The Sudeten War: History of the World after an Alternate 1938

Only nitpick is that, by 1943, Poland's armored forces should be supplemented a bit with 10TP and 14TP models.
The 10TP was cancelled in favor of the 14TP OTL. It is indeed weird that the Polish and Czech tanks aren't better by 1943. Even with the huge delays caused by the war in 1938 the Czech should have been able to introduce the ST Vz.39 medium tank and probably modernized it already, on top of the LT Vz.38.

And in Poland, the 7TP wz.39 was also close to entering production OTL when Germany invaded (or entered production). With welded armor that is 40mm thick at the front and a better engine, there should be a lot of them by 1943 (100 were ordered to be fully delivered by June 1940 already). Hardly a pushover against Czech tanks. It stands to reason that a Christie type tank like the 14TP would have entered service by this point too in spite of the issues with finding a suitable engine (if anything they will probably get non-defective Maybach engines with Germany needing money), probably with the welded armor technology of the 7TP wz.39. Probably would have been more extensively redesigned. There is also the 25TP tank project.
Poland was also progressively sorting out its aircraft procurement thanks to the license production of powerful engines. It stands to reason that most of the good designs would have entered production by 1941 at least.

There is little reason to assume that Poland would have reduced its military spending in 1939 relative to OTL even with Germany getting a bloody nose in 1938, moreso since the USSR got way more involved in Eastern European politics. In this regard and looking at OTL trends and the fact that Poland was also ordering from France and the UK which would have had reasonably strong military industries past 1940 (even if rearmament is slowed down a bit with Germany being weakened), Poland should have been no slouch in 1943 against Czechoslovakia.
 

bguy

Donor
The Japanese occupation of Indochina brought on the embargo, but other things might also have done so. Washington and London might have felt that, with the European scene somewhat less alarming, they could take a stronger line against Japan. After all trying to end the war in China was a completely legitimate foreign policy goal for Washington and London. A Republican administration, assuming that one comes after the 1940 election, might have been even more pro-China. I would expect an oil embargo ITTL to be in place by the end of 1941, perhaps in response to fresh atrocities in China, or incidents on the high seas. I would further expect it to be backed up by significant naval & air reinforcements at Singapore and in the Philippines. That would put Tokyo in a bind. Their only diplomatic option at that point would be trying for an alliance with Moscow, but that almost certainly wouldn't work. Tokyo and Moscow have too many clashing interests in the Far East. Japan might also try intriguing with Paris, but that would go nowhere. Tokyo's only other options then would be a) Unsupported, suicidal war against the US & UK, or b) withdrawal from China (which might entail civil war in Japan, given the humiliation & costs involved).

Even absent the embargo, Britain and/or the US supplying China is going to be a major problem for Japan. I doubt the Japanese can pressure a United Kingdom that isn't distracted by Hitler into closing the Burma Road and especially not with Halifax as PM (IIRC Halifax favored taking a tough line against Japan.) And Japan's position in China isn't going to be sustainable for very long if the Chinese are receiving massive arms shipments from the western powers. IOTL 1941 saw the US agree to a plan to equip 30 Chinese divisions. If FDR does get elected to a third term then that plan or something similar likely gets enacted which means Japan either has to close the Burma Road or it will soon be facing a much more powerful Chinese Army.
 
This disunity enabled Stalin to get away with one more thing: he browbeat Lithuania into signing a military alliance which allowed the Soviets to establish military bases on their territory. Lithuania would see a communist coup and the country would then “petition” to join the USSR, falling under a brutal Soviet occupation. Latvia and Estonia would meet the same fate within one year and other than diplomatic protests no-one did anything about it. The Baltic States were too small to go to war over.

IIRC all the baltic states became right-wing anti-communist dictatorships in the 1920s and 1930s, so would Lithuania really willingly allow Soviets (although an opportunistic friendly nation at the moment, it still poses an existential threat to the country that was part of the former Russian Empire) to base troops in their territory? The country had no land border with the USSR which makes its position relatively "safe" under the Polish buffer. Or do they have shared borders after the war with Poland?
 
IIRC all the baltic states became right-wing anti-communist dictatorships in the 1920s and 1930s, so would Lithuania really willingly allow Soviets (although an opportunistic friendly nation at the moment, it still poses an existential threat to the country that was part of the former Russian Empire) to base troops in their territory? The country had no land border with the USSR which makes its position relatively "safe" under the Polish buffer. Or do they have shared borders after the war with Poland?
Lithuania did actually have a treaty with the USSR otl of semi-alliance aimed against Poland and promised to allow Soviet troops on Lithuanian soil if war broke out with Poland if Lithuania was attacked by Poland. Which happens here ittl.
 
Chapter XI: The Soviet-Japanese War, 1943-1944.
Russian bear angry at Japan!


Chapter XI: The Soviet-Japanese War, 1943-1944.

The ongoing Second Sino-Japanese War remained an ongoing concern and source of tensions in East Asia. It looked like the war could last for many more years as China by itself lacked the strength to evict the Japanese invaders. During his first and second terms Roosevelt had done little to help China and even struck trade agreements with Japan. The lobby to aid China grew after events like the Rape of Nanjing and the sinking of the USS Panay sharply swung public opinion against Japan, even more so when things like the use of chemical and biological weapons on civilians was revealed by the press. Between 1937 and 1940, the United States exported over $700 million worth of military supplies and a total amount of goods worth $1 billion. The pressure to stop supplying Japan with the goods needed to sustain the war in China and continue to mete out terror to the Chinese people grew. During his third and final term, however, Roosevelt, didn’t proceed much beyond increasing export duties for goods to Japan, which made it more expensive but not impossible for Japan to buy what it needed in the US: replacement parts, oil, steel, rubber and so on. Washington DC also issued some major loans to the Kuomintang regime so they could import weapons and fuel from European countries and their colonies. Japan didn’t like these moves at all, but the threat didn’t come from the USA as some in Tokyo feared, but from another completely unexpected direction: the Soviet Union. And the pro-China lobby would cheer for them.

Soviet-Japanese border conflicts had been taking place since 1932. Japanese expansion in Manchuria, which bordered the Soviet Far East, and disputes over the demarcation line led to tensions and border violations as well as accusations of the other doing so. Unintentional violations took place between Manchukuo and the Mongolian People’s Republic, but there were also acts of espionage. Soviet-Japanese relations hit rock bottom with the Soviets calling the Japanese “fascists” at the 7th Comintern Congress in July 1935. The border conflicts escalated into full-scale battles in the late 30s with the Battle of Lake Khasan (July-August 1938) and the Battle of Khalkhin Gol (May-September 1939) being the largest. The Battle of Lake Khasan was a Japanese tactical success as they had suffered a lot less casualties against a much larger force, but it’s considered a Soviet victory as the Japanese withdrew from Changkufeng and accepted a diplomatic settlement. The Battle of Khalkhin Gol escalated from border skirmishes into corps-sized engagements in which the Soviets had the edge in manpower and armament. After a stalemate following a Japanese attack and a Soviet counterattack in July, probing attacks in August, and a Soviet build-up, the battle ended in a resounding Soviet victory. In late August the Red Army obliterated Japanese forces at Nomonhan on the Soviet side of the Halha River. This resulted in the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact being signed in April 1941.

In the two years that followed Japan pursued its ongoing war in China with supreme confidence that there wouldn’t be any further foreign interference now that the rivalry with the USSR was settled and that Roosevelt had to consider the isolationist lobby before doing anything. With its northern flank secure, Japan redoubled its efforts to conquer more of China by redeploying forces from Manchuria to other fronts in China. Its puppet states Manchukuo, Mengjiang and Wang Jingwei’s republican puppet government in Nanjing proved ineffective and unpopular, largely because of Japanese atrocities and their unwillingness to delegate any real power. The irony escaped them. They did realize this left further military campaigns as the only course of action (the Collaborationist Chinese Army, numbering up to 700.000 men, was only suitable for maintaining public security in occupied areas).

The Imperial Japanese Army’s campaigns of the years 1941-’43 focused on the southern coastal provinces of Zhejiang, Fujian and Guangdong. Japan only controlled some coastal pockets in those provinces and wanted to extend its complete control down to the border with French Indochina, which would heavily involve the navy in support of amphibious operations. The Imperial Japanese Navy demonstrated its mighty super battleships Yamato and Musashi, which used their 46 cm (18.1 inch) main guns for coastal bombardment and suppressive fire against targets further inland (the revelation of the actual size of these ships spurred the other naval powers to build ships to match). The Chinese navy was merely a riverine force and posed no challenge at all. Japan’s heavy combined army-navy operations were successful in achieving the objective, which meant that by spring 1943 the entire length of China’s coast was under Japanese control. The result was that the powers supporting China could only supply it by much more difficult overland routes from now on. Still, Japan only controlled about a third of China and it still looked like the war would last for years, even decades.

Japan pressed forward, innumerable international protests notwithstanding as Tokyo was confident no-one would act. After all, the Second Sino-Japanese War had begun in 1937 and if anyone had wanted to do something about it they would have by now. The war itself now became a stalemate: China was too weak to push the Japanese invaders out, but Japan wasn’t powerful enough to advance further. A 1943 American caricature summarized the war strikingly by depicting an aggressive tiger attacking an old elephant; the tired elephant was too big for the tiger, but the latter continued to attack and bite of chunks of flesh off nonetheless. The war had lasted for six years by now and could last for many more years if no-one intervened.

Stalin’s paranoid mind was confident that the bilateral Anglo-German pact would transform into a quadripartite anti-Soviet bloc that would include France and Italy too. Stalin believed such a force would ultimately culminate in a general Western effort to smother communism in Europe at the very least, overturning Moscow’s recent successes in Czechoslovakia, Lithuania and Spain. Stalin interpreted European non-interference in China as tacit approval for Japanese imperialism and feared it wouldn’t end there, believing the European great powers would ally with Tokyo to invade the USSR from both sides. The Soviet tyrant saw two possible ways of neutralizing a European-Japanese bloc: allying with Japan and dividing China into spheres of influence or allying with China to drive Japan out of the country and maybe even out of the Asian mainland. Believing the Western colonial powers secretly sided with Japan, in contrast to their public statements, Stalin decided he would attack the Japanese soon. He didn’t believe Japan could be trusted if he allied with them.

Operation Mongol was the Soviet Union’s codename for their planned invasion of Manchuria, which was set to take place in August 1943. Soviet planners knew from intelligence that the Kwantung Army in Manchuria had been decreased to 500.000 men as Japan had redeployed troops to other theatres in China. Stavka wasn’t about to take any chances when it came to a full scale war with Japan and planned to attack with over twice as many men to ensure success. The operation would involve 1.2 million men, 20.000 artillery pieces, 1.000 Katyusha rocket launchers, 5.000 tanks and other armoured vehicles, and 3.000 aircraft. Imperial Japanese forces numbered half a million men, 4.500 artillery guns, 1.900 tanks and other armoured vehicles, and 1.500 aircraft. Manchukuo’s army numbered another 170.000 men. In the weeks leading up to the attack the Soviets built up their forces and using “maskirovka” managed to conceal this.

Outside Moscow, only Kuomintang leader Chiang Kai-shek and his inner circle knew as the Soviets had informed them two months prior with instructions to keep this a complete secret (the communists were not informed as Stalin had decided to place all his bets on the nationalist KMT). They did as instructed and began preparing for offensives of their own in support, particularly in the Suiyuan and Shanxi provinces as these areas were closest to Beijing. Chiang Kai-shek intended to parade in Beijing after conquering it before the Soviets did, establishing himself as the leader of China rather than a puppet installed by Moscow.

The Soviets unleashed Operation Mongol on August 5th 1943, catching the Japanese completely by surprise as they hadn’t detected the build-up and felt secure due to the non-aggression pact in place between the two countries. In charge of the Soviet operation was Marshal Semyon Timoshenko (cronies like Voroshilov and Budyonny had fallen out of favour due to the problems the Red Army had faced in 1938). The operation began with a massive artillery bombardment at 04:30 AM with Katyusha rockets and shells up to a calibre of 152 mm. Having incorporated the lessons of 1938, the Red Army had completed its transformation to a mechanized force capable of executing Deep Operations: tanks rushed into Manchuria with accurate air and artillery while infantry rapidly followed. The western pincer consisting of the Transbaikal Front advanced over the deserts and mountains of Mongolia, the eastern pincer consisting of the 1st Far Eastern Front crossed the Ussuri River around Khanka Lake and advanced to Suifenhe, and the 2nd Far Eastern Front acted in a supporting role by attacking Harbin and Qiqihar as well as attempting to prevent an orderly Japanese withdrawal.

What unfolded was an unmitigated military catastrophe for Japan and a Sino-Soviet triumph despite fierce and relentless Japanese resistance. The Soviet invasion, a double pincer movement over an area the size of Western Europe, was executed superbly. The Red Army had advanced deep into Manchukuo, taking Changchun, Qiqihar and ultimately Mukden in southern Manchuria on September 5th. This put them within 200 kilometres of the Yalu River, which constituted the border between Manchuria and Korea (a colony of Japan since its annexation in 1910). Meanwhile, three days after the Soviet invasion of Manchuria had begun, 400.000 men of the National Revolutionary Army under the personal command of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek had launched the Datong-Taiyuan Offensive, the largest and most ambitious Chinese offensive in years. By early September, the Chinese advance had fallen far short of Beijing as they were halted 30 kilometres west of Baoding and 200 km southwest of Beijing, but it was the greatest success in years. Japanese generals feared Beijing and the sliver of Manchuria still under their control would be cut off from the rest of occupied China if the Kuomintang continued its advance eastward to the coast of the Bohai Sea.

The Soviet-Japanese War, also known as the Second Russo-Japanese War, continued as Tokyo refused a peace settlement propositioned by Stalin and Chiang. The deal would have them withdraw from mainland China completely and allow them to keep Korea and Taiwan, a peace the Soviets and the Chinese thought was face saving for the Japanese Chiang was upset about not getting Taiwan back in this offer, but the Soviets didn’t have the naval power to invade it. Japan’s refusal to entertain such a conditional surrender rendered the issue moot.

Japan’s political and military leaders, however, were imbued with a modern interpretation of the Bushido warrior code, which made them regard surrender as cowardly and dishonourable. Besides that, Japan had begun diplomatic offensives and wanted to await their outcome as they had highly unrealistic hopes about them. Prime Minister Hideki Tojo believed the Western powers would join Japan to prevent a communist China, but no such thing happened. Though there was some concern over the Soviet Union’s interference in China, the leaders of the West didn’t see Chiang Kai-shek as a communist. Secondly, the Western powers pretty much universally condemned Japan’s war of aggression in China. Post-Hitler Germany, the country Japan had counted on in particular, wasn’t interested in a war of aggression against the USSR. Mussolini was also secretly being courted by Moscow to come to an agreement about spheres of influence in the Balkans, so he wouldn’t have helped the Japanese even if he could have.

The war continued in the autumn of 1943, starting with an attempted Japanese counteroffensive against the Red Army after the Soviet advance had stopped at Mukden in early September. Believing the Soviets had run out of steam and had advanced too far from their logistical support, Japanese commanders considered this to be the right time for it. In an extremely unrealistic case of wishful thinking, they thought they could beat the Soviets with troops from other parts of China and fresh units from the Home Islands and then stymy any possible Chinese attempts to benefit from the current situation. The Japanese replenished their severe losses with troops from the rest of China, where they only left behind light screening forces. Forces were sent from Korea as well while reservists and fresh recruits were brought in from the Home Islands. The Mukden Offensive or Second Battle of Mukden, launched on September 15th, started with an artillery bombardment that saw the use of phosgene, chlorine and mustard gas. The element of surprise allowed the Japanese to advance rapidly and recapture Mukden, but this created a long protruding salient. Soviet resistance quickly stiffened and the Japanese had to withdraw to prevent the salient from being cut off and all the troops in it from being lost. The second Soviet capture has since become known as the Third Battle of Mukden and the beginning of the end for Japan’s colonial empire.

The immediate Soviet counteroffensive began with an enormous shelling with mustard gas to retaliate for Japan’s use of chemical weapons. The offensive resulted in the Japanese being driven across the Yalu River separating China from Korea by early October. As a result of the fact that the Imperial Japanese Army had only left behind light screening forces to get more manpower for its failed gambit at Mukden, a string of Chinese victories pushed the Japanese to the coast. Units of the Chinese Collaborationist Army surrendered in droves to the National Revolutionary Army. By far the greatest success was that Kuomintang forces indeed liberated Beijing on October 21st 1943, addressing the nation from the Tiananmen Gate whilst overseeing a military parade on Tiananmen Square. China had been at war for six years and Manchuria had been under occupation for twelve years. Chiang held a long speech, but most just remember its most important segment: “Dear countrymen, I hereby today formally declare that we, the Chinese people, have overcome the aggressive, premeditated fascist Japanese invaders through our own courage, hard work and perseverance. The significant help of our great Soviet ally, to whom we owe a great deal, must also not be forgotten. Now the war continues until Japan is no longer a threat to us and our Korean brethren are also free.”

While to many it came as a surprise, Chiang Kai-shek had already been aware that the war would continue into Korea since October 5th. Chiang arrived in Moscow by plane that day at noon for a summit with Soviet leader Stalin to discuss how to proceed given that Tokyo had rejected the terms of surrender presented to it one month ago. Chiang was driven to Stalin’s highly secure dacha in the town of Kuntsevo as Stalin felt safest there. It had a double-perimeter fence, camouflaged 30 mm anti-aircraft guns and a security force of 300 NKVD agents, which was doubled for this occasion. What quickly became clear that day during formal and informal moments switching between the dining room and Stalin’s study was that the Soviet leader wouldn’t stop at liberating China.

During their meeting Stalin quickly revealed he wouldn’t give the Japanese such lenient peace terms again if they changed their mind about peace. Chiang initially said he wouldn’t stop the Soviets from continuing their war against Japan and would allow them the use of Manchurian railways to supply their forces, but also that he wouldn’t participate militarily as the reconstruction of his country required all of his attention after its liberation. Stalin had expected this and used a set of simple yet compelling arguments to change Chiang’s mind. His first argument was that driving the Japanese back across the river Yalu simply wouldn’t suffice because they could use their colony Korea as a launchpad for future aggression to avenge their defeat after rebuilding their army.

Secondly, whilst preparing for revenge, Japan would definitely try to mobilize international opinion against China and its Soviet ally by pointing out to the Western capitalist colonial powers the threat of a strong, united and above all anti-imperialist China. Stalin provided intelligence data indicating the Japanese were already doing this. If Korea remained under Japanese rule, then it wouldn’t just become the staging area for a potential invasion of China (again) but also a conduit for Western imperialist powers to subdue China. Stalin told Chiang that “if our victory doesn’t neutralize Japan on mainland Asia, it will assemble the capitalist imperialist nations of the West to repeat what they did in 1901.” It was a reference to the Boxer Rebellion (1899-1901) in which China suffered a humiliating defeat at the hands of the Eight-Nation Alliance. All of this sounded very convincing to Chiang as he didn’t trust the Japanese either, and answered he was sympathetic to assisting a Soviet liberation of Korea.

The major stumbling block to China fighting on any longer was the terrible state of disrepair its economy and infrastructure were in after six years of brutal war against Japan. Besides the war damage, the Imperial Japanese Army had carried out a scorched earth policy during its withdrawal from Chinese soil. Mines, entire industrial areas full of factories, power plants, parts of the already underdeveloped electrical grid, railways, bridges and ports had all been left devastated. Beyond that, the war had cost an astronomical amount of money and rebuilding the country would require even more, which creditors were unlikely to give if China kept on fighting. Under these circumstances Chiang felt he could go no further than a “Chinese Expeditionary Force” of five to ten divisions, or circa 75.000-150.000 men.

A deal was signed known as the Sino-Soviet Commercial Agreement, which made China dependent on the USSR for years to come. The Soviet Union would annually supply the Republic of China with 1.4 million tonnes of grain, wheat and cereals, 2.5 million tonnes of coal, 1 million tonnes of petroleum, 500.000 tonnes of metallic ores like iron ore and manganese, 300.000 tonnes of steel, 250.000 tonnes of rubber, 90.000 of cement and 75.000 tonnes of phosphates for the next four years (1943-’47). The Soviets would continue to supply half that amount for the four years after that (’47-’51). In return Chiang Kai-shek agreed to a number of things. First of all, he unsurprisingly agreed to commit no less than thirty divisions or about 450.000 men to the continuation of the war against Japan in Korea. Secondly, he agreed to a fifty year lease of the Chinese Eastern Railway and a Soviet military presence within 30 km of its tracks. Lastly, he agreed to lease Dalian (known as Port Arthur until 1905) as a naval base to the Soviet Navy for fifty years as well.

The Red Army began its winter campaign by crossing the frozen Yalu River on December 1st and faced hastily erected Japanese defensive lines that used the mountainous geography of Korea to the greatest effect, slowing the pace of the Soviet invasion and seriously increasing its casualty rate. Japanese commanders hoped that through a tactically strong defence and sheer fanaticism the Soviets would come to see the war was too costly and not worth pursuing. Stalin didn’t care about casualties, only about results. He increased the strength of the Soviet presence in the Far East to 1.5 million men and with the Chinese Expeditionary Force added to that the manpower available to him reached 2 million. The numerical disparity was 2:1 and in certain areas of equipment like armour and artillery the gap was much greater than that, besides the Red Army’s qualitative edge in those areas. The result was that Korea was almost completely conquered in approximately ten weeks except for a pocket around Busan through which the navy evacuated the last soldiers under the cover fire of mighty battleship guns.

Korea’s future had already been decided on by Stalin: as it was a bit too big to be annexed and because it would serve the Soviet Union’s anti-imperialist credentials better, it would become independent. Stalin of course had a different interpretation of independence as he intended to transform the country into a vassal state ruled by a communist party on the Stalinist model. The Communist Party of Korea had operated underground for years, but now it emerged out in the open and in a utterly fraudulent elections won 80% of the vote for a new parliament, renamed to Supreme People’s Assembly. Its leader Pak Hon-yong assumed the post of Premier of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Its newly founded army, the Korean People’s Army, became the recipient of Soviets weapons, supplies and training. Its economy was developed in the same way as the Soviet Union’s with Five Year Plans emphasizing mining of the coal reserves and metallic ores it was well endowed with and building up heavy industry and military production.

As to ending the war, that should’ve been but a formality after the last Japanese troops had been evacuated from Busan on February 17th. Tokyo, however, stubbornly ignored the Soviet offer to end the war and imposed a naval blockade on Korean ports to enforce a total economic embargo. The tiny Soviet Pacific Fleet was powerless to stop it, though Soviet submarines did harass the Japanese and with a lucky hit sank battleship Yamashiro (this was the second time a U-boat sank a battleship, five years after the U-26, though this time it wasn’t a moored battleship but one ready to fight). What ultimately nullified the blockade was the fact that Japan didn’t dare to do the same to China as shooting at Western merchant vessels for not complying with the blockade would cost Japan what little sympathy it enjoyed in the West. Its attempts to create a Red Scare in the West didn’t pan out either as Korea was so far removed from their interests, though there was serious surprise that Japan was defeated so quickly. Japan enjoyed its only major military success of the war by conquering northern Sakhalin (the island had been partitioned with the northern half under Russian control while Japan controlled the south from 1905 onward). The war could’ve gone on indefinitely like this as the Soviets could not engage the enemy effectively anymore for lack of a serious navy. What they did have was an air force and Stalin had a score to settle for the continued use of chemical weapons during the fighting in Korea: 100 Il-4 bombers bombed the city of Sapporo on Hokkaido, the northernmost of the Home Islands, with mustard gas. The move was condemned internationally, but it had the desired effect: it showed the world he was not to be trifled with and forced Japan to the negotiating table.

In March diplomatic delegations of the USSR, the Republic of China and the Empire of Japan convened in Mukden, not coincidentally a city with significant Russian influence but also the site of the Mukden Palace (the official residence of the first three Qing Emperors, back when the Qing Dynasty wasn’t a source of embarrassment yet). In Treaty of Mukden Japan gave up its concessions in China, which Chinese forces had occupied anyway, and returned to the pre-1937 border other than that. This meant that Taiwan, heavily Japanized and under Tokyo’s control since 1895, remained part of Japan as its only remaining colony. Chinese demands that would’ve humiliated Japan and couldn’t be enforced like a formal apology, war reparations and extradition of former Emperor Pu Yi to stand trial for treason didn’t make it to the final draft (Pu Yi died in exile in Britain in 1981, where he moved after fleeing to Japan, after writing his bestselling autobiography titled “The Last Emperor”). Stalin was in no mood to drag the war out longer than necessary for China’s pride. As to Korea, Japan reluctantly recognized its independence, but annexed the Liancourt Rocks, Ulleungdo Island and Jeju Island despite Korean claims. Jeju, the largest of these islands, saw the arrival of 200.000 Koreans who had collaborated with the Japanese. Japan also kept northern Sakhalin as a consolation prize. This treaty formally ended the war on May 1st 1944, Labour Day, making this Soviet holiday even more joyous. Stalin had secured his eastern flank.

The Soviet Union had gained an ally in Chiang Kai-shek. His enthusiasm about Asian nationalism flared up after the end of the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1944. As far as Chiang was concerned China would replace Japan as the leading power of Asia. After Japan had clearly abused anti-imperialist, pan-Asian rhetoric as a front for its own brutal form of colonialism, Chiang Kai-shek presented Sun Yat-sen’s Three Principles as a genuine alternative and the best hope for all those Asian peoples longing for freedom. Chiang’s ambitions were observed with great interest by Moscow as a strong enough China could distract the Western powers thousands of miles from home.
 
Last edited:
Stalin is having quite a field day with the Soviet's foreign wars in Spain, Czechoslovakia, and China. Time will tell though before ol' Uncle Joe crosses the lines with the rest of the world's great powers.
 
thing is i don't understand why Stalin is being so reckless. I can agree that the USSR could stumble into war, however Stalin never took a fight he amd the politburo and the military thought they couldn't win with, and even then Stalin kept the country isolated for 2 decades. Stalin would not act this rashly and neither would he act so brazenly.
 
thing is i don't understand why Stalin is being so reckless. I can agree that the USSR could stumble into war, however Stalin never took a fight he amd the politburo and the military thought they couldn't win with, and even then Stalin kept the country isolated for 2 decades. Stalin would not act this rashly and neither would he act so brazenly.

The man was paranoid and there's no reason that that paranoia couldn't be directed toward foreign rivals. Besides that, in this case he's not being all that reckless as Japan was seriously isolated because of its war in China. Japan is just about the only great power he could've attacked with everybody else staying aloof.
 
The man was paranoid and there's no reason that that paranoia couldn't be directed toward foreign rivals. Besides that, in this case he's not being all that reckless as Japan was seriously isolated because of its war in China. Japan is just about the only great power he could've attacked with everybody else staying aloof.
Before war broke out in 1941 Britain, America and France had a significant amount of investiture bonds present in Japan. It was isolated diplomatically, but not economically. One of the major reasons why japanese production took a massive hit otl was the withdrawal of western firms and investment. Japan was not isolated economically. And that would be a huge prerogative for the Soviets to take into account.
 
The Army so thoroughly discredited, the civilian government only have to deal with the navy. At least said navy ranks Third in the World so the Home Island is protected.

Stalin keeping Chiang at the helms rather than supporting a communist takeover will sooth a lot of ruffled feathers, even if they couldn't really do anything. Now the Rodina is secured and the Revolution can continue. Without a German Invasion to disrupt their plans the industrialization of the east past the Urals will be even more significant, and there is a population to settle it.
 
Last edited:
Now, thought Stalin, would be a great time to regain Alaska.

Stalin was many things but anyone couldn't call him as suicidial idiot. He is not going to invade USA if not be sure that he could win a fight.

Finland is more plausible way and even that hardly is going to happen when UK and France have now shown that they are going oppose such ideas.
 
Does the IJA finally start taking tanks and combined arms seriously? Even Tojo should realize by now that "infantry uber alles" is horsecrap.
 

ferdi254

Banned
The only thing ITTL is how fast the Red Army changes. OTL they looked at the success of Germany and did nothing. Same with France. Then they received Barbarossa and still it took them full two years to get their troops ready for such attacks. And having radio so widespread would simply be beyond the capabilities of the industry.
 
Japan also kept northern Sakhalin as a consolation prize. This treaty formally ended the war on May 1st 1944, Labour Day, making this Soviet holiday even more joyous. Stalin had secured his eastern flank.
No way Stalin lets the Japanese keep Sakhalin. At the very least, he would insist on returning the northern part, and that only because the USSR is unable to mount a naval invasion to get the whole island.
 
The only thing ITTL is how fast the Red Army changes. OTL they looked at the success of Germany and did nothing. Same with France. Then they received Barbarossa and still it took them full two years to get their troops ready for such attacks. And having radio so widespread would simply be beyond the capabilities of the industry.
I'm going to confess I was not following the TL when the posts about the actual Sudeten War went up and "New Posts" jumped me past it, so I should go back and read exactly how Soviet troops got to Czechoslovakia and what they did there.

But there is a world of difference between a few observers, largely spies, taking notes on what two other armies do versus having your own regular officers and troops engaged directly with an enemy. Also the timing of the 1938 war preempts a lot of the infamous purges. OTL Stalin was jealous as hell of the expeditionary "volunteers" in Spain and their political fate upon returning to the Soviet Union was pretty dire. Here however substantial numbers of Red Army ranks from raw recruits to high commanders were fighting the Wehrmacht and Luftwaffe, such as it was in '38, face to face. Meanwhile the theoreticians at the Frunze and elsewhere in Red Stavka, who were experienced from the Great War and the Civil War, have their own more or less "Leninist" theories, which have a political element to them. They surely, like Patton in the famous movie of the name, are reading books by Rommel, and other Western theoreticians, and critically considering them in the light of their own preferred "Soviet" doctrines--OTL I gather they incorporated a lot of German stuff but with important differences. Here they have actual combat with the German geniuses, albeit relatively brief and less intense than the savage crucible of OTL Barbarossa, to think about. And then the ongoing Spanish Civil War for a laboratory to test and refine theory.

Then their next actual fight is against Japan, which Zhukov managed and won on its limited scale OTL. This is a third chance to test and refine their theories. "No battle plan survives contact with the enemy" and forces need a certain degree of initiative and flexibility to survive and prevail--but as the author noted, Stalin's regime would not be deterred by the cost of blunders, he'd just send more soldiers in. Against powers such as Britain or the USA that could draw on very large numbers too, in the British case with excellent drill training in advance, in the American case without that being so effective on green Yankee recruits, infamously, but also with US GI's demonstrating a remarkable capability to learn on the job, or of course against the superbly trained and disciplined and high numbers Wehrmacht of OTL 1940, this sloppy and bloody mentality costs dearly and might offset his numbers advantage. The Japanese were of course disciplined and effective man for man in their own way, but their numbers are sadly limited especially because they are spread out and bogged down trying to retain hostile control of huge swathes of China as well as Manchuria and Korea--in the latter two the despised and discriminated against local natives are I suppose more fatalistically acquiescent to Japanese rule and not a few are complicit in their regime and have every reason to fear Soviet conquest. So they are perhaps more asset than liability to the Japanese system. Certainly some of them are! And organized resistance if any is orders of magnitude less there--at least until the Red lines start steamrollering in.

That the USSR, with a whole lot of Chinese help, prevail against the IJA seems entirely reasonable to me.
Before war broke out in 1941 Britain, America and France had a significant amount of investiture bonds present in Japan. It was isolated diplomatically, but not economically. One of the major reasons why japanese production took a massive hit otl was the withdrawal of western firms and investment. Japan was not isolated economically. And that would be a huge prerogative for the Soviets to take into account.
Well gosh, by that argument no capitalist power can ever go to war against anyone who accepts investment from them. Yet OTL the USA was deeply hostile to Japan even before Pearl Harbor. The USN had been assuming their major challenge, likely next foe, was Japan since at least the 1920s. The US China Lobby would be more alarmed at Soviet initiative than the author suggests I think--but these people emphasized China over Japan. The latter was a loose cannon who could pose a serious threat and naturally Japanese domestic policy had to prioritize Japanese interest over that of any of their Western investors. The British were more ambivalent I think, I forget if I already mentioned Churchill's post-war memoirs of the war years in which he shared a sentiment that it was a pity the Americans strongarmed Britain into cutting their alliance ties with Japan. I think Churchill wrote and published those memoirs with a keen eye on their immediate political effect, at a time when Labour had gotten control of the Commons and 10 Downing. Obviously having fought a bitter war with the relentless Japanese many a Briton would have acquired a chip on their shoulder, not to mention any speaking up for Imperial Japan being unpopular with his Yankee audience. (Recent revisionists cite very private correspondence and other memoirs of candid talks with close political sympathies such as the King, showing Churchill played his true feelings very very close to the vest and invested in friendly-seeming dissembling with people he had serious quarrels with in truth--his career played up good feeling with Americans where he very privately fumed against their ascendency for instance. Post-war during the Cold War the Tories consistently favored as much independence from US hegemony as they could muster, while Labour tended to fall into line with US wishes. Yet Churchill never lost sight of the fact that Britain needed excellent relations with the USA, however costly and humiliating to British imperial pride this might be). Letting slip something like that suggests to me Churchill must have counted on substantial sympathy despite the bitterness of the late war among at least some key classes of Britons who agreed that this Yankee demand was unfortunate. Mind I think Churchill had enough realism to honestly suppose the Anglo-Japanese rift went deeper than just bratty Yanks petulantly demanding the British unfriend them.

Fundamentally this "we are all mutually profiting investors here" made sense up to the Crash of '29 and subsequent world depression. When there was enough profit to go around for all, the British could and did maintain fairly good relations with Japan despite Yankee muttering. With the Crash though, it was every nation for itself, and while the British imperial system gave them a lot of shock absorption and wiggle room to muddle through, cushioning the severity on UK subjects themselves, with the "white" Dominions of the Commonwealth also pretty well able to limp along on their relatively high per capita wealth and ample resources, much as the USA could get by on welfarism, I am quite sure this meant that a relaxed attitude toward letting the Japanese participate informally had to go by the board, in the interest of actual British subjects the regime cared about first. Japan has practically no resources, scanty farmland (enough, with fishing, to feed herself with policy strongly favoring their domestic agricultural sector, but quite frugally)--any prosperity on capitalist terms would require heavy trading with overseas partners. They had Taiwan, Korea and a scattering of tiny Pacific islands they seized from the Germans in the Great War (who had purchased them from Spain in the wake of Spain's defeat in the Spanish-American War) under their direct control. It is no accident at all that the warlords, notably the IJA, took power from the nominally liberal and parliamentary forms of Japanese government (always beholden to the upper classes and wealthy from Meiji days to be sure). Aside from a handful of Communists, easily arrested or driven deep underground, the common peasants of the Japanese countryside actually regarded the IJA as their spokesmen, and the gung-ho conquest policies offered gratification of their hopes and quelling their fears. Meanwhile objectively speaking Japanese industry needed resource inputs which they were no longer, in tight Depression markets, in a good position to purchase by selling manufactured goods--the various colonial regimes that largely controlled sources of raw material on the global markets were each trying to nurse along their own domestic industry as top priority, leaving damn little to no demand for Japanese imports, hence no funds to buy working material inputs with. Were it not for their infamous inhumane brutality against most of those they dominated, and the basic moral bankruptcy of imperialism (which even the USA was complicit in, arguably in some ways less brutally though I suspect the Filipino insurgents of the 1900s decade would offer a second opinion on that, as would others, formally under the US flag or in the "Roosevelt Corollary" Central American sphere of informal interest, such as Sandino and his followers in Nicaragua) I'd have some sympathy for the militarists; it was a fact that British, French, Dutch, Belgian and yes, US prosperity did lean on imperial holdings acquired mainly by violence and extortion; Japan carving out a big broad resource base and captive market of her own out of China was no more awful in principle than the Western imperialist systems were, and of course indeed these same Western powers were guilty of extorting quite a lot from the Chinese themselves. All they were "guilty" of in their view was getting into the game late. The autarky of British and French and lesser colonialist systems during the Depression was a stark demonstration, as these Japanese leaders could reasonably argue, of the necessity of Japan doing the same thing. To this they could at least pretend that as fellow Asians, their rule over Asian subjects would be inherently less offensive than the white supremacism Europeans and Yankees so often expressed frankly and still more widely demonstrated in practice. Not a lot more widely, the pre-WWII era in European-centered societies involved plain racism as avowed common sense in many cases, notably the USA but also to an extent everyone; persons claiming absolute human equality were suspected of being Communist sympathizers if not outright Reds. (One reason I expect Stalin to have some serious clout with Third World nationalist anti-colonialists, certainly the reason Ho Chi Minh joined the Third International OTL--this despite the Kremlin's ham-handed and self-serving demands on loyal Reds that crippled more than fostered them as local revolutionaries). Japanese credibility as liberator of the oppressed Asians was rapidly blown by their practices in China and elsewhere pretty quick, but still a factor in places like Indonesia and Thailand even as they were being defeated.

So in this dog eat dog context I think we can dismiss the weight of Western capital investments in Japan as being largely written off as good money after bad. Western interests favored regimes Western investors had leverage over. Japan was a fine fair-weather partner but when the chips were down, given a choice between expanding Japanese influence versus the easily romanticized plight of their Chinese victims, mere sentiment veered to these, who cynically speaking seemed far more helpless and liable to paternalist guidance. (Sun Yat Sen and Chiang Kai Shek, not to mention the Chinese Reds, had very different and more self-assertive aspirations of course. But OTL Chiang at least bleakly understood he was dependent on Yankee and other European-sphere Great Power charity. Not enough to faithfully and reliably take detailed direction, probably as much because he was incapable of exercising control as because he was a "bad puppet," with genuine if perhaps unrealistic nationalist priorities.

The US China Lobby is in my acerbic and perhaps overly cynical view, a bunch of apologists for American informal hegemony over China, taking an allegedly high-minded stance against formal imperialism, concessions, extraterritorialty (the latter ambiguously, I suppose American "China hands" leaned pretty heavily on special privileges for "white" great power foreigners in practice) and so forth, relying in rhetoric on the free market as China's salvation. Basically Republicans, with a major investment in Christian mission work in the Chinese Republic as well. The sentimental layer should not be dismissed as utterly empty of content--US Army Air Corps aviator Chennault of the "Flying Tigers" married a Chinese woman for instance. (US racism, especially in this frank period of open and normalized white supremacism, had its nuances and internal debates. Some would grant that such Europeans as Poles or Sicilians were reasonably "white," others would not; in the American West bigotry against Asians in general (along with against Latinos, especially Mexicans, and Native Americans who were rare and romanticized in the East--if as Western movie heroes were known to put it "the only good Indian is a dead Indian," in US popular culture apparently dead Indians become retrospectively and sentimentally good--out west they were manifestly not all dead yet and anti-Native bigotry was and remained quite blunt and vile. So not all Americans, even among the conventional taking racial stratification as a "fact" of "nature," equally devalued Asians--but Chennault's legal marriage would be just as illegal in say Virginia as if he had married an African-American woman; OTL it took a court case in Nevada after WWII to cause the US federal courts to clear its throat against laws barring Asian-"white" marriages and I don't think the precedent had any weight whatsoever in Virginia for instance, at any rate the dramatization of the Loving case in the recent docudrama film of that name had the Virginia local judge demanding the Lovings leave Virginia and not come back citing God's creation of separate races listing the "Malay" among those who should not marry "whites." Perhaps the American aviator's political status would protect him and Madame Chennault if they should happen to stray onto Virginia Commonwealth soil.

But meanwhile, OTL, a high Japanese diplomatic official in the late 1930s was forbidden by California state troopers from setting foot on California soil; he was ordered to remain in a car IIRC driven all the way from San Francisco to the Oregon border on highway 101. (That's a fair distance even today to remain in a car seat, some 200 miles and more to Eureka I know from personal experience setting trip meters, and the drive onward to Crescent City and over into Oregon is perhaps almost as much more, considering how twisty the roads are; at reasonably safe driving speeds on the 1939 or so version of the highway I imagine it took the better part of a full day). This was before major war scares or Japanese expansion into Indochina; it was just general West Coast version of anti-Asian bigotry having its routine play.

The OTL WWII narrative was "Chinese good, Japanese bad" and there were posters created to educate Americans on the alleged differences so they could learn to vent their bigotry against the right Asians. Prewar sentiment presented a conflicting kaleidoscope of old school Yellow Peril fear and hatemongering against Asians indiscriminately with popularizations of "good" Chinese, such as Charlie Chan the Chinese-Hawaiian police detective (played by a "white" actor though IIRC from seeing some Charlie Chan movie or other as a kid, his (more highly Americanized) sons were portrayed by Asian actors) or I have the impression such comic strips as Terry and the Pirates, which had a radio version too I believe. (God knows who the voice actors were, I could look it up I suppose).

Thus, if we look at US society as layers and classes and groups of some diversity of interest and sentiment, the China Lobby itself, in its more active and central form, is a bunch of businessmen and clergy (with active laymen in the religious aspect) interested in maintaining good business conditions and spreading Christianity among the "pagans" (I did see a 1950s or late '40s black and white film in Catholic school in the mid-70s, in Los Angeles, urging kids like myself, in 4th grade at the time, to donate money to "saving a pagan baby," to give some sense of the durability of such terms in moderately "hip" US venues as late as 1975, at least in a conservative religious school).

The fact that some of these people are indeed "China hands" who have been to China and lived there some years might well mean a genuine softening or close to erasure of generic anti-Asian bigotry and more or less appreciation of Chinese culture as a valuable thing in itself. Or not!

Then we have a wider penumbra of people with some sentiment at least for a romanticized (and somewhat supplicant) image of at least some Chinese, most of whom will have reinforced the general anti-Asian bigotry against the Japanese in particular, perhaps some with the notion that with a different government Japan might be all right. This group blends into the religious-missionary lobby on one side and the business-oriented China lobby on another, but also overlaps leftists with some degree of anti-racist notions along with hard core Red radicals and the passionate humanists.

Beyond this, we have both the ruling elites who don't have any particular sentiment for China nor governing particular business or political interests, and broad classes unmoved by the pro-Chinese sentiments.

Permeating most of these groups, perhaps least among some of the general public pro-China sentimentalists where a fair number might be more or less leftist and perhaps anti-racist, there is a common current of anti-radicalism, at least against left-radicalism (quite a few could be quite paleoconservative, or more or less "libertarian" in the sense of the modern American party, or zealously Christian--clearly a deeply and self-aware racist view would conflict with sentiment for the Chinese as people too though not so much perhaps against a notion that "white" America can benefit from racially inferior allies who know their place, or can anyway be kept in it without too much trouble; these types would be queasy or angry about intermarriages of course).

What surprised me about the canon post most (not a lot really) is that the USA stays totally aloof of this active war against Japan. Certainly there is not much of a pretext for the USA to declare war on the Japanese Empire, but both positive American ties of affinity with the Chinese, such as they are, and the moderate-left lean of Roosevelt's administration seeking detente and what Ronald Reagan would call "constructive engagement" (in his 1980s case with the South African Nationalist apartheid regime, he wouldn't use such a term for engagement with a Leninist regime of course) with the USSR, with a small but substantial and vocal US minority of left radicals spinning everything the Soviets do in the most glorious light possible.

So an unholy alliance of sorts not unlike the overall grand WWII package would be possible perhaps. OTL it was moderates, security hawks who weren't pro-fascist, and leftists who wanted the USA in the European war to fight the Nazis, and meanwhile the hawks versus Japan were mainly this moderate to right wing China Lobby/USN lobby which leaned farther to the right, plus of course security hawks, and humanists opposed to Japanese imperialism more than they were anti-war. "Something for everyone" except committed pacifists and radical isolationists--"America First" was not so much hardline isolationist as skeptics of another European war, and leaned a bit right and were a lot softer on the issue of a possible war with Japan.

In the ATL, with the Soviets taking aggressive action against Japan, certainly hard line anti-Communists would be alarmed but any suggestion of positively helping Japan would be countered by the strong lean, especially on the right, against Japan and for a paternalist patronage of China. The China Lobbyists, and I suppose a fair number of USN officers and even larger share of their civilian boosters, will share some anti-Red sentiment (though perhaps more Naval officers and enlisted than one might imagine are at least indifferent about the Red Scare, and some positively pink or an even redder hue). But they definitely would like to see Japan taken down a few notches--it is just that they'd rather the USA do it, on our terms. Meanwhile the more diffuse and soft pro-China sentimentalists would be less a right wing group as a whole and basically glad to see someone knocking down Japan, without much worry an invincible monster Bear takes Japan and Hitler's places put together.

Which I honestly think is not a fair description of where Stalin is headed anyway--yes, he might match and exceed their combined mobilized manpower and firepower though it would be a heck of a struggle to catch up to the combined naval power of the IJN and Kriegsmarine. On paper he would become an equal and eventually worse threat. But I do think he and his successors lack the kind of fanatical drive to triumph by warlike means, as a virtuous end in itself, which definitely describes both Nazi and Imperial Japanese militarist mentalities. On paper the Communists are supposed to be trying to conquer the world, but the same paper says to do it by aiding domestic revolutionaries and not by a steamroller Bonapartist conquest campaign, and prudence tells them "the correlation of forces is not yet favorable enough" for generations to come.

So these moderate to pink skeptics about the Soviet threat would be basically correct, granting Stalin will pick any easy low lying fruit he can. That opportunity does not come so easily though, and moderate degrees of Western commitment to containment would just about eliminate them.

Alongside American far left radicals then, the moderate to pinkish pro-China/anti-Japan sentimentalists could form at least a fair weather alliance with a considerable portion of the US corporate bureaucracy, centrists, security hawks and right-leaning China Lobby to go so far as to openly declare war on Japan, throwing in with the Soviets and RoC, with the USN obviously doing naval heavy lifting against the IJN while the Russo-Chinese alliance takes on most of the IJA.

That this did not happen is not surprising of course; going to war is a step most Americans would view as a grave one, whereas the Japanese have not done anything grossly provocative to justify it. Meanwhile, alarming as it is to the China Lobby and security hawks, not to mention anti-Communists, many Americans would be grateful such a bloody and expensive and painful task is someone else's problem.

The realistic upshot is not so much a passionate celebration of the Russia-Japan War as moderate controversy, but the case against the Soviets would be largely confined to people who rant against the Godless Reds at every opportunity anyway; others who might nod along will be quieter than usual because the Soviets are taking down Japan. (After all, they cannot invade or even heavily damage the Home Islands, nor interdict Japanese trade, such as it is). That they are moving on to get control of Manchuria and Korea and effective strings to probably make the RoC a largely compliant puppet, will seem like tomorrow's problem, and one that in the most crucial respect, control over China, might never happen in effective reality.

Thus while the USA probably wouldn't declare war (though that is the only way to sweep up Japanese possessions in the Pacific to be sure) I do think there would be a spectrum ranging from shaking their heads at the Soviet led campaign to those who consider it downright good. Certainly Chiang's embassies will be well received in America (by all but the most extreme leftists, and even those among them who are literal card carrying Communists will be under Comintern orders to be pleasant about the KMT leader). The Soviets will not be as much liked, but neither will they be as hated and feared.

Broadly speaking, in all the Western powers that are after all all essentially democratic domestically, similar spectra of opinion leading to overall national ambivalence will prevail.

In this, I think our author is being very level headed and reasonable in this post. Attacking Japan, especially since this practically means attacking Japan's recently ill-gottten gains on the Asian continent and not attacking their Home Islands at all, will not seem either as scary or as morally outrageous as say attacking Finland, Poland or Romania. They are entirely different cases, nor does Stalinist victory in China mean he must be looking to attack on another front any time soon.
 
No way Stalin lets the Japanese keep Sakhalin. At the very least, he would insist on returning the northern part, and that only because the USSR is unable to mount a naval invasion to get the whole island.
No, he doesn't have the leverage. It would be different if say the USA joined in a joint declaration, with the American right-centrists on board with an eye to wooing Chiang from Stalin to American patronage, and the USN raged against the IJN. But given that is not all that likely to have happened and didn't, the Soviet-Chinese alliance just has a busted flush against the still strong IJN, and the Japanese can hold their booby prize. You can bet the Soviets will arm the shores facing the island's northern tip very heavily of course, but it is not like holding that island is deeply vital to Soviet interests anyway.
 

ferdi254

Banned
Shevek there was hardly a fight with the Germans ITTL and that fight was far away from Blitzkrieg on the German side. So the Red army would have had to develop the whole doctrine by itself.

And the wireless equipment would be out of reach for them anyway.
 
Top