rockets” to Hassan al-Rammah’s “burning egg”, but after a century and a half of rapid spread they are still very simple and crude. Iraq is the only place in which developments in aim have been prominent, while Europe primarily focuses on simple mine-style explosives. The 14th century brought black powder to the whole of the world; the 15th century will make it more deadly.

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Sorry for the long(ish) wait! I will be getting back on this for more regular updates in future, I was just busier than normal this past week. Thanks!
 
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Sorry for another gap in posts! I'm planning on posting more often in the immediate future, I just wanted to make sure you all knew that I am still working on this... my mind has just been focused on some other projects for the last week, but I've been doing research and planning so the future updates will continue to be good... have a good day!
 
Part 22: Another War of Brothers
Part 22: Another War of Brothers
Mahmoud Shah was fresh in his pale shroud, the salaat still fresh in the ears of the mourners, when strife and conflict between Muhammad and Kilij Arslan, the two sons of Sultan Mahmoud Shah, began. The opportunity to build a memorial dedicated to the now deceased Sultan was pounced upon by Kilij Arslan, who poured the gold he had in his possession into a fine mosque and statue in Caesarea. Attempting to gain the support of the allies of his father and to appear as a good and fine character to even non-allied nobles and iqta-holders. However, at this early stage, there was little to no actual fighting between the two sons. Neither had been named the new Sultan by their father, but for a time of about a year and a half, there was no Sultan of Rum. Neither Muhammad nor Kilij Arslan claimed the title for the entirety of 1403 (805-806), but it was once Kilij Arslan’s mother died in early 1404 (806) that relations between the two, and that the stability of the Seljuq state, broke down completely.

Neither were backed by any outside state; unlike the uprising of the traitorous Kaykaus in the 13th century, the only factions concerned with the squabbling between Kilij Arslan and Muhammad were the factions within the Sultanate. Kilij Arslan was seen as a follower in the footsteps of Mahmoud Shah: he was a centralizer, who would be willing to make dealings with local iqta-holders so long as the Sultan on his low-lying throne was in an advantageous position in the dealings. He had the support of many of the minority religious groups within the Sultanate of Rum, namely the Armenian Christians and Jews, who make up the bulk of the merchant class. Muhammad had been making dealings with much of the nobility and was a decentralizer, and had his closest allies in the house of Osman and much of the Kurdish tribes in the east. However, notably, the Kurdish soldiers in west Anatolia, and thusly the ones closest to the noble house of Osman allied with Muhammad, were bowing before Kilij Arslan. There were also groups consistently neutral: the Roman Christians of the Aegean and Pontic coasts did not align themselves with either claimant entirely. Their bases of support were throughout the Sultanate, and not based on any region, and all was set up for violence to break out.

Muhammad traveled to the west to dwell in the iqta of Mehmet son of Orhan son of Osman, using it as a base of operations, while his brother Kilij Arslan traveled east, into the Armenian Highlands, to use the city of Yerznka as his base. The initial fight was one over ownership of the city of Iconium: the garrison of the city was protecting it from the violence of the civil war, but as a consequence neither of the factions held it. The glorious and ancient capital of the Turcoman state was the goal of the rival brothers on either end of the Sultanate.

On Kilij Arslan’s front, fighting immediately broke out between his primarily Turcoman and Armenian armies and the Kurdish bands and tribes to the south of his base at Yerznka. Small skirmishes between Muhammad-aligned Kurdish tribes and the armies of Kilij Arslan occurred in the months leading up to a major push to the south by Kilij Arslan starting in late 1404 (807), begun with a battle at Kalan but with a much more impactful clash in the hills north of the city of Malatya. A group of 20,000 Kurds, made up of fighters from several tribes and headed by a Turcoman general sent from Caeserea, surprised Kilij Arslan’s forces as they camped in the wilderness north of the city, readying themselves for a potential siege at Malatya the following day. Kilij Arslan’s force was of about the same size as the Kurdish army, with a number of his other soldiers held up in a push to the west, but this army had a secret weapon which the Kurds could not have expected: black powder weaponry. A Jewish agent had been sent into Syria during the early periods of Kilij Arslan’s preparations for war and had obtained a number of “Chinese rockets” and “burning eggs” built in the style of Hassan al-Rammah, and Kilij Arslan was planning on using these unique weapons in attacks on heavily fortified cities. But this sudden attack by the Kurds left much of his army undefended as they lay in their tents, and the “Chinese rockets” would see their first use here. Quickly ordering a defensive wall of infantry and rocketeers be set up on all sides of the camp, Kilij Arslan ordered a volley of the volatile projectiles fired into the Kurdish mass, lighting up the night with the bright red explosive light as it collided with the hard earth. The Kurdish force was routed, and upon arriving at the city of Malatya the next day, Kilij Arslan entered the city walls after a short parlay with the city’s garrison. Several Kurdish tribes pushed southwards, causing a collapse of the Ilkhanate’s border in the Jazira, setting up numerous de facto independent statelets in northern Iraq. Kilij Arslan’s push to the south was a resounding success, and by 1406 (809) the whole of the east was under his control, albeit with some Kurdish uprisings here and there.

In the west, Muhammad was having similar successes. With the backing of the soldiers in the service of Mehmet son of Orhan son of Osman, Muhammad had pushed to control the whole of western Anatolia, besieging cities like Nicaea, Nicomedia, Sultanonu, and Kotyaion. Muhammad’s armies were made up primarily of Turcomen, both those in direct service to Muhammad and those owing fealty to Mehmet and other nobles. They were a mix of soldier types, but primarily dominated by traditional Turcoman cavalry, and though Muhammad did not use black powder weapons nearly as much as his brother did, he did make use of traditional siegecraft in his attacks on the cities of western Anatolia. However, Muhammad had to contend with the freewheeling armies of the Kurds in western Anatolia, left over from the suppression of the Alexionite uprising. These Kurds were loyal to Kilij Arslan out of respect for his father Mahmoud Shah (for they see Kilij Arslan as continuing the legacy of Mahmoud Shah), and although low in number, they put up quite a fight against Muhammad. The Western Kurds captured the city of Ousakeion and were using it as a base of operations against Muhammad, and they came to face off against one another early in 1406 (808). There had been numerous skirmishes between Muhammad’s forces and the forces of the western Kurds, but the two battles at Ousakeion (the first in 1406 (808) and the second in 1408 (810)) were the two great confrontations between Muhammad and the Kurds. The first time, Muhammad lost the battle and fled to the north, capturing a few small villages along the way. He would push eastward instead of southward, allowing the Kurds a moment of respite as they expanded their holdings in southwest Anatolia.

After recuperating his troops in the iqta of Mehmet son of Orhan son of Osman, Muhammad pushed eastward, toward the city of Iconium. His original plan, to suppress the western Kurds and move through the south to capture Iconium, had failed in 1406 (808). His new plan was a straight on assault on Iconium, and ultimately this plan would succeed, at least for a time. Upon reaching the city walls, Muhammad issued an ultimatum to the garrison of the city, and began a short but intense siege. Ultimately the walls crumbled to the onslaught of Muhammad’s siege weaponry, and Iconium was captured by Muhammad son of Mahmoud Shah in early 1407 (809).

By the year 1407 (809-810), the Sultanate of Rum was completely divided between Kilij Arslan and Muhammad. Kilij Arslan and forces loyal to him held the entirety of the east, the Kurdish-held territories of southwestern Anatolia, and the area to the south and west of Trebizond in northern Anatolia. Muhammad, meanwhile, had a resolute grasp on western and central Anatolia. As the war of Burilgi died down in Iran, there seems to have been no end in sight for the squabbling brothers in Rum, at least as of the year 1407.
 
Part 23: The Young Lion's Victory
Part 23: The Young Lion's Victory
In 1407 (809-810), the Sultanate of Rum is divided entirely between two brothers, Muhammad and Kilij Arslan, the young heirs of Mahmoud Shah. Neither of them is older than 30 years of age, and yet the both of them are now leading armies of tens of thousands across the valleys and highlands of Anatolia. Hearing news of Muhammad’s capture of the city of Iconium, Kilij Arslan marches west from his base at Yerznka to rout his traitorous brother, and to bring the capital of the Sultanate back into the fold. At the same time, he sends orders to the loyal band of Kurds in southwestern Anatolia to begin a push northwards, an attempt to pin Muhammad from the south and east to overwhelm his forces. Muhammad, meanwhile, had turned Iconium into a fortress, enhancing the defenses (at least, to the best of his ability) and filling the garrison with soldiers from the noble iqtas throughout the Sultanate. He may have been formulating plans to push to the east, but at this point in 1407 (809), Muhammad was only interested in defense.

Kilij Arslan’s offensive began relatively slowly, with his armies pushing south from Trebizond and east from Kurdistan, holding onto their meager gains as the winter of 1407 (810) rolls in. With the advent of spring in 1408 (810), the push could begin in earnest, with the loyal Kurdish bands in southwest Anatolia attacking to the north, but being pushed back in a surprise defense, with Ousakeion being the site of another major confrontation between Muhammad’s armies (this time without the young man at their head) and the southwestern Kurds. This second battle of Ousakeion was a resounding victory for the Kilij Arslan-aligned Kurds, pushing Muhammad’s forces far to the north and allowing an attack on the iqta of Mehmet son of Orhan son of Osman. Muhammad’s forces were now divided: a small contingent still clung on along the Aegean coast and the iqta of Mehmet, while Muhammad himself and the forces under his command still resided in Iconium.

While the spring of 1408 (810) would bring a defeat in the west, the autumn of that very same year would bring the beginning of a ghastly siege that would last the better part of a year. Kilij Arslan’s forces arrived at Iconium during the annual harvest, and through a swift series of attacks and dealings with villages around the city, his armies had access to a significant portion of the year’s produce. Kilij Arslan was set up for the long haul, regularly bombarding the walls of Iconium with his Syrian “Chinese rockets” and attacks from more conventional weaponry. While Kilij Arslan had access to more food than Muhammad and the forces loyal to him did, there was food stored in the city for the grain redistribution program, leaving some leeway with regards to the length of the siege, at least for those within its walls. Kilij Arslan would maintain the siege of Iconium for the better part of the next year, leaving the Kurdish band loyal to him to push into the iqta of Mehmet, routing Mehmet’s forces as they approached Prusa. Muhammad was isolated, with the nobles outside of Iconium abandoning him to support Kilij Arslan or being completely cut off from him. There was still pro-Muhammad agitation in the areas of Kurdish inhabitation in the southeast, but that was kept relatively subdued. Muhammad was only able to stay in the safety of the walls of Iconium, watching as the grain slowly trickled to smaller and smaller amounts.

As the western Kurds were occupying ever increasing portions of the iqta of Mehmet son of Orhan son of Osman, another group decided to join in on the conflict: the Alexionites. Having risen up in Roman Gallipoli in reaction to Basileos Julian II’s choice to bring in Burilgid soldiers into the empire, the Alexionites had taken control over the whole of Thrace by the early 15th century. They had attempted a march on Constantinople (as evidenced by Roman records of the period), but following that failure, the Alexionites turned their sights southwards, with the bulk of their force (for a small contingent was still in Thrace defending their gains and even pushing outward somewhat) crossing the Dardanelles and entering the iqta of Mehmet in 1409 (811). This fanatical army of almost apocalyptic followers began to capture small villages in the Osmanid iqta, pushing both forces loyal to Muhammad and forces loyal to Kilij Arslan back to the south.

As this strange force pushed down into Anatolia, Kilij Arslan maintained the siege of Iconium. The city would finally fall to his onslaught in the winter of 1409 (812), the city walls collapsing in on themselves as soldiers and rockets pour into the great Turcoman capital. Muhammad and a small core of nobles were able to flee the city and enter the iqta of Mehmet son of Orhan son of Osman, only to be chased by Kilij Arslan following his final capture of Iconium, wherein the heir presumptive of Sultan Mahmoud Shah marched through the opened gate, parading his shining metal armor inscribed with Qur’anic script in the city’s streets, as he ceremoniously enters the palace and sits upon the low-lying throne of the Sultanate of Rum. Muhammad has nowhere to go but down.

Marching out of the city after the winter of 1409 (812), Kilij Arslan was set on victory in the civil war that had been raging now for 6 years. His forces, the final union of the armies loyal to him and the Kurdish armies of the west, pushed northwards, capturing village after village from Muhammad and Mehmet, until in mid 1410 (813) Kilij Arslan and Muhammad met at the city of Nicaea, the site of the ancient council of the Christian church almost one thousand years prior. Muhammad was not nearly as prepared for this siege however: Nicaea fell to Kilij Arslan after only five months of siege. Muhammad and Mehmet, the traitors to Kilij Arslan, were finally resoundingly defeated. Kilij Arslan had Mehmet son of Orhan son of Osman executed, and his brother Salman put in charge of the family iqta. For his brother, Kilij Arslan was more merciful. He slit his ears and marked his nose, disfiguring him to show his weakness, defeat, and treachery. He then exiled him to the east, to live in a small mountain village rather than experiencing the luxuries of life in Iconium. He was stripped of all power and left isolated in the east.

But this would not be the end of Kilij Arslan’s campaigns, and he still had yet to be crowned Sultan. First, there was the issue of the Alexionites to be dealt with. Leading the charge himself, Kilij Arslan defeated the Alexionites in battle after battle, pushing them back to the Dardanelles through the use of his experienced soldiers and his loyal Kurdish mercenaries. Supposedly, a letter was sent from Kilij Arslan to Basileos Julian II, promising the Roman Emperor that all lands recaptured by general Kilij Arslan would be returned to the Roman Empire. If this supposed document is real, then it never truly went into effect. For, in 1411 (814), Kilij Arslan crossed the Dardanelles and defeated the Alexionites once and for all, even going so far as to subjugate a few other Slavic principalities on the periphery in Thrace in order to keep their holdings safe from incursion. After two years in Thrace subjugating Alexionites and Slavs, Kilij Arslan returned home to Iconium to be crowned Sultan Kilij Arslan V, at the age of 36. He had been on the battlefield for 9 years. Upon his return, the Kurds loyal to him were granted a degree of autonomy in the hills and valleys of western Anatolia as well.

But his experience as a field general in the war of brothers would come in handy very early in his reign, when the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia petitioned him for assistance. The Mameluk Sultanate of Cairo had been expansionistic from the onset, with its fixed on the lingering remnants of the crusader kingdoms of Jerusalem and Antioch, as well as the small Armenian kingdom to their north. Armenia had been on good terms with the Sultanate of Rum for some time now, contributing forces during the fight against the Mongols in the 13th century and now having contributed some soldiers to Kilij Arslan during the war between the brothers. Little Armenia knew that if Rum fell, so too would Little Armenia, and so the small petty kings of Cilicia had been attempting to better their relations with the Turcoman Sultanate. Now, in 1413 (816), the King of Armenian Cilicia requested Turcish aid to fend off the forces of the Mameluk Sultan. Sultan Kilij Arslan V knew an opportunity when he saw one.

Sending a force of 25,000 soldiers to Cilicia, Sultan Kilij Arslan V was able to defeat the Mameluk forces after a relatively short war. There was an attempt at a naval invasion of Anatolia by the Egyptians, sailing out from their port on Jaffa, but this was foiled by a storm during the summer, causing most of the ships to crash into rocks off the coast of Cyprus. Rum and Armenia were fighting a defensive war, where they could use the mountainous terrain of the Taurus mountains and Anatolian plateau to their advantage, riding along mountain ridges and using the element of surprise to defeat Mameluk forces. By 1418 (820), the war was effectively over, and a treaty was signed between the Armenian King and Mameluk Sultan which gave Egypt ownership over the city of Antiochia and all of the lands surrounding it. However, at this point much of the Armenian army was spent, and there was a significant surplus of Rum’s troops in the small kingdom: Sultan Kilij Arslan V had used this opportunity well. An agreement signed after the treaty with Egypt turned the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia, long reliant on Anatolia for trade and defense, into a small protectorate of the Sultanate of Rum, effectively a semi-autonomous region of the Sultanate. After well over two centuries of inward focus and instability, Sultan Kilij Arslan V was going to shape the Sultanate in his own image, and build off of what his father and his namesake did before him.
 
So what's the culture of Rum now and how's the situation in Rhomaion?

The Sultanate of Rum is still primarily defined by the Turcoman culture of its ruling elite and majority, in the tradition of the original Seljuq empire that pushed into Anatolia only around 300 years prior. Much of culture is still built off of the original cultural heritage of the Oghuz in central asia, but over the centuries there have been increasing cultural influences on Turcoman Anatolia. Namely, there is very significant Persian influence, with the Persian language being the language of the court and of administration, and Persian courtly aesthetic being dominant in Iconium (even the low-lying throne of the Turcish Sultan is of Iranian origin!). There are some Roman (i.e. Greek) influences on culture, but increasingly more and more of the cultural influences are from just to the east of Anatolia, namely the Caucasus and Kurdistan. With the rapid spread of Kurds northward and their integration into the Seljuq military, as well as the very recent settlement of loyal Kurdish bands in western Anatolia, the Iranian nomads are becoming increasingly part of the culture of Anatolia. Additionally, the close relationship with the Kingdom of Georgia has caused Georgian cultural influences to enter the elite (although not so much on the local level), while the increasing number of Armenian merchants and traders (primarily due to a gradual decline of Roman merchants due to the poor situation in Constantinople and in some of the Aegean cities) has caused a number of Armenian goods to enter the markets of Anatolia. Generally, Anatolia is made up of these four groups: Turcomen, Kurds, Armenians, and Romans, as well as the long-present Jewish community.

In the Roman Empire itself, the situation is pretty grim. After a series of civil wars (such as the war between Andronikos II and Andronikos III in the early 14th century), outbreaks of Pestilence, and invasions by both the primarily cavalry-based Seljuqs and by Slavs from the north, the foundations of the Roman Empire have become incredibly fragile and broken. The Eastern Roman Empire is spread thin over several disparate patches of land, from Constantinople itself to Smyrna to Thessaloniki to Attica, increasingly taken advantage of by Venetian and Genoese merchants, and currently dealing with the Alexionites who had risen up in their own land. Basileos Julian II is not an especially popular emperor, and effectively only has influence within the city centers, and especially Constantinople, with his influence felt very fleetingly outside of it.

So is it finally the end for Alexionites movement? How is the rest of Orthodox Church view of them?

This is not the complete and utter end of the Alexionite movement, though it is the last time they will ever hold independent political control. They have made enemies of the Seljuqs, the Romans, and the merchants in the regions around them, and thusly have no allies with which to assist in their uprisings. The Orthodox Church officially considers them anathematized following their uprising against Basileos Julian II, with the Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople having declared them such and the other patriarchs and metropolitans following suit.
 
After reading the Update on Gunpowder, I'm curious to know what these Wars in Italy are and how they might impact politics within the HRE and the rest of Western Europe. In addition, did the "Era of Gunpowder Warlords" spread to the Indian subcontinent. In an earlier update, you had mentioned the Delhi Sultanate was in a bad shape and was declining so it seems like someone ambitious chieftain or warlord in the Persophere might take advantage of the situation there.

Also, since a lot of the timeline focuses on the history and current affairs of Muslim polities, how is the Emirate of Granada doing? I'm pretty sure that the Reconquista will turn out differently ITTL if a full Reconquista does occur. I'm curious if Rum will support its fellow Muslims in Granada and if Rum decides to get more involved in Europe as a whole, as you did mention that Kilij Arslan can make Rum's focus outward now.
 
Part 24: The Lion's Short Reign
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A depiction of Sultan Kilij Arslan V from the late 18th century. The clothes he is depicted as wearing would be anachronistic.

Part 24: The Lion's Short Reign
Sultan Kilij Arslan V had proven himself on the battlefield, defeating and exiling his traitorous brother Muhammad and becoming the sole ruler of Iconium, the whole of Rum, and the newly acquired territories in Thrace as well as the protectorate of Armenian Cilicia. Following the treaty with Armenian Cilicia in 1418 (821), Kilij Arslan V had been Sultan for only 5 years, and he had before him, at least in his eyes, decades of opportunity to centralize the state that his father, Mahmoud Shah, had so struggled to control during waves of Pestilence and Alexionite uprisings. His first order of business was the weakening of the nobles: he did not want any of the iqta holders or members of noble houses to join a rival claimant to the throne like the house of Osman did during the war with his brother. He had already executed Mehmet son of Orhan son of Osman and replaced him with the loyal Salman son of Orhan son of Osman, but desired to further weaken the noble houses and empower groups more loyal to him. He did not have the power nor ability to truly affect the fundamental laws of the state: the strange mix of traditional Ghuzz law and Qur’anic jurisprudence was difficult to modify, and as a more militarily-minded leader he was not personally equipped to pore over it and create a single canon of law for the whole state. Rather, he decided to do two things to weaken the power of the nobility: resettle loyal bands of Kurds throughout Anatolia, and restructure the system of grain doles established generations before.

The first was a relatively simple affair. He had already empowered the loyalist Kurds who had settled in the area of southwestern Anatolia, and had even married the daughter of their prime sheikh, a woman known only as Aisha. While he would be settling bands of loyal Kurds throughout Anatolia, he would not be empowering them to the same level as the Kurds of southwest Anatolia. He had given them autonomy within the Sultanate, while this new flurry of resettlements would simply be stationed in areas to put down any attempted uprising by local nobles and magnates. These resettlement programs were primarily centered on eastern and central Anatolia, occurring over the period from 1419-1430 (821-834). The most controversial at the time was Sultan Kilij Arslan V’s decision to resettle a group of Yazidis (“devil (Iblis)-worshipers” as they are solely referred to as in Turcish documents of the time) northward, around the city of Erzurum. While we do not know entirely the Sultan’s thought process, it seems very likely that he was purely a sort of Realpolitik figure, one who cared not for the faith of those who gave him their loyalty. Case in point is his outright support for the Jewish community of Rum: many Jewish leaders had given him their support during the civil war, and in return he showered the Jewish communities of Iconium, the iqta of Salman, and other cities throughout Anatolia with funds for the construction of synagogues and talmudic academies. One of the most famous Talmudic academies in Rumistan today was built in this period, the Blue Yeshiva of Nicaea, though in the 15th century it was considerably smaller and has since undergone several renovations. The Blue Yeshiva was originally headed by a rabbi from Iraq, who had travelled to the Aegean in the decades prior, and had gained prominence in the local Jewish community for his active role in supporting the Seljuq garrison during the Alexionite siege of Prusa.

While empowering Kurdish bands and currying support within the Jewish community, he was also reforming the system of grain levies originally established by his namesake and forebear Kilij Arslan IV. He finally instituted a modified form of the reforms suggested by Sayar, wife of Sultan Mahmoud Shah, taking the original concept of state and noble-appointed representatives and transforming it into a smaller number of larger districts, each headed by a representative chosen by the central government of Iconium. All power was taken away from the nobles and iqta-holders, and instead primacy was given to state bureaucrats and local merchants, giving Sultan Kilij Arslan V much favor amongst the Roman and Armenian mercantile communities. There were even several areas where the redrawn district borders did not follow the traditional delineations between iqtas and other noble holdings. Additionally, Sultan Kilij Arslan V decreed that only the Sultan could have the power to issue a grain dole in times of need, and that all grain would be stored in a newly constructed building in Iconium. A new bureaucratic post was established, the “Vizier of Bread”, with a close Muslim Armenian friend of the Sultan appointed to the position. The grain redistribution system was now much more established and realized, after the rather vague policies begun by Sultan Kilij Arslan IV in the 13th century. In traditional Turcoman histories, Sultan Kilij Arslan V is singularly thanked for these reforms, but based on how often the Sultan was outside of Iconium and how little he likely knew of actual legal reform, that this was handled by a close friend or ally. A common conclusion drawn by historians is that the sadly obscure Muslim Armenian who first held the post of Vizier of Bread may have been the chief figure behind the rapidly instituted reforms.

One of the chief reasonings behind the belief that Sultan Kilij Arslan V could not have been the one heading most of the reforms is that, only a few short years after his return to Iconium following the victory against the Mameluks, he was on the battlefield once again. There were claims of raids by formerly rebellious Kurdish tribes who had once bent the knee to Muhammad, brother of Kilij Arslan, and in the court of Iconium there were whispers that the malformed claimant may use the agitations amongst the exiled Kurds to his advantage. Marching out of Iconium in the fall of 1421 (824), Sultan Kilij Arslan V planned to push into the Jazira and defeat the once rebellious Kurds there, bringing the region of northern Mesopotamia into his realm. Even the time which he left the city was carefully planned: he knew that the predominantly pastoralist regions of eastern Anatolia and the Jazira would have little produce in the autumn of 1421 (824), and so was desirous of arriving in the following spring, having gained provision from the farms of Anatolia along the way. His forces, thousands of Turcoman cavalry and Armenian pikemen, supplemented by a small cadre of rocket-wielding powder masters, crossed into the Jazira in 1422 (824).

Northern Mesopotamia following the collapse of the Ilkhanate was a very unstable and decentralized region. At first, the cities attempted to assert their independence, the sizable Assyrian and Armenian populations of towns and villages like Mosul, Erbil, and Ashur declaring themselves fully independent from the repressive Ilkhans who dominated them before. However, this state of affairs was quite short lived, as nomadic Arabs and Kurds came to dominate the affairs of the Assyrian cities. For a time, there was a very informal situation in al-Jazira, with fully independent cities and fully independent nomadic bands occasionally quarrelling with one another. However, this state of affairs collapsed in on itself when Kurds fleeing Kilij Arslan’s victory in the civil war defeated local Kurdish and Bedouin bands, dominating the region with their own independent confederation of Kurdish tribes. Referred to as the Jazira Confederation in modern historiography, this new and dominant group of tribal bands quickly made enemies of itself in the local Kurdish tribes, many of which were not given nearly the same level of autonomy they had following the collapse of the Ilkhanate, as well as enemies of the Assyrian and Armenian communities of the cities, primarily for repressing their normal mercantile activity and regularly harassing their cities and churches. Sultan Kilij Arslan V could not have come at a better time to consolidate power in northern Mesopotamia.

His campaign began with several small victories against small contingents of Kurds, primarily made up of the same bandits who were regularly raiding into his territory. It would seem that the decentralized nature of the Jazira Confederation gave their sheikhs much difficulty in putting forward an effective response. After weeks of campaigning in the countryside of the Jazira, defeating the Kurds battle after battle and capturing village after village to ensure that they would not be encircled, Sultan Kilij Arslan V reached the city of Diyaru Bakir, issuing the garrison of the city an ultimatum: if the city submits to him and lays open their gates, they will be given additional forces to protect them from Kurdish armies and none of the soldiers defending the city will be harmed. The city was mostly inhabited by Arabs and Assyrians who were much displeased by the actions of their Kurdish overlords, and so readily opened their gates. Similar reactions welcomed the Sultan in Urha and in Merida, but the forces of the Confederation and of Arab and Persian groups relatively loyal to them grouped up to present a final challenge to the Sultan, as he pushed on south, following his securing of the north of the Jazira. Sultan Kilij Arslan V faced off against Kurdish forces outside of the city of Zakho, defeating them and breaking down the walls of the small city with his explosives, opening up the way further south. It was around this point, in 1424 (826), that two things happened: the Kingdom of Georgia began its effort to reconquer its homeland from the White Tatars, and Sultan Kilij Arslan V issued his edict guaranteeing special rights and exemptions for the Assyrians and Armenians in the cities he was in the process of conquering. Thus began the Mosul Uprising, an armed rebellion of Assyrians in the city of Mosul, previously functioning as the effective capital of the Jazira Confederation.

With Kurdish forces split into contingents defending Mosul and putting down the rebellion and a smaller force facing off against Sultan Kilij Arslan V, all was poised for a complete and utter defeat. Kilij Arslan V met the forces of the Jazira Confederation in battle somewhat near the river Euphrates (the so-called “Battle of the Euphrates”), defeating them handily with a mix of cavalry charges and firing of “Chinese rockets” imported from Syria. The remainder of the Confederation proceeded to collapse, falling into squabbling amongst themselves, as Sultan Kilij Arslan V entered Mosul triumphant. By 1425 (827), he had completed his conquest of the north of the Jazira, leaving the southern regions to fight amongst themselves and remain divided. Returning north, the Sultan spent only a short few months in Iconium before traveling eastward once again to assist Georgia in their reconquest of the lands taken over by the White Tatars. He arrived in Georgia in 1426 (828), and died on the battlefield in 1429 (830). His body was buried in the city of Kars, and a large stone memorial to him constructed by the King of Georgia. He was only Sultan for 16 years, but had well and truly left his mark even by the time he was only 52. And, since he had been Sultan for such a short time, he left behind only one heir: a son who was born while he was fighting the civil war against his brother Muhammad, a young boy only 19 years of age named Mehmet.
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The extent of the Sultanate of Rum following the death of Sultan Kilij Arslan V in 1429
 
I can see Kilij Arslan V being hailed the sultan that unified Rumistan in the same way as Emperor Diocletian. Kinda worried for his kid though; someone that young is an easy target for manipulative sycophants.
 
After reading the Update on Gunpowder, I'm curious to know what these Wars in Italy are and how they might impact politics within the HRE and the rest of Western Europe. In addition, did the "Era of Gunpowder Warlords" spread to the Indian subcontinent. In an earlier update, you had mentioned the Delhi Sultanate was in a bad shape and was declining so it seems like someone ambitious chieftain or warlord in the Persophere might take advantage of the situation there.

Also, since a lot of the timeline focuses on the history and current affairs of Muslim polities, how is the Emirate of Granada doing? I'm pretty sure that the Reconquista will turn out differently ITTL if a full Reconquista does occur. I'm curious if Rum will support its fellow Muslims in Granada and if Rum decides to get more involved in Europe as a whole, as you did mention that Kilij Arslan can make Rum's focus outward now.

I will be posting an update (or series of updates) in the relative near future (probably after a series of posts regarding affairs in Rum) focusing on western Europe, so expect to have all of your questions about Italy, Germany, and the rest of western Europe answered then! However, I can answer somewhat on the questions about Granada. As of the early 15th century, the role of Islam in Hispania has been confined to a small emirate on the southernmost coast of Iberia. It is very, very unlikely that al-Andalus can ever recover or ever be on the same footing. The kingdoms of Portugal, Castile, Navarre, and Aragon have been regularly squabbling amongst themselves for centuries, leaving Granada relatively alone, but as the years grind on it is very likely that one of them, most likely Castile since they are the Kingdom which completely surrounds them, will conquer them. The Sultanate of Rum does support Granada, but simply put the Emirate is just too far away to truly concern them. However, the states in Morocco are much more interested, and have offered their full support to the Emirate in the event of an invasion.

I can see Kilij Arslan V being hailed the sultan that unified Rumistan in the same way as Emperor Diocletian. Kinda worried for his kid though; someone that young is an easy target for manipulative sycophants.

Sultan Kilij Arslan V is remembered in a very positive light, you're entirely right! Probably not the most well-remembered of the many Seljuq Sultans, but definitely up there. Also, you're totally right on that last comment.
 
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