Chapter 1.16: It's the Wel-ser Fam-il-y *snap* *snap*
  • 390px-Wappen_der_Familie_Welser.png

    The Welser Family Arms

    The Welser family was an old family, claiming a family tree stretching back to the Byzantine Empire[1]. But more importantly it was a rich one, one of the richest in Europe at the time. It had gained this wealth through banking, and it was through this that the family became the most unlikely player in the colonization of the Americas. Bartholomeus V. Welser, like his forefathers, was a banker to the crowned heads of Europe, and he was apparently quite good at it. He was given titles and positions at court by Charles V and throughout this period he made generous loans to help finance the Hapsburg's overstretched Empire. This understandably meant that Charles V's budget was often in the red. To try and offset this mounting debt to the Welser's the Emperor offered the family a deal in 1533. In lieu of actually paying them money the Crown of Castile would grant the Welser family sole rights over the Province of Venezuela. Bartholomeus V. Welser accepted. The origins of the name Venezuela are disputed, some attributing it to the standard "native name is mangled by Europeans" while others say it reminded early explorers of Venice. Clearly the Welsers favored the latter, as they named their new land "Klein-Venedig", German for "Little Venice".

    The first 13 years or so of Welser control consisted of some settlements and mining operations near the coast but mostly of expeditions into the interior. The search for El Dorado was a major pursuit in Klein-Venedig, with large expeditions being sent into the interior to find the city of gold. These glorified treasure hunts were universally cruel and exploitive to the native populations of the area, both to those looted and those forced to guide them. But none of them were bringing back the wealth one would expect from El Dorado, none of them even brought back a fraction of the wealth to be found in Mexico.

    This problem must have been on the minds of Governor Philipp von Hutten and Bartholomeus VI. Welser as they emerged from the jungle in 1546, by no means empty handed but not as wealthy as they so desired. Welser was the son of the Welser who had gotten Klein-Venedig in the first place, and he certainly must have sought to cement a legacy for his family. This pressure further intensified when they arrived in the town of El Tocuyo. This was surprising to them as El Tocuyo had not actually existed when they had set out into the jungle. There they met Juan Pérez de Tolosa, who had been appointed by the Real Audiencia of Santo Domingo as Governor of Venezuela since no one seemed to be actually governing Klein-Venedig while its Governor was searching for gold. Tolosa had founded El Tocuyo with settlers from the main settlement at Coro, and was generally running the colony at this point. Tolosa enjoyed running the colony and attempted to arrest Hutten and Welser, in the ensuing scuffle Tolosa was seriously wounded and forced to allow safe passage back to Coro for the pair alongside his own painful return. Along the way Hutten and Tolosa tried to come to some sort of agreement that would prevent an incident between the Real Audiencia and the Welsers. Tolosa pointed out that he'd actually been running Klein-Venedig and that maybe he would be the best choice to remain governor. However Hutten and especially Welser were skeptical of the idea that the Real Audiencia could have any authority over an area that had been granted directly to the Welsers from the Spanish Crown. Hutten agreed to stay in Coro until a settlement could be reached about the issue. Letters were dispatched once Coro was reached. In the end Charles V would rule in favor of the money and order Hutten restored as full governor[2].

    Philipp-von-Hutten.png

    Philipp Von Hutten

    By 1546 even the backwater Klein-Venedig had heard the tales of a vast southern empire that had defied conquest. Sun worshipers that had turned back the Spanish with treachery. The Tales told that gold and silver flowed out of Cusco like rivers. To Hutten and Welser these tales must have seemed like El Dorado. Even more enticing were the rumors about its location. Hutten believed, erroneously, that Quito was relatively close to Bogota. Bogota was outside of the Welser's domain, but was reachable from Klein-Venedig. The trek had been completed by Nikolaus Federmann some years previously. Federmann was dead by now, rotted away in an Inquisition cell. But the prospect of reaching Quito was a lucrative one. This prospect was rooted in the belief that the portion of the Andes that needed to be crossed to get to Bogota from Klein-Venedig were the same mountains that needed to be climbed to reach Quito. Hutten and Welser assumed that once Bogota was reached it would be a fairly simple route to Quito. Anyone familiar with either Quito or Bogota could have told them that they were wrong, but no such person emerged.

    When Hutten arrived in Coro he got the news that Belalcázar had fallen out with Mendoza. This presented an opportunity, rather then march deep into the unknown jungle a trek could be taken to a place that had a well known wealth along a route that, while ridden with peril, had been "proven" to be possible. Hutten saw it as a win-win for him, he could ransack if he could and if not he could trade. Welser, a man born into the world of banking, saw the opportunities presented by connecting a wealthy empire to his family's financial network. So they hastily made plans for an expedition to Quito via Bogota. Their morale was boosted in early 1547 when the word returned from Charles V and the Council of the Indies declaring that Hutten remained Governor. However Tolosa would remain in the colony and in an ironic twist of fate be appointed "Mayor of Coro", a position invented by Hutten to avoid anarchy[3] in the colony while he galavanted through the jungle.

    It took over a year for Hutten and Welser to organize their full expedition. Not only did they have to organize the normal helpings of forced labor, guns and supplies but they also had to carry valuable goods in case trading ended up being more viable then pillaging.

    So it wasn't until November of 1548 that Hutten and Wekser reentered the jungle, having waited until the end of the rainy season to begin. They carried with them high hopes of bringing riches back to Klein-Venedig.

    These high hopes would quickly be tested.

    colombia-conquest.jpg

    ROAD TRIP!

    Firstly it became apparent that the rainy season was not quite over yet, and their early weeks en route to Bogata were dogged by heavy rain that slowed their progress. Tropical diseases killed several Europeans as they shambled towards the mountains, cutting their reliable forces if a battle erupted. It was journey miserable through the jungle. Crossing the Andes towards Bogota was no better, a cold, wet, journey even in the drier months of the year. Once the exited the mountains the party found more jungle. A squabble with native tribes living in the foothills of the Andes left Hutten with some bad wounds, forcing Welser to push onto Bogota without him. The residents of Bogota were suspicious of these German newcomers, but nonetheless allowed Welser to stay and contributed when he sent back men to retrieve Hutten. When the full Welser party arrived they began to root around for guides towards Quito, applying their now standard methods of brutality towards the natives. Far more troublesome to the settlers in Bogota was how pushy these newcomers were. The Klein-Venedig party were acting awfully haughty and demanding much from the Bogota colonists. They had absolutely no authority, the Welser grant did not include Colombia. It also meant that Hutten operated on a different field then the rest of the Spanish Colonies, meaning that he was not treated with the respect that say, the Governor of Cuba, would be afforded if he found himself in Bogota.

    It got to the point where the local authorities called Hutten and reprimanded him for his actions. This managed to avoid an outbreak of violence, but by August 1549 both Bogota and the expedition were ready for the expedition to leave. They were entering what was essentially unexplored territory for Europeans.

    The second stage of the journey would be both easier and harder for the expedition. Easier because the weather became more agreeable then before, and the expedition suffered less in the way of disease and injury. Harder because they were now wondering around uncharted territory, slowing their pace overall. In general they wandered southwest, though in one embarrassing incident they unintentionally visited the same town three times. But the months wore on, and as the dry season began, peaked, and began to fade into the rainy season it became apparent that they had misjudged the distance from Bogota to Quito. The question turned from when they would arrive to if they would ever arrive. But they pressed on and found evidence that their goal was near.

    The "savage" tribes they looted their way through became more and more experienced in the ways of war, and they were on the move. Once interpreters were found[4] the reason was found. The tribes had heard that the Empire to the South was weak, and they were preparing to take back what once had been their's. The Sapa Inka's had long labored to push the Tawantinsuyu's borders north, but those pushed aside were still fighting. As the Welser's found guides who confidently led them towards the Tawantinsuyu they received further confirmation that they were close. Their guides were not surprised by their horses, perhaps a little awed but not surprised. Translators said that the horse was the beast of Tawantinsuyu, exciting Welser and Hutten. They were close. But what they were approaching was not the Empire that they had heard of back in Coro.


    •••••

    1: Specifically a certain Thracian subordinate of Justinian…

    2: IOTL this incident happened much the same except instead of traveling with them back to Coro Carvajal had them ambushed and killed. Charles V wasn't in deep enough with the Weslers to force a return of the property and Klein-Venedig was de facto ended. Though their charter wouldn't be formally revoked until Philip II's reign.

    3: Well, avoid the Real Audiencia using anarchy as an excuse to try and replace him.

    4: kidnaped
     
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    Interlude 1.4: Trolling
  • (With apologies to Yugoslavia: And Nothing of Value Was Lost and various pages on Unencyclopedia)

    Ferdin_da_man is now dead.

    Mini-Max is now KING OF HUNGARY and KING OF CROATIA and ARCHDUKE OF AUSTRIA

    The_Pope: The Vatican gives our most sincere condolences to the Hapsburgs on the loss of a most noble man.

    FRANCIS: HAH HAH YOUR BROTHER IS DEAD AND I HAVE MILAN

    FRANCIS: BET YOU WISH YOU HAD SOME INFIDEL ALLIES NOW

    FRANCIS: TOO SCARED TO REPLY CHARLIE BOY

    FRANCIS: COWARD

    NavarreDon'tCare: He has you blocked Francis.

    FRANCIS: JUST LIKE I BLOCKED HIM FROM ITALY

    Charles of Most of Europe is now: Thinking

    JFElector: I don't like this.

    Phil the Hessian: I don't like it either

    realPhilip: I like this.

    Charles of Most of Europe: So Bohemia, Mini-Max is very young perhaps you'd like a more stable hand at the tiller.

    Estates_of_Bohemia: Say what.

    Charles of Most of Europe: Maybe you'd like someone a bit older as King. Like me. Or maybe Philip.

    Phil the Hessian: You rang?

    Charles of Most of Europe: No not you.

    realPhilip: <3 <3 best dad ever

    Estates_of_Bohemia: Ferdinand just spent years cajoling us to move to simple succession and now you want us to mess with that?

    JFElector: This is clearly a trap to get Philip as Emperor.

    Phil the Hessian: :-(

    JFElector: Not you.

    Mini-Max is now a ward of Charles of Most of Europe

    JFElector: The man is old enough to rule alone. Clearly more insidious Hapsburg plots to secure power.

    FredrickCountPalatine: Please stop this Charles.

    Charles of Most of Europe is now REGENT OF HUNGARY and REGENT OF CROATIA

    Charles of Most of Europe: So, about the throne of Bohemia…

    Estates_of_Bohemia has issued THE DECLARATION OF PRAGUE

    Mini-Max is now KING OF BOHEMIA


    ImperialOfficial237: Wait what?

    Estates_of_Bohemia: Nice view today.

    ImperialOffical237 is now offline

    rogueBohemianEstates: Long live the Pope. Long live King Charles.

    JFElector: Bravo Bohemia! Long live Protestantism!

    Charles of Most of Europe: Mini-Max is Catholic. Like, that's not just me. He's Catholic. No matter what you say.

    JFElector: Speaking of "what I say", I say it's time we had an election for King of the Romans.

    Charles of Most of Europe: Bohemia is currently in open rebellion no time.

    JFElector: Maximilian is the rightful King of Bohemia. Anything less would be a declaration of war on the rights of the constituent parts of the Holy Roman Empire.

    Charles of Most of Europe: They threw people out of windows. This is highly irregular.

    The Schmalkaldic League has mobilized.

    HAPPY 1546!

    Swabia is now occupied by JFElector

    VoteSaxon has mobilized


    JFElector: Good to see you cuz.

    VoteSaxon is now invading Saxony

    JFElector: Oh come on!

    Swabia is no longer occupied

    JFElector is now invading Saxony

    Estates_of_Bohemia is now invading Saxony

    VoteSaxon: No fair!

    JFElector has now invaded Other Saxony

    Estates_of_Bohemia has now invaded Other Saxony.


    Charles of Most of Europe is now invading Swabia

    FredrickCountPalatine: A little help please.

    Phil the Hessian is now invading Swabia.

    FredrickCountPalatine: Thanks.

    Phil the Hessian: FOR LUTHER AND FOR BIGAMY!

    Charles of Most of Europe: eww

    JFElector: eww

    FredrickCountPalatine: eww

    Henry VIII: Intriguing idea…

    Phil the Hessian has started BATTLE OF HEIDELBERG

    Charles of Most of Europe has joined BATTLE OF HEIDELBERG

    FredrickCountPalatine has joined BATTLE OF HEIDELBERG

    Charles of Most of Europe has won BATTLE OF HEIDELBERG

    Charles of Most of Europe has started BATTLE OF KARLSRUHE

    Phil the Hessian has joined BATTLE OF KARLSRUHE


    FredrickCountPalatine: I'm running low on…well…everything…a little help?

    FredrickCountPalatine: Anyone?

    FredrickCountPalatine: Anyone?

    FredrickCountPalatine is: sad

    FredrickCountPalatine has joined BATTLE OF KARLSRUHE

    Charles of Most of Europe has won BATTLE OF KARLSRUHE

    Charles of Most of Europe is now invading Bohemia

    rogueBohemianEstates is: in love


    Estates_of_Bohemia: Bring it.

    JFElector is now invading Bohemia

    Estates_of_Bohemia: WHAT

    Charles of Most of Europe: WHAT

    JFElector: oops, wrong button

    JFElector is now assisting Estates_of_Bohemia

    Estates_of_Bohemia: Thank you.

    BohemianPeasent1367: This looks the same

    Estates_of_Bohemia: Shut up.

    WINTER HAS COME -1 bazillion attack effectiveness.

    BohemianPeasent1367 is now dead

    HAPPY 1547


    FredrickCountPalatine: I'm sorry guys, but I can't go on.

    FredrickCountPalatine has submitted to Charles of Most of Europe

    Charles of Most of Europe: That's right! Bow to the Emperor! Lutherans can get out!

    Phil the Hessian: I will fight on, for my religion and my wives!

    Charles of Most of Europe: eww

    FredrickCountPalatine: eww

    JFElector: eww

    Henry VIII: intriguing

    Henry VIII is now dead

    EdofWales is now EdVIard

    EdVIard is now KING OF ENGLAND and KING OF IRELAND


    EdVIard: And KING OF FRANCE

    FRANCIS: Fuck you.

    EdVIard: What does "fuck" mean?

    FRANCIS: What.

    EdSeymour is now REGENT OF ENGLAND and REGENT OF IRELAND

    EdSeymour has activated PARENTAL BLOCKS for EdVIard.


    EdSeymour: Pardon his majesty's youth.

    Charles of Most of Europe: Actually Edward is a bastard, the rightful queen of England is Mary Tudor. Henry VIII's divorce of my aunt was illegal.

    EdSeymour: False.

    The_Pope: England remains excommunicated. Unless of course you want to negotiate. New king and all.

    England is no longer CATHOLIC BUT FUCK THE POPE

    The_Pope: Good start…

    England is now PROTESTANT BUT NOT LUTHERAN OR CALVINIST

    The_Pope: Wrong choice.

    Charles of Most of Europe: back to normal I guess.

    WINTER HAS ENDED

    NotHorseFacedWeSwear has mobilized

    Charles of Most of Europe: Oh for the love of... Philip go organize some defenses in the Netherlands.

    Charles of Most of Europe: My son, not the Bigamist.

    realPhilip: OK dad.

    Phil the Hessian: :-(

    NotHorseFacedWeSwear has invaded the Netherlands

    realPhilip has invaded Jülich-Cleves-Berg

    The Low Countries are now in a COSTLY STALEMATE


    realPhilip: :-(

    Charles of Most of Europe: Don't worry, the mines of Mexico can out spend them!

    FRANCIS is now subsidizing NotHorseFacedWeSwear

    realPhilip: Dad what do I do now?

    Charles of Most of Europe: I just told you, just throw silver at the issue and it goes away.

    NavarreDon'tCare: Francis is funding them.

    Charles of Most of Europe: Tell him to go fuck himself.

    NavarreDon'tCare: he knows that.

    Charles of Most of Europe: Philip, just keep fighting.

    Phil the Hessian is retreating

    Charles of Most of Europe begins CROSSING OF THE NECKAR

    Phil the Hessian joins CROSSING OF THE NECKAR

    Phil the Hessian has ended CROSSING OF THE NECKAR


    Charles of Most of Europe: Whelp. Time to claim another throne

    Charles of Most of Europe has resumed campaigning in Bohemia.

    rogueBohemianEstates is now rebelling

    rogueBohemianEstates has seized České Budějovice


    Charles of Most of Europe: Excellent!

    Estates_of_Bohemia: Treasonous dogs…

    Estates_of_Bohemia: Time to go in the offensive. You ready John Fredrick?

    JFElector: I'm ready!

    Estates_of_Bohemia has started BATTLE OF PÍSEK

    Charles of Most of Europe has joined BATTLE OF PÍSEK

    rougeBohemianEstates has joined BATTLE OF PÍSEK


    Estates_of_Bohemia: Uhh John Fredrick?

    JFElector: Uh oh, bad weather.

    Charles of Most of Europe has won BATTLE OF PÍSEK

    rogueBohemianEstates has won BATTLE OF PÍSEK

    Estates_of_Bohemia is: scared

    JFElector is: sorry, so very, very sorry


    Charles of Most of Europe: Yesssss. Yessssss. Yesss. Saxony here I come.

    Charles of Most of Europe has started MARCH ON PRAUGE

    ERROR: NO FUNDS

    Charles of Most of Europe has started MARCH ON PRAUGE

    ERROR: NO FUNDS


    Charles of Most of Europe: hmmm

    Charles of Most of Europe has invaded Other Saxony

    VoteSaxon: Yay! Long live the Emperor

    ERROR: NO FUNDS

    VoteSaxon: aww

    JFElector has started SECOND BATTLE OF PÍSEK

    Estates_of_Bohemia has joined SECOND BATTLE OF PÍSEK

    Charles of Most of Europe has joined SECOND BATTLE OF PÍSEK

    rogueBohemianEstates has joined SECOND BATTLE OF PÍSEK

    JFElector has won SECOND BATTLE OF PÍSEK

    Estates_of_Bohemia has won SECOND BATTLE OF PÍSEK

    Charles of Most of Europe is retreating from Bohemia.

    Charles of Most of Europe is: open to negotiation

    JFElector is: open to negotiation

    Estates_of_Bohemia is: open to negotiation

    rogueBohemianEstates is: not open to negotiation


    Estates_of_Bohemia: No one cares what you think.

    TREATY OF AUGSBURG

    -Mini-Max is KING OF BOHEMIA
    -Charles of Most of Europe is no longer REGENT OF CROATIA, HUNGARY, OR AUSTRIA
    -Lutheran Rulers are allowed to run Lutheran Domains
    -FredrickCountPalatine is restored as ELECTOR PALATINE in full
    -Bohemian Succession is solely under the control of Estates_of_Bohemia
    -The Schmalkaldic League is recognized as a group inside the Holy Roman Empire but is prohibited from forming foreign alliances
    -The Kingdom of Bohemia will not join the Schmalkaldic League
    -Peace


    Charles of Most of Europe: Yay. Peace. Because I ran out of money.

    realPhilip: My empire :-(

    Mini-Max: Thanks coz. Really feeling the love.

    JFElector: Don't worry Maximilian, the Schmalkaldic League will keep Philip from usurping you.

    JFElector: Either one. Last thing we need is a bigamist King.

    Phil the Hessian: :-(

    JFElector: Speaking of Kings, are you going to hold up the…unofficial deal Charles?

    Charles of Most of Europe: *sigh* Yes.

    Charles of Most of Europe: I implore the Electors of the empire to vote for Mini-Max to succeed his father.

    An election for KING OF THE ROMANS is here!

    KING OF BOHEMIA Mini-Max has voted for Mini-Max

    ELECTOR OF SAXONY JFElector has voted for Mini-Max

    ELECTOR PALATINE FredrickCountPalatine has voted for Mini-Max

    ELECTOR OF COLOGNE Her-mann has voted for Mini-Max


    JFElector: And that's a majority!

    The_Pope: Archbishop Hermann is excommunicated for not really being Catholic anymore. Charles, the fact that the majority of your Electors are Protestant is…deeply disturbing.

    ELECTOR OF BRANDENBURG JoachimTwo has voted for Mini-Max

    JoachimTwo: For the Record, I would have voted for Philip if Charles had asked. #NotAllLutherans

    ELECTOR OF TRIER ArchbishopTrier has voted for Mini-Max

    ELECTOR OF MAINZ Archbishop Sebastian has voted for Mini-Max.

    Mini-Max is now KING OF THE ROMANS


    Mini-Max: Thank you all! Even the ones who tried to violently stop this from happening

    Her-Mann: I like this kid.

    Mini-Max: How are you even still a Bishop?

    Her-Mann: I like this kid slightly less now.

    Charles of Most of Europe: Ease up kid. You're not Emperor yet.

    Mini-Max: >:-(

    Charles of Most of Europe: Teenagers…

    realPhilip: Sooooooo…who gets the Netherlands?

    Charles of Most of Europe: ugh

    FRANCIS: HAH HAH STUPID CHARLIE BOY

    FRANCIS: GUESS WHO'S GONNA MAKE A PERSONAL UNION WITH SCOTLAND

    FRANCIS: THIS GUY

    NavarreDon'tCare: Actually it's his son. The Dauphin and Mary of Scotland are now betrothed.

    FRANCIS: AULD ALLIANCE BEST ALLIANCE

    NavarreDon'tCare: And Francis is dead BTW. Henry is now King, he just can't be bothered to change the account settings.
     
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    Character Guide for Interlude 1.4 from The Merovingian
  • Is there any way to get a key of the usernames? I'm not sure who each one is and this my comprehension isn't full.
    I pretty sure I'm right on most of these.

    Ferdin_da_man; Ferdinand I Holy Roman Emperor. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ferdinand_I,_Holy_Roman_Emperor

    Mini-Max; Maximilian II Holy Roman Emperor. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Maximilian_II,_Holy_Roman_Emperor

    The_Pope; would have been Pope Paul III. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pope_Paul_III

    FRANCIS; both Francis I, and later Henry II of France (since son is marrying Mary of Scots) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_I_of_France, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_II_of_France

    NavarreDon'tCare; I'm guessing Henry II of Navarre or the Kingdom of Navarre in general https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Henry_II_of_Navarre

    Charles of Most of Europe; obviously Charles V Holy roman Emperor https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_V,_Holy_Roman_Emperor

    realPhilip; Philip II of Spain https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philip_II_of_Spain

    Phil the Hessian; was a bigomist Philip I, Landgrave of Hesse https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philip_I,_Landgrave_of_Hesse

    JFElector; Johann Frederick I https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Frederick_I,_Elector_of_Saxony

    Estates_of_Bohemia; gonna take a wild guess and say they're various estates of Bohemia

    rougeBohemianEstates; Bohemian estates...that have gone rouge....NANI!!!

    ImperialOfficial237; I honestly have know Idea if that's even based on anyone x'D

    EdSeymour; Edward Seymour, 1st Duke of Somerset the guy who may have been banging Queen Elizabeth while she lived with him...and wasn't Queen...and was a bastard.https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_Seymour,_1st_Duke_of_Somerset

    EdofWales/EdVIard; Edward VI who may not die in this TL now that I think of it. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Edward_VI_of_England

    that's everyone that's anyone I think.:p
     
    Chapter 1.17: Duel of the Fates
  • 345px-Vaca_de_Castro.jpg

    One Señor Castro.

    The Council of the Indies had spent years trying to organize the conquests of Spain into a proper hierarchy under the ultimate authority of the King. In this they were united in purpose with Charles. Cortes had been put on a leash in Mexico, Governors and Real Audiencias had been established to ensure Spanish law was firmly in place across the Atlantic. So upon receiving Mendoza's reports of Belalcázar backstabbing fellow Spaniards in favor of unruly natives they were very much inclined to side with Mendoza's position and declare Belalcázar an outlaw. Nonetheless they recognized the unique circumstances surrounding San Miguel and referred the matter to Charles.

    By now in was March of 1547, at it was apparent to Charles that his finances were in dire straits. The mines of Mexico could not keep up with the demands of German warfare. As he consulted his generals regarding his strategies in Swabia and Bohemia he received word of Belalcázar's reported treasons, along with the verdict of the council. The council was of the opinion that a more efficient and loyal Governor of Nuevo Oaxaca would increase the revenue coming from the small outpost, even assuming that no further conquests were made. Charles was in agreement. But it was not just money that motivated. He was in the middle of a war that had Catholicism at its center. Charles was perhaps not always the perfect Christian, but Belalcázar's failure to adequately protect and expand the one true faith did not endear him to his King.

    So the King agreed with the Council's conclusion, and formally concluded the matter by declaring Belalcázar deposed. He ruled that Carvajal did have rights to some form of compensation, though Carvajal would die before hearing of his good fortune. To replace Belalcázar Charles selected Cristóbal Vaca de Castro, a 55 year old veteran of the Iberian Audiencia system as Governor of Nuevo Oaxaca. Castro was also given the title of "juez pesquisidor", special investigator, giving him the authority to resolve claims until a proper Real Audiencia could be established.

    The war prevented any troops from being provided immediately to Castro, however he given was authority over certain vessels in Panama to secure his passage to San Miguel. In addition he was given a latter to Atahualpa explaining the situation and demanding that all trade with Belalcázar cease. And so Castro set out, unknowingly changing the course of history.

    Castro's time in Mexico was brief, meeting with Mendoza and learning the Carvajal was dead. Like Carvajal Castro found recruiting any sort of force in Mexico difficult. The King's seal opened a few doors, but most in the valley had already found themselves a plump Hacienda and were suspicious of royal authority. Castro found better luck as he went south, by chance his ship landed in the Yucatan and there he found quite a few able soldiers. The ancient cities of the Maya remained difficult to conquer, and many there believed that they would have better fortunes abroad. Castro took a slow route down the coast of Central America, picking up prospective allies along the way. By the time he reached Panama he had assembled a reasonably sized forced of veterans of Central American conquests, a trade that often involved fighting fellow Spaniards.

    Like Carvajal before him Castro found his reception in Panama to be chilly. The Audiencia remained throughly tied to trade with San Miguel and news that Castro was establishing a new Audiencia that would limit their power was unappealing to them to say the least. That said he was a royally appointed Governor with a large force on hand, so funny business was avoided in general. Castro found little in the way of new soldiers in Panama, but he did find a fleet. His royal authority permitted him a few ships already, and some liberal application of gold and implications that as Governor he would allow stops other then San Miguel won him more. By the time he departed Panama Castro had assembled around 1,500 infantry men and 650 calvary, mainly from the Yucatan and Central America. Combined with the small fleet he assembled it was the largest force to sail to the Tawntinsuyu ever assembled.

    By this point Belalcázar was aware of the incoming force and began fortifying San Miguel once again. This aroused further suspicion from Quisquis, who began demanding to know what was happening. Belalcázar became increasingly hostile and refused to grant audience to any messenger from Tumbez. He was hunkering down for a fight.

    Castro sailed right by San Miguel when he arrived in September 1547, cutting straight towards Tumbez. He received a poor first impression of the Tawantinsuyu when he attempted to land and found his force attacked with cross-bow bolts. Once he had sorted out that he was there under a flag of truce Castro approached Quisquis with his credentials and demanded assistance in removing Belalcázar. Quisquis was suspicious, Castro was sounding suspiciously like Carvajal, and would not allow the Spaniard to enter Tumbez. Quisquis told Castro that he would need to consult with Belalcázar and Atahualpa. Castro demanded to see the Sapa Inka personally to present his case. Quisquis refused, sending messengers to Cusco for orders. Meanwhile the general was being bombarded with messages from Belalcázar declaring that Castro was lying and that it would be better to kill him right now. Quisquis held firm and awaited orders.

    Atahualpa received the word of Castro's arrival with concern and hope. The Sapa Inka gravely feared the idea of another war with the Spanish, the Tawantinsuyu had not yet garnered the power of steel or gunpowder and the Spanish now knew far more about his empire then they had previously. On the other hand Atahualpa believed that having the Spanish governor in his debt would be greatly advantageous, and hearing of the forces Castro possessed made him more inclined to face Belalcázar in battle. Atahualpa sent his judgement, Quisquis was to escort Castro to San Miguel and gain him entrance to the city. The Tawantinsuyu had agreed to let Spanish law reign in San Miguel, so they could not just disregard Castro, but Atahualpa also refused to attack the city. Quisquis would get Castro to San Miguel but no further. Atahualpa thought he had found the perfect plan. The Spanish would fight, and the Tawantinsuyu would win, having not entered the fight.

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    By 1547 he had much grayer hair. Don't tell him that.

    But the Sapa Inka had miscalculated, many Spaniards in San Miguel were tired of Belalcázar's failure to conquer more land. The church in the town condemned Belalcázar's failure to convert more souls. Many more simply did not want to lose their lives so that the old man could keep his fortune. So when word arrived in San Miguel that Cristóbal Vaca de Castro was marching on San Miguel many panicked. A group of conquistadores turned merchants attempted to sabotage to the defenses of San Miguel on October 17. Belalcázar rode out in an attempt to stop then. In the ensuing scuffle Belalcázar, not as agile as he once was, took a sword in the side and bled out on the spot. The old conquistador was dead aged 67, after a life that had earned a sterling place in history. Though he died in rebellion against the Crown of Spain, later generations would lionize him as a hero of the colonization and exploration of the Americas.

    The death of the governor threw San Miguel into chaos, suddenly the prospect of Castro taking power and placing a firm hand on the reins seemed more appealing. By the time that Castro arrived in San Miguel, 12 hours after Belalcázar's death the murderers of Belalcázar had already been killed, but they were not the only ones sympathetic to Castro. A few former acquaintances of Carvajal allied with more disgruntled merchants to seize the town through violence and bribery. With the town still in shock from the murders opposition was nonexistent. Castro found a San Miguel that, while not united in his favor, allowed him to take command as Governor without further fighting. Known allies of Belalcázar were placed in custody and their property seized by the Crown. Castro delayed forming a Real Audiencia until the "situation could be calmed". Castro immediately ordered that all natives in San Miguel convert, leave the town or be branded as spies. He then turned towards the issue of compensation.

    Every free man in San Miguel suddenly had a complaint about the "villainous" government of Belalcázar, and many of these complaints featured requests for compensation. Castro was now in a bind, distributing generous compensation to various citizens in San Miguel would help shore up support for any future actions that might prove controversial. That said one of Castro's primary goals was improving the revenue stream coming in from San Miguel and Castro did not want to cut into the pile of treasure. So he produced the famous "Bill of San Miguel", a list of the debts owed in the town. Anyone with a just complaint about arrests or seizures would be payed by the crown or the offender, however in any incidents that had occurred outside of San Miguel the debtor was listed as the Tawantinsuyu. Castro, hoping to skim a little off the top for both himself and the crown, set the price extremely high. Both Quipu and Spanish records show that Castro claimed that the Tawntinsuyu owed Spain some 200,000 pesos, just under a third of the total number of pesos produced by Mexico in a year. It was an incomprehensibly ridiculous total. Indeed Quisquis did not at first comprehend it.

    The amount was so large that when the message asking for the gold and silver was received Quisquis assumed that the Spanish were asking him what the Tawantinsuyu would want in exchange for 200,000 pesos. He sent what he assumed to be a reasonable reply, saying that while such a large payment required the Sapa Inka's approval he thought that large numbers of guns, horses and steel would likely be what the empire needed. This response infuriated Castro, who sent a reply clarifying that this was a demand for gold not a purchase. Quisquis was appalled and sent word to Atahualpa about the thoroughly outrageous demand as well as requesting reinforcements should the Spanish get too aggressive. Atahualpa sent a request for Castro's reasoning and received a long list of grievances ranging from relatively reasonable (the Tawantinsuyu had indeed made Spaniards serve them against their will) to dubious (many areas of the empire were not welcoming to Christians, but the central government had never tried to purge them) to ludicrous (Atahualpa had never ripped out a mans heart and impaled it on a cross). Castro also demanded to meet with Atahualpa to "discus" the Treaty of Cajacamara.

    cuzco_city_12_incas.jpg

    Cusco was at the center of debates over what to do.

    All of this was very concerning to Atahualpa and he faced conflicting advice from within his court. No one thought handing over a lump of gold was a good idea, but they differed on how to approach the issue. His generals favored refusing the offer out of hand and burning San Miguel should they fail to back down. The Quitians saw this as an opportunity to take revenge for Alavrado's pillaging during his invasion as well as a chance to take more power after saving the empire once again. The nobles of Cusco saw it differently. War would only bring influence to their enemies the Quitians. In addition Spanish trade ran close to Cusco, and occasionally into it. All profit went to the Sapa Inka, but the trade brought a focus and importance that Cusco felt had been waning in the years of rule from Quito. They urged negotiations, perhaps a smaller sum over a longer period of time. A small faction of Southerners had also sprung up at court, mainly to inform Manco Capac of what was happening. The Southerners mainly just reminded Atahualpa that the Iron mines in Qullasuyu needed protecting.

    Illaquita sided with the Quitans, though he urged his father to send a formal declaration of war to Charles V before invading. He also opposed destroying San Miguel, Illaquita saw it as a valuable resource for modernization. Illaquita hoped for a quick war that would end for better terms for the Tawantinsuyu. Ninancoro sided with his younger brother, though had nothing unique to say on the matter. Quispe-Tupac meanwhile sided with the Cuscans, arguing that there was no need to disturb the current equilibrium. Atahualpa weighed the issue carefully, but ultimately proved predictable and sided with the Quitians. Atahualpa gathered an army in Cajacamara before sending his reply. It was a definitive no, though it reiterated Quisquis's offer to purchase large amounts of material. Castro replied with a harsher demand for the money, and again Atahualpa refused. He left Cusco and summoned any army to meet him at Cajacamara. Manco's concerned reports led to most of this army coming south from the Northern frontier, leaving an opening for various tribes to try and regain lost land.

    News filtered down to Castro of Atahualpa's movements and he responded by violently repelling any Tawantinsuyu who attempted to enter San Miguel. A few fought back, and Castro openly began organizing a march on Tumbez. On November 24th he sent a letter to Charles V explaining his reasoning for attacking, claiming that pagan had rendered the Treaty of Cajacamara null and void. In the absence of any final message to Atahualpa his letter is considered to be the beginning of the 1st Hispano-Tawantinsuyu War[1].

    _____

    1: ITTL historians will note that the earlier conflicts were privately funded conquest efforts that by and large had no idea what they were getting into. Hence they are given the name "Southern Expeditions."
     
    Chapter 1.18: Ten soliders wisely led...
  • 220px-ROHM_D195_The_conquistadors_pray_before_entry_to_tenochtitlan.jpg

    A prayer before entering enemy territory
    Soon after dispatching his letter to Charles V Castro led his assembled men out of San Miguel. It was a bold move, it left the town with barely a skeleton force of defenders. But it did bring his manpower up to over 1,000, the largest such army ever brought forth against the Tawantinsuyu. Castro led no army of soldiers of the Crown, but they were experienced fighters. Many had fought in the long, grinding war in the Yucatan and knew just how dangerous "savages" could be. They were joined by a small collection of translators and Christian converts who had remained San Miguel rather then return to the Tawantinsuyu. Their goal was the same as every Spaniard since Pizzaro, the city has been a moderately sized one before contact but Spain's unwavering obsession with it had ballooned its importance. The Tawantinsuyu could boast natural defenses in the Andes, but the fortress that Tumbez had become was made only by man. Besting it would be a major victory for Castro. He easily swept aside a force sent to intercept him along the road to Tumbez and soon found himself standing before Tumbez. Quisquis had evacuated himself south by this point, leaving the defense of the city to his soldiers. These soldiers were among the most familiar with Spanish fighting but they also happened to be the most familiar with European diseases. This created a general lack of cohesion and meant that while many soldiers were experienced most weren't able to pass on said knowledge before falling ill. While the preparation for war was the highest in the empire it had also stagnated due to plagues, at the moment it was a sweep of Tuberculosis, in contrast to the smallpox that was ravaging the valley of Cusco concurrently.

    The 7th Battle of Tumbez[1] was divided into three parts. The first and longest was the assault on the city walls. Castro had been anticipating a fight with Spaniards to take San Miguel and so had dragged along fairly decent cannon. So he quickly began to attack the walls backed by a skilled bombardment. The Tawantinsuyu did have some powder, as well as their usual crossbows, but proved less efficient then the Spanish. Tumbez had relied on purchases from the Spanish to stock gunpowder, and now saw that supply be plugged. Normally their stockpiles would have supplied them until some could be procured, but improper storage combined with heavy rain just before the battle left their stores severely dwindled. So while the first day of attacks failed to pierce Tumbez on December 7th they found more success. The Spanish fought their way into the city with a combination of wall scaling and bombardment. They managed to enter the city with minimal casualties, specifically to their crucial calvary. Their entrance into the city marked the second part of the battle, the street fight. This in turn was divided into two parts. The first was a bloody fight to expel the Tawantinsuyu forces from the city. Here the better understanding of horses gave the Spanish an advantage, their greater control enabling them to out fight their opponents. The street fighting was the bloodiest part of the battle for the Spanish, though their casualties remained low. The Tawantinsuyu faced higher rates of death in the battle, all while a wholesale slaughter of Tumbez was getting underway. Anything "Pagan" was attacked and for the most part everything that was attacked was destroyed. Civilians were killed and raped in large numbers, despite the occasional halfhearted requests by Castro to "exemplify Christian virtues". The slaughter finally ended when the Spanish exited the city to the south. A segment of Tawantinsuyu soldiers had fled the city and were now trying to organize either a counterattack or an orderly retreat. Neither option was preferable to the Spanish, so Castro ordered his men to pour out of the city. The still disorganized Tawantinsuyu never stood a chance and were scattered quickly. Retreat turned to rout and soon the entire army of Tumbez was running south to rendezvous with Quisquis.

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    The Army of the Sun

    The defeat at Tumbez was a blow to the Tawantinsuyu cause, but not an unexpected one. Tumbez had fallen to Pizzaro, Almagro, Andagoya and Belalcázar. The defeat was not the end all be all of the fight. Quisquis found his army battered, and so rather then opposing Castro immediately he retreated towards Saña. Under previous circumstances this was intelligent move. Previous attempts at conquest has featured the Spanish going straight for the Tawantinsuyu army, and if pressed Quisquis could have retreated into the easily defensible mountains. But Castro was not headed for Saña just yet. Instead he kept heading south, making a beeline to Chan Chan, the old capital city of the Chimu Empire before the Tawantinsuyu conquered it in 1470. Castro had an advantage no other Spaniard had possessed before him, knowledge of the various groups in the empire, mainly from Spanish captains. Castro had heard (correctly) that Chan Chan still held great wealth but wasn't defended by the mountains. In addition he knew from Spanish sailors that, despite the best efforts of the Tawantinsuyu, Chimu culture was not eradicated and some still resented foreign rule. Castro saw a chance to gain allies against the Tawantinsuyu and began south as quickly as possible once he realized Quisquis would not be blocking him.

    The Tawantinsuyu quickly seized any Spaniards outside of Castro's domain when they heard what had happened at Tumbez. The way stations had never really developed any stockpiles of gunpowder and traveling Spaniards had nowhere near enough supplies to fill the stores of the Empire. So the Tawantinsuyu's gunpowder reserves were not going to be filled up anytime soon.

    The realities of the Empire's situation meant that the Tawantinsuyu Navy had not received the attention the army had since contact with Eurpeans had begun. As a consequence when open fighting began Spanish ships, of which Castro had many, were the undisputed rulers of the sea. They were a critical part of Castro's bombardment of Tumbez and would remain an important piece of his campaigns along the coast.

    The north saw an increase in fighting as the tribes of the northeastern Andes began to encroach on Tawantinsuyu lands. For the sake of the dream of Iron production substantial forces had been left with Manco Capac in the south to protect against any possible raids. This in turn drained the defenses of the northern Empire, as the vast majority of troops moved to fight Castro ended up being from the Chinchasuyu. So the northern tribes began to press south again, looking for their old lands, and maybe some revenge along the way.

    Large numbers of solders remained in the south, and Manco Capac was generally well regarded among the locals so despite an increase in raids coming from the Mapuche very little changed for now in the desert.

    But despite these other battles the war would be decided by the armies along the coast. Castro had forgone fighting Quisquis, leaving the general sitting in Saña unsure of what to do. His army was still disorganized, and valuable time was spent reorganizing it cohesively. It was quickly apparent that he was not going to have time to do even that, the Tawantinsuyu had to act quickly if they were to stop the Spanish from gaining allies and beginning to negate the Tawantinsuyu numbers advantage. In mid-December his army received reinforcements in the form of an army descending from the mountains, headed by Atahualpa. The presence of the Sapa Inka inspired his troops greatly, but inspiration could only go so far and the army departed Saña in a still somewhat ramshackle state, a state not helped by the tuberculosis epidemic that was now spreading through the ranks of both armies.

    Atahualpa had a plan. It was not a grand plan with lots of intricate parts, but it was a plan. His goal was to fight Castro until the Spaniard bled dry, Atahualpa would do his best to fight as many bloody battles as he could. The Tawantinsuyu had men to spare, and the Spanish (for the moment) did not. Enough casualties and Castro would have to either flee or come to terms like Belalcázar had. The prospect of Castro gaining allies was concerning, but Atahualpa was confident a heavy hand could bring enough of his subjects back in line to make his strategy work.

    It was a plausible plan, right up until about 3 days after when the Tawantinsuyu Army left Saña, racing to catch up with Castro. That night the Sapa Inka began to sweat profusely. This in it of itself was not especially concerning, the climate in the region was warmer then the mountain air he was used to. But the next morning he began to complain of chills and became very tired, very quickly. His appetite was greatly reduced. Soon he was coughing persistently. Those around him knew the signs well, they had plagued the army for weeks by this point. The Sapa Inka had Tuberculosis. Some held out hope, none of the great European diseases had touched the Son of the Sun before, and it seemed possible that his divine blood would protect him. But as said divine blood began to spit out of his lungs, it became apparent that the Sapa Inka was in for a long, possibly fatal, spell of the disease. Atahualpa began to lose weight rapidly, and grew weaker by the day. At first he tried to press on, but soon his march ground to a halt as Atahualpa became bedridden. Quisquis did not dare abandon the Sapa Inka, and so the offensive stalked, barely outside of Saña. The army hoped and prayed for a recovery, all while Castro slipped from their grasp. But Atahualpa was rapidly losing weight, and the end was rapidly approaching. Atahualpa began to prepare for the inevitable. He openly declared his desire for Illaquita to succeed him as Sapa Inka, a declaration most had seen coming. Atahualpa reiterated his opposition to any sort of conversion to Catholicism, not that any priests are allowed near his camp. With no more rebellions to quell, no more regions to balance, he did what he had always wanted to and declared Quito a capital of the Tawantinsuyu, the heart of the world to Cusco's naval. On December 20th, 1547 Atahualpa, known more formally as Tikki Capac, Sapa Inka, Inka Qhapaq, Apu, King of Quito and Son of the Sun breathed his last. Atahualpa had never been meant to be Sapa Inka, and only by the hand of smallpox had he risen so far, but he had done well. He was 45 years old, had led the Tawantinsuyu for two decades, and for 14 years he had stood stalwart against Spain[2].

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    Good night sweet prince

    Before his passing Atahualpa had secured promises from Quisquis that the general would support Illaquita in any succession crisis and Quisquis was true to his word. Sensing, probably correctly, that ensuring a stable succession was more important then stopping Castro from reaching Chan Chan Quisquis retraced his steps back to Saña. Setting a large segment of his force to defend the town he climbed the Chancay Road, hoping to link up with an army of last resort that had been placed where the road entered the mountains. However when he arrived at the top the army was gone. Illaquita had beaten him to it.

    The second son of Atahualpa had been headed north, hoping to mediate a minor dispute just north of Cajacamara. But when he received news that was father was ill he headed straight for the army. He announced to the men that, in the interest of stability during Atahualpa's incapacitation, they would be moving towards Cusco. With little time for debate they departed. Illaquita blocked every messenger he could find, shielding Cusco from news of his father's illness. He sent forth his own proclamations, claiming that the army was just passing through on its way to reinforce his uncle in the south. Rumors still spread of course, and many nobles of Cusco reaffirmed to each other that they would support Quispe-Tupac in the case of a succession crisis, but none dared move, for fear of Atahualpa crushing them for good. By the time word of his fathers death reached him Illaquita was just a few days fast march from Cusco. He was unable to prevent word from reaching Cusco, but by the time enough nobles met to plot rebellion it was too late. Illaquita was upon them, there was not time to organize an army in opposition. The Quitians in the capital all favored Illaquita. Priests found efforts to muddle the succession stymied from an unlikely source. Ninancoro may have been an uninspired thinker, but he enjoyed his position as High Priest of the Sun and recognized he would have no viable chance to become Sapa Inka. So he sided with the brother who looked sure to win, keeping religious figures from rebelling against Illaquita.

    engraving-inca-prince-portrait-from-1870-isolated-on-white-illustration-id157683370

    Illaquita our new Sapa Inka

    To the European calendar it was New Year's Eve when Illaquita entered Cusco. His army has entered the day before and quelled what little resistance emerged. He was greeted by Ninancoro, who affirmed that the priesthood supported his "divine brother's" ascension. Cusco seethed, particularly when world of Atahualpa's dying declaration was received. But even Illaquita's small force out weighed anything they could muster. So Quispe-Tupac reluctantly bowed before his brother. Illaquita arranged to marry his sister Cura Huarcay to shore up his royal bloodline, but did not immediately preform the ceremony.. He then turned his army and headed north once again, leaving only a small garrison to secure Quito.

    The Spanish were rampaging the lowlands. The far north was practically under siege. Cusco was a spark away from rebellion. Plague was decimating the Empire. Manco Capac hadn't even heard his brother was dead yet, let alone weighed in on the decision.

    But Illaquita wasn't worried. He had dreams for his new empire. Big ones…
    _____
    1: Far across the multiverse the Italians and the Austro-Hungarians scoff.

    2: Raise a glass my atillcha-kuna, raise a glass to the Sapa Inka.
     
    Chapter 1.19: ...can beat a hundred without a head
  • …dreams that would never be fulfilled.

    1.16235_a.jpg

    NO ONE LIKES YOU SMALLPOX

    As he departed Cusco the young Sapa Inka was apparently already complaining of a headache. Just a few days after his departure a nasty rumor entered the city that he had disgraced himself by vomiting in public. Soon the rashes came, visible to all, on his hands, face and forearms. Pain spread into his back and neck, making travel excruciating. Bumps followed, all over his body. The young Sapa Inka was sharing his father's fate already, though a different reaper came to claim him. Smallpox, the greatest of the Europeans diseases, had entered the entourage and visited Illaquita. On January 12th the Sapa Inka died, leaving no clear heir[1].

    Unlike with the death of Atahualpa Cusco was practically the first place to hear of the death of the Sapa Inka. Suddenly the nobles of Cusco made an about face, suddenly Illaquita was a noble hero, struck down in his quest to free the empire from villainy. They claimed the obvious heir would be his most noble brother Quispe-Tupac. Meanwhile the Quitian garrison in the city began to worry, though they lacked a leader they understood that a Sapa Inka backed by Cusco would not be good for them. So they grabbed Ninancoro and dragged him into Atahualpa's palace, which due the fast pace of events was still a focal point in Cusco and did not yet house Atahualpa's mummy. Exactly how agreeable Ninancoro was to this plan is debatable. The son of Atahualpa had certainly never shown any capability or interest in ruling the empire, and by personality was not one to start a fratricidal war. However he had sided against Quisipe-Tupac when he backed Illaquita and cannot have expected that he would flourish under the rule of his brother. When word of the actions of the Quitians crowds began to form in the streets of Cusco. The city was still in the throughs of plagues and war brought food shortages. Even those of lower classes were opposed to Quitian domination, and anger boiled in the city. Urged onward by local nobility Quispe-Tupac claimed that he was the rightful heir to his brother and condemned the Quitians and ordering that they submit to him.

    These events shocked the Quitians, who had expected the city to be cowed by their power. But in truth most actually useful weapons had long ago left the capital, leaving then with a few crossbowmen. They held out in the palace for a day, hoping that the force Illaquita had led out of the city would return and support Ninancoro. But inexplicably the small army stood still, just a few days out of Cusco. It lacked a leader and those who wanted to return to Cusco were opposed by those who wanted to return to their original purpose of guarding the passes. So, in the moment of truth no hell came for the Quitians, besieged in the the Palace.

    Rather then surrender and inevitably be executed the Quitians hightailed it out of Cusco, barely managing to fight their way out of the city with Ninancoro in tow. But they did not drop their opposition of Quisipe-Tupac, and maintained that Ninancoro, who by now had no option but to follow through with this rebellion thing, was Sapa Inka. Meanwhile the local priests and nobles, free from the meddling occupation force and high priest, acclaimed Qusipe-Tupac as Sapa Inka. Spanish Sources would soon name the conflict with European names such as the War of Tawantinsuyu Succession. To the Tawantinsuyu themselves it was the War of Two Brothers or combined with the deaths of Atahualpa and Illaquita to form the Year of Four Inkas[2].

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    Cusco Nobility discussing what to do

    Despite his victory in Cusco it seemed unlikely that Qusipe-Tupac would win the civil war. Once Quisquis's army was alerted to the new situation the general would return to the Andes and crush them. Except when Quisquis had reached Cajacamara he had received a message from Illaquita explaining his actions and ordering Quisquis to continue fighting the Spanish. Quisquis then turned around and descended towards the coast yet again, racing as quickly as possible to try and smash Castro before he could arrange an army from the Chimu of Chan Chan.

    Castro had found Chan Chan a mixed bag. Most of the garrison had fled, and there was indeed local support, so taking the city wasn't a particularly difficult compared to Tumbez. There was still a large amount of gold and silver in the city, which he dutifully seized. However his dreams of a native force were not fulfilled in the way he had hoped. Instead of finding a Tlaxcala ready to jump into a fight against the Tawantinsuyu he found a population that, while eager to fight, was not well equipped to march with him. They had little to no training fighting and no central leader to ally with. And despite the fact that the Tawantinsuyu had been unable to completely destroy Chimu culture there were still quite a few Queacha speakers in the area who were not happy to lose power. Small rebellions would pop up repeatedly, though many of the perpetrators ended up being seized and killed by fellow locals before Castro even showed up. Castro had hoped for civil war following Atahualpa's death, and time to organize more, but that did not come to pass. So Castro left Chan Chan a great deal richer and with a few thousand more men, though they were at best slingers but mostly just wielded clubs. Castro made a beeline for Quisquis, who was happy to return the favor.

    By the time Quisquis got word that Illaquita was dead and Cusco in revolt he was already on top of Castro, north of Chan Chan but still along the coast. They would meet in the near the Pacasmaya River on February 19.

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    The charge of the Tawantinsuyu

    The land they fought on was flat, but there was little land to move about on. Castro made a line. He placed his native allies the front to blunt and entrap the Tawantinsuyu's attacks, leaving his own Spaniards to finish off any particularly troublesome groups. He then planned the charge the weakened Tawantinsuyu line.

    Quisquis planned a more shock and awe strategy, aiming at breaking the untrained Chimu and then isolating the Spanish forces.

    The fight that followed broke in favor of Castro. The Chimu proved less adept at stopping Tawantinsuyu charges then he had hoped, but they still ended up bogged down from the tenacious fighting. In particular Quisquis had hoped to break them with his calvary, but instead the Tawantinsuyu horses found themselves fighting with the Spanish. They were no match, and none even got the chance to retreat. The Tawantinsuyu calvary were slaughtered or captured to a man. Quisquis's artillery and gunmen were proving a non-factor, they were good at temporarily scattering the enemy but a lack of skill and the need to conserve powder limited their ability to permanently break lines. With his calvary gone Quisquis threw his infantry into the fray, iron and bronze raining down on the Chimu. Again the Spaniards came foreword to help their allies, and again the Tawantinsuyu were defeated. This time they were able to retreat in somewhat good order.

    Now the Spanish charged, the crackle of guns accompanying the horses and pikes. The Chimu charged forward as well, wielding clubs and throwing stones. The Tawantinsuyu had retreated, but had not yet been able to ready themselves for the attack. The melee that followed was gruesome, and saw nearly a dozen Spaniards die, but the Tawantinsuyu were disorganized and began to break. Quisquis recognized this and tried to organize a retreat, but it began to turn towards a rout very quickly. Those he could organize he fled north towards Saña to contemplate his next move.

    Castro meanwhile basked in his victory. The Tawantinsuyu Army had been broken outside of the Northern and Southern extremities. His spirits were further lifted when he heard of the violence that had erupted over the succession. He returned to Chan Chan and began to organize a march for the mountains.

    _____

    1: Raise a glass, etc etc.
    2: "But wait!" You say. "Illaquita's reign, though brief, did include parts of both 1547 and 1548!" And to that I say "Tawantinsuyu Calendar."
     
    Chapter 1.20: The Blood Dimmed Tide
  • cfa0a9bb0decc2b2d79db8c6476a974b.jpg

    Castro in Chan Chan
    Castro did not intend to follow the steps of previous invaders and try to force the Chancay Road between Saña and Cajamarca. Only Andagoya had succeeded there, and even then at such great cost it had destroyed any hope he had possessed of conquering the Tawantinsuyu. And that had been without the remnants of Quisquis's force organizing a defense in Saña.

    Castro used his new laurels to attract more support in his war on the Tawantinsuyu. And he turned south, once again leaving Quisquis in a predicament[1]. Rather then engage in another lengthy chase along the coast Quisquis entered the mountains, hoping to position himself against Castro when the latter turned inland.

    Castro's entrance point would end up being the Paramonga River, near the ancient culture in Recauy. The area was not undefended, Atahualpa and his successors were under no illusions that the Spanish would be limited in their attack options, but it was not as greatly fortified as it might have been in better days. Castro's turn inward also had to do with the morale of his men. He was exiting the lands of the Chimu, and he feared desertion if he wandered much longer. In addition his Spanish men were eager to get to some full hearted looting, which had been avoided of late in the name of wooing the Chimu.

    Castro would later portray his entry into the mountains as a triumphal march, bringing the cross to the heathen. In reality it consisted of throwing his Chimu allies repeatedly against the Tawantinsuyu defenses. Plague had, of course, weakened their defenses and many soldiers had been siphoned off very recently. Castro had broken into the mountains, and unwittingly stepped into the Civil War.

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    Ninancoro's Flight was not exactly a poor one.

    Just days before Castro emerged, bloodied but victorious, at Recuay Ninancoro had passed by, on his way to Cajacamara. Had he organized the Quitians in the area, as well as those who had spirited him away from Cusco he might have had a chance at retaking the city. But here lay one of the faults of Ninancoro, and an explanation for his apparent lack of desire to be Sapa Inka, he was extremely non-confrontational. "Probably would retake Cusco" was not enough for him, so rather then press Quispe-Tupac he retreated, planning to get a full army to back him. He sent orders to Ukumari in the north to being his army south, and ordered Manco to attack from the desert. Ninancoro planned to meet with Quisquis at Cajacamara to further plan the war.

    Had Castro captured Recuay before Ninancoro had fled past it, history would have changed. But he did not. Castro now had two options, a choice that is a useful insight into his objectives. A conquistador seeking only loot would have marched on Cusco, hoping to crush the weak opposition. But Castro wanted to have more then just loot, he wanted power, and for that he need to stop his most dangerous enemies, the Quitians, from assembling. So he turned north, much to the chagrin of some of his greedier followers. But it proved to be the correct one.

    Quispe-Tupac was not a fool, despite how some may remember him, the young Sapa Inka realized that on his own he could not defeat his brother's army. The Quitians were the best the Tawantinsuyu had. Cusco was raising an army, but it had fewer experienced soldiers and virtually no modern weapons to speak of. They had seized the main stables of the Royal Family, but all of the rideable horses had been sent to war. Captive Spaniards were also found, but Quisipe-Tupac lacked his father's infamy and the prisoners had their spirits lifted when they had heard rumors of Castro's advance. There was simply no time to match the power the north bore against his empire. Unless…

    Unless…

    As Castro turned north, hoping to find an agreeable place to face the southern thrust Quisquis would surely be coming, he was pursued. Not by an army, but by messengers. They came from Cusco, bearing gold and silver and promises of more if Castro listened to their plea. Ninancoro's flight to Cajacamara continued unimpeded as Castro listened to the offer.

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    The Universal Gift Card

    Quispe-Tupac's men spun fanciful tales of apology for the "tragic misunderstandings" that had led to the war, pinning the blame on Ninancoro and the Quitians. Yes, the sum Castro demanded was a bit high, but he seemed reasonable enough. Quisipe-Tupac said that he wanted to pay Castro the money, but claimed that with the civil war he was unable to so. But if Castro were to assist the Cuscan army in defeating the traitors, perhaps some sort of arrangement could be made.

    Castro was not a man to be bought off easily, but saw the obvious advantages to be had from the preposition. More troops, experienced with mountain life. Legitimacy for his push to destroy the army of Quitians. Passage and trust in Cusco. And the Sapa Inka delivered into his power. He accepted the offer, and requested Quispe-Tupac join him along with an army and funds. Castro halted his march to see if the young Sapa Inka would join him. His wishes would be granted when, on April 3, the Cuscan Army approached Castro's forces.

    Castro received emissaries from Quispe-Tupac, asking that the Spaniard come and see him. Castro asked that the Sapa Inka come see him. Quispe-Tupac would not do it. He was taking a risk as it was to trust Castro, and he would avoid ever leaving his entourage. Eventually Castro relented and visited the young Sapa Inka. The Spaniard was showered in gifts and promised more should victory be achieved. Very little was agreed upon, and less actually understood. For example Quispe-Tupac promised to "raise the cross" in Cusco. Castro took this to be a promise that the empire would convert to Christianity. Quispe-Tupac took it to mean that he would built the Spanish a Church.

    But still the armies lumbered north, divided but united in purpose. Quisquis prepared with Ninancoro for the fight of his life. And to the south Manco faced the much awaited Mapuche revolt.

    The revolt turned out to be something of an anti-climax. No Toqui ever emerged as a leader of the revolt, and the entire affair was disorganized. Those Mapuche not under Tawantinsuyu rule did little to assist their brethren and the revolt led mostly to more Mapuche being forced across the dessert, bringing news to their exiled cousins. But the revolt had forced Manco to organize all of his forces into one army. And with the Mapuche threat dispersed for now he was free to march north. So he did.

    But he did not say whose claim he was supporting.
    _____

    1: Poor guy's racking up a bad record ITTL, but IOTL he was one of Atahualpa's finest generals. His defense of Cusco was surprisingly resilient for a man with no Emperor in a hostile land.
     
    Chapter 1.21: Divide Their Tongues,
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    Quisquis planned to use the Andes to his advantage

    Quisquis met his new ruler at Cajacamara, battered and out maneuvered by Castro, he must have been hoping that Ninancoro could inspire confidence could inspire in his wavering army. Instead he found a young man well out of his depth, leaving Quisquis once again on the ropes. Hearing of Cusco's alliance with Spain Ninancoro wanted to retreat but Quisquis was prepared to make a stand. The general viewed keeping a toehold in the central empire as vital to winning the war. So he cajoled the young Sapa Inka into organizing a defense just north of Cajacamara. To reinforce his position he summoned the general Ukumari south, with a large number of troops. This left a small number of troops defending Quito, the borders of the north, already porous, began to fray completely. Quisquis knew this would happen, but he guessed (correctly) that the northern tribes would never be able to threaten Quito directly. Right now what he needed was a strong, organized stand to force the Spanish and Cuscan advance to halt.

    Long term Ninancoro's faction lay its hopes in Manco. It was widely known that the Cuscan nobility distrusted Atahualpa's brother, and the feeling was likely mutual. Quisquis did fear that Manco would try and assert his own claim to the throne with his large, battle tested force. There was little Quisquis or Ninancoro could do except promise Manco things they currently could not give. The best the faction could do for now was hunker down and fight.

    Manco had a long way to march north, and kept a slow pace. He knew that many of his troops were predisposed to favor Ninancoro, but he did not wish to play his hand too early either. So he crawled up the coast slowly, looking for any excuse to stop for awhile and bash some "rebellions". The only title he asserted was that of Apu, roughly analogous to Governor, of Qullasuyu. The previous Apu had just died, and Manco had already running the show for quite some time. The move was a political ploy that ended up working quite well. Both Quispe-Tupac and Ninancoro announced their approval of the move, each not knowing what the other had done, in the hopes that Manco would back then. Instead he used the double endorsement as an excuse to levy troops and supplies from the locals, who could now not fall back on the excuse of backing another claimant.

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    The Spanish-Cuscan Alliance was a tense one

    As the great wild card ambled north. Quispe-Tupac and his new Spanish allies began to ecamine the other with suspicion The Sapa-Inka made as little contact as possible with Castro and Castro's native allies, preferring to keep his Cuscan force away from what he perceived as a dangerous influence. Castro had promised his Chimu allies that he would get Quispe-Tupac to free Chan Chan from Tawantinsuyu control. Quispe-Tupac balked at these commands, seeing his empire stripped away. But he had cast his lot with the Spanish, and so gave vaguely affirmative answers to Castro's promised changes and prepared his plans on how to get the Spaniard out of his hair.

    Quisquis carefully prepared his defenses, readying a stand against his advancing enemies. He did not intend to be caught off guard again. His line would hug the mountains and throw back the advancing tide. When Ukumari arrived Quisquis would (hopefully) have enough forces to hold his position against more then one attack.

    Then the Cañari revolt began.

    The revolt was not entirely Cañari, other local groups were certainly involved, but it was the Cañari who's name would reach the history books for the revolt. While Atahualpa had the steadfast loyalty of his army and choice selections or the north many still felt the desire to break free from the Tawantinsuyu. And Castro's invasion provided a perfect opportunity.

    The impetus for the revolt came as Ukumari marched through the lands of the Cañari. His army behaved no worse then any before him. But his army still needed food from the storehouses along the route, and times were hard across the empire. A few scuffles over food with some peasants later and a revolt was emerging. It was disorganized at a large scale, but at a local level it was more cohesive then previous revolts with small bands of rebels proving effective in raids.

    Ukumari's pace slowed dramatically, and he found himself bleeding men and supplies to the ill-timed rebellion. He began to focus on pacification, a necessity if Quisquis was to avoid an attack on the rear. So when Castro's attack came in mid-August Quisquis faced it alone.

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    A glorification of the Battle.

    Spanish historians would term the ensuing fighting the Battle of Cajacamara, but Quisquis's forces were actually well to the north and the attack was really a series of smaller battles along a wide front. Castro's Spaniards and Chimu fought well, as did Quisipe-Tupac's Cuscans. Quisquis's men were more experienced then all but the Spanish, and the general had organized his defense well. In the end the attacking forces were unable to break the Quitian lines. Castro and Quispe-Tupac retreated back to Cajacamara, and planned their next move. But Quisquis would make it for them.

    The battles had caused his men to take heavy casualties, and Ukumari still was bogged down to the north. Quisquis felt could not defend against another full on attack from his enemies, and he would certainly be unable to prevent a break through on any subsequent attacks.

    So Quisquis ceded the field, and took his army and Ninancoro North, hoping that he would finally find a strategy to stop the Spanish.
     
    Chapter 1.22: Once More Unto the Breach
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    Both sides had a variety of warriors at their disposal

    Quisquis marched north in fury, his plan in shambles. His force cut a swath through the Cañari to Ukumari. Quisquis was reportedly furious with the general for failing on his march south, and made this fact clear to Ukumari. Nonetheless the die had been cast and the two generals began to clear the Cañari rebellion with a brutal efficiency. The Cañari were strong warriors and knew their homeland well, the Tawantinsuyu attacks were not achieved without great blood being spilled by the Sapa Inka's army.

    But unlike the Mapuche or the Chimu the Cañari had not yet faced the wrath of European weaponry. Guns were a rare sight before the rebellion but Quisquis turned them on the rebels. The general took special care to stop any broad collation from emerging amongst the Cañari. Quisquis was effective in this effort, preventing any army from arising that could challenge Quisquis's power, so as the 1548 of turned to 1549 the Tawantinsuyu had regained most of the physical territory seized during the revolt but there were pockets of resistance that remained defiant. Quisquis’s and Ukumari’s armies, which had been ready to face the Spanish in an epic battle, were reduced to fly swatting rebels. Their supplies were constantly being raided. Village after village they turned the rebels out only to find their food being smuggled to the hills. The army was spread thin and disease swept the Cañari, creating one of the bloodiest revolts that the empire had ever seen. Meanwhile Castro and Quisipe-Tupac debated their next move.

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    Negotiations

    Castro favored waiting to attack Quisquis. He reasoned that Quisquis’s forces were in disarray, and this gave the Spanish the opportunity to deal with pressing matters. Castro by now felt that he had a good handle on what Quisquis and Ninancoro were like, but he was less certain about Manco Yupanqui to the south. Castro wanted to hold the northern line for the time being and ride south in an attempt to come to sort of agreement with the prince. If that failed Castro reasoned that he could defeat the threat on his own, proving to possible anti-Tawantinsuyu allies that he was not a mercenary of Cusco.

    Quisipe-Tupac wanted to attack as soon as possible. To him the disorganization of Quisquis’s army meant that it was the perfect time to attack, not the time to lie back and give him time to regroup. Quisquis saw no reason to provoke Manco with an army marching south when his uncle had yet to actually do anything. In fact much of the Cusco nobility was beginning to suspect that Manco was bluffing about his military prowess, after all if he was so powerful why didn’t he just declare himself Sapa Inka? Quisipe-Tupac and his advisors agreed that it would be folly for the Sapa Inka to waste his time in the south. But they also found the idea of Castro wandering around the empire unsupervised to be horrifying and unacceptable. So they pressed for an attack, but Castro remained hesitant. Legend has it Quisipe-Tupac and his advisors then began to loudly discuss how rich the Cañari were and how terrible it would be to lose all that gold. A far more likely explanation is that Castro was bribed, his time away from Spain having dulled his sense of honor.

    Whatever the cause Castro and his allies began to advance north in April 1549, having taken the time of disagreement to organize themselves alongside each other. The Spaniards and the Tawantinsuyu were still extremely wary of each other, but Spanish bonds with the Chimu only grew stronger. This organization was not immediately but to the test, Quisquis was alerted to the movements, but recognized how exposed his own forces had become and began to retreat even further northwards. Ukumari and Quisquis once again conferred with Ninancoro, who once again expressed uncertainty about what his rapidly shrinking empire should do next. Once again, the generals decided to try and hole up in a defensive position. They reluctantly decided to abandon the crucial administrative center of Tumebamba, located amongst the Cañari, in favor of a retreat northwards. They selected small town to the north, which the Spanish would name La puerta del Inca, The Incas Gate[1]. It sat straight on the road to Quito, surrounded by mountains, a natural chokepoint for the Spanish, Cuscans and their allies.

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    Meeting with Manco's men

    Castro and Quisipe-Tupac were preparing for the inevitable bloody battle for the Gate, but were caught off guard by a message from Manco Yupanqui’s army. The Uncle to both of the major claimants was willing to submit to Quisipe-Tupac’s rule.

    Our accounts are limited as to what Manco’s process was, but there are some viable reasons for his siding with the Cuscans. Firstly, they were increasingly looking like the strongest faction within the empire, bearing Spanish allies and an increasing list of military victories, backing Quisipe-Tupac seemed a safe bet. Secondly, it made Manco’s territorial ambitions, which will be discussed later, more feasible. Allying with Cusco meant that he would not face a war on the frontiers of the south, nor would it lead to a costly occupation of the Tawantinsuyu home provinces like Atahualpa had faced. Thirdly it gave Manco further control over his troops. Manco’s forces were of torn loyalty, between him personally and the northern generals they had once served under. Leading them against the generals seemed counter intuitive, but it prevented them from having time to waver, and in any event Mano planned on only letting loyal forces go North. Finally, the prospective alliance would give further access to Spanish Ironworking skills as well as gun manufacturing.

    What Manco requested in return was simple, further acknowledgement of his control in the South, reconfirmation of his power as Apu. With it came the implication that he would be acting quasi-independently from Cusco. In exchange he offered some of his troops for the planned northern campaign, as well as loyalty and tribute to his nephew. To the Spanish he promised opportunities to trade.

    Castro and Quisipe-Tupac were united in their desire for a deal, and quickly agreed to Manco’s terms. It gave them more troops for their planned assault on Quisquis’s lines, and eliminated a threat to their south. Manco would send his son Sayri-Tupac North with the promised forces, along with gifts for his new allies.

    Quisquis fumed, and consulted with Ukumari. Retreating further north or capitulating was likely considered, but neither seemed viable. Quisquis would not run again. No. He would stand and fight.

    1- Alausi IOTL
     
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    Chapter 1.23: Pachacuti's Judgement
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    Quisipe-Tupac's court was ecstatic when his Uncle submitted to his rule
    Now bolstered by Manco’s submission to Quisipe-Tupac’s rule Castro and the Sapa Inca could return to their plans to break through the lines Quisquis had forged. Castro sent word to Tumbez, announcing his success and requesting reinforcements from across America, claiming that victory was at hand. Southern reinforcements would arrive in the north, though they were actually Northerners whose loyalty when arrayed against Quito was dubious. Despite these flaws they remained warm bodies to throw against the enemy, or if their loyalty was seriously in question, to be placed on occupation duty against peasant rebels, freeing up more reliable forces for the actual offensive.

    The next move was pacifying the Cañari, who were still in a rebellious atmosphere. Quisipe-Tupac did not especially help this matter, demanding their immediate submission and looking to be set on the course that had dismantled Quisquis’s plans. But Castro managed to stave off disaster, he unilaterally declared himself to be a protector of the Cañari, announcing the fact to his rather confused Spanish and Chimu subordinates. He then went to Quisipe-Tupac and bluffed his way into getting the Sapa Inka to back off, mainly based off of empty threats to withdraw his forces. This somehow worked, and the threat of a Second Cañari revolt was dissipated. It also inadvertently strengthened his hand amongst the Chimu, who saw it as a sign that Castro was truly committed to defending them against Tawantinsuyu tyranny.

    Quisipe-Tupac was furious, but there was little he could do at the moment. However, he privately began to express doubts over the reliability of his Spanish “allies”, and consulted with Cusco nobility over the post-war troubles he would likely face. They agreed that the Spanish could not completely expelled from the Empire as things now stood. Even more troublingly Quisipe-Tupac realized that, if the Spanish organized an ambush for him he would likely be killed or captured. He and his advisors resolved that once Ninancoro’s faction had been defeated the Sapa Inka should immediately retreat to the somewhat safer confines of the Cusco Valley. The Spanish would then be bribed to go away, probably with copious amounts of precious metals, and possibly some coastal land. Giving the Spanish even more of a foothold was not welcomed, but barring major surprises over the course of the war it was the safest way to “dispose” of Castro and his forces.

    Quispie-Tupac’s mood was lifted slightly by the arrival of the force promised by Manco at Tumebamba. There they agreed to what Spanish sources termed “The Capitulation of Tumebamba” and admitted that Quisipe-Tupac as the rightful Sapa Inka of the Tawantinsuyu. Quisipe-Tupac and Castro quickly assessed that the vast majority were not outright mutinous but neither would be the most enthusiastic or effective fighters when placed opposite their former comrades in arms. Thus, the troops provided from the southern frontier were generally used to shore up areas of Cuscan control destabilized by plague and the subsequent destabilization of society. This freed up more reliable troops for use in the North. These troops were generally not experienced in the type of massive battle that was to ensue at the Inca’s Gate, but training them was simply another way the troops provided by Manco could be used without being sent to the front line.

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    Both sides would occasionally skirmish before the Battle

    Meanwhile Quisquis prepared for the coming attack. He made another gamble, that the Spanish would come North through the Mountains, rather than turning towards the coast and trying to advance through the jungles. Unlike his previous gambles it payed off, as Castro had no intention of advancing through such treacherous terrain, preferring to take his chances in a straight fight. Quisquis took everyman he could to defend against the incoming storm, the defenses on the Northern border were mostly abandoned, with their goal becoming a prevention of any sacks of important cities by vengeful local tribes, rather than attempting to actually govern the border.

    And so, the stage was set for a battle at the Inca’s Gate, one that would prove one of the bloodiest yet.

    Ninancoro apparently did not want to attend the battle personally, afraid for his own wellbeing. But Quisquis forced him to show himself, and provide inspiration to the warriors Qusquis had prepared. Qusquis himself was there, as was Ukumari. Both Castro and Quisipe-Tupac were there, though only Castro would lead his forces personally.

    On October 9th 1550 the first attack began on the Inca’s Gate. The defenders were nearly out of powder, and so slung stones and shot crossbows unless absolutely necessary. It was mainly Cuscans and Chimu who launched the first assault against the defenders, inexperienced with European weaponry, and with the Spanish retaining much of said weaponry for themselves, the fighting turned into a brawl. Both sides spilled blood in massive amounts on the first day of fighting. Quisquis’s men held their positions, and soon the Chimu and Cuscans retreated for the night.

    On the second day Castro dragged foreword his cannons, and began to barrage the defenders with fire. Some fled, but most held. After the bombardment ended the Chimu and Cuscans charged once again into the melee, this day they punctured the defender’s positions, but these advantages were lost in the chaos of the battle, and once again the attackers were forced back.

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    Substantially more advanced then what was used at the Battle of the Inca'a Gate

    On the 10th Castro again ordered the cannons fired into the Inca’s Gate, but then followed up this attack by personally leading a charge towards the enemy forces. Calvary and pikemen charged alongside Cuscans and Chimu. They pressed further then they had before, victory seemed imminent. And then the Earth began to rumble. Stones tumbled down the walls of the valley from all sides, Quisquis’s men turned tail and fled, in a suspiciously orderly fashion. Spanish horses were spooked and began to buck or run uncontrollably, foot soldiers, native or Spanish were startled at best or panicking at worst. Some were crushed or wounded by the rocks the fell, but more fell in the panicked retreat that followed.

    This sudden change in fortune was not an accident.

    The Tawantinsuyu had lived in the mountains for generation, and knew full well the power of an avalanche, in fact they had historically created elaborate machinery to launch rockslides. No such sophistication was seen here, just some carefully piled rocks, that were forced into action by some pushing of some carefully placed rocks. Quisquis had waited until the Spanish had entered the fray to unleash his surprise. The actual casualties from the man-made disaster were low, even taking into account the panic that had followed, the real damage came in how it disrupted Castro’s plans. The Inca’s Gate had not been a particularly welcoming point of attack prior to the move by Quisquis, not it was riddled with large rocks, uneven ground, and now was generally unsuited for a cavalry charge.

    It would take an even bloodier battle then Castro had expected, if he had any hope of breaching it.
     
    Chapter 1.24: Good General Quisquis went out, twas the Feast of Stephan...
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    Deadlock reigned for the Spanish

    Castro led another attack personally on the 11th, more out of frustration than anything else, it was short and confirmed the fact that advancing would now be an extremely bloody affair. The next day he retreated into conference with Quisipe-Tupac on the subject of what to do next. A dangerous march through the nearby mountains was considered, but rejected, there was no way to be sure they would not be ambushed.

    Another option would be withdrawing from their positions and searching for another way north, perhaps along the coast. But that would sacrifice the ground they had gained, and for a path north that neither Castro nor Quisipe-Tupac knew well enough to be assured of success. They would remain at the Inca’s Gate for now, but until a reliable solution could be found a full assault would be avoided.

    Unbeknownst to them on that very, far to the north, Philip van Hutten and Bartholomew Wesler met the beleaguered forces defending the northern frontier for the first time. They demanded that they be brought before the Inka. The locals were weary, translation was spotty, but they all remembered the Sack of Quito and the destruction that Europeans could bring. However, the best of the army was in the South, so an ambush was considered unlikely to succeed. But Quito did have one thing that could get the Welser expedition moving away: Gold.

    In a fateful decision Quito offered Welser and Hutten an opportunity. They would pay the expedition to leave, head south and help the Sapa Inka defeat some “rebels”, failing to mention the Spanish presence alongside said rebels. Hutten and Welser conferred and agreed, taking the money and turning south. However, they took a sluggish pace, often ransacking small, undefended villages for supplies. In general, they were very impressed by the infrastructure and organization of this new land, as well as how “surprisingly civilized” the people seemed to be. Plans were sketched for future expeditions, and for attempts to get Charles V to extend the Welser domain southward. This was the chance they had bee waiting for, they had missed the city of gold, but found an Empire.

    By the time Quisquis heard word of the arrival of yet more foreigners it was too late to send orders to stall them. So, he waited, taking advantage of the lull in fighting to develop more rockslide traps, further north along the road, in case the Spanish broke through, or in case these mysterious newcomers proved hostile. He rounded up the gold he had on hand, and sent orders to collect as much as could be gotten, to increase his position in any prospective attempts to buy off Hutten and Welser. Quisquis was successful in quashing any rumors spreading to the enemy of the new players, allowing him the chance to buy them off without Castro’s interference, if he played his cards right.

    When Hutten and Welser finally arrived at the Inca’s Gate in December, Quisquis and Ninancoro welcomed them with a cautious optimism. Quisquis explained that rebels had risen up against the rightful Sapa Inka, who would be happy to provide them with Gold and Silver for their services.

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    A (Stylized) Deception of Hutten demonstrating his prowess to Quisquis and his subordinates

    Welser and Hutten asked if trade could be arranged and Quisquis agreed, after the enemy was defeated. Then terms could be negotiated. It was here that Welser, far more so then Hutten, came to be suspicious. Quisquis was being far more conciliatory then would be logical for an empire that had defeated several Spanish attempts at conquest, if they were desperate for European weapons something was wrong. Welser asked Quisquis is there were any Europeans fighting for the rebels.

    Quisquis made a split-second decision and lied, claiming that the rebels had stolen much of the weaponry belonging to the Sapa Inka, most of which was European based. But he denied that there were any Europeans present. Welser cautiously accepted this lie. Quisquis was exuberant, he believed the stalemate that had persisted since October. He planned his attack for Christmas Eve, eager to symbolically attack the Spanish. Welser and Hutten were appalled by this plan, despite not knowing that there were Spanish on the opposing side and despite not being particularly adherent to certain Christian principles [1] neither wanted to annoy their men by attacking on a holiday. Quisquis was disappointed, but could do nothing. And so, he waited, as the Spanish used the opportunity to spread around western goods and gifts to their allies in an attempt at converting them. By December 26th, the saint day of the first Christian martyr, Quisquis was ready for his attack.

    He ordered Hutten and Welser’s men to open fire, to announce this new stage of the war to the world. They stood still. Then Hutten ordered them to fire, and they did.

    At first Castro, who was at the time having allies scout out possible secret paths, at first thought it was drunken revelers trying to show off, and went to scold his men, only to find they were as confused as he was. Immediately sensing the gravity of the situation, he ordered his men to ready a defense. The Cuscan forces under Quisipe-Tupac also heard the gunfire, and roused themselves. They heard again the sound of gunfire, and tensed themselves. Emerging from the field of rocks was Quisquis’s army, alongside men on horseback and men wielding muskets. A panic inducing sight to many.

    Hutten led the charge personally, aiming to take down those wearing “stolen” armor and bearing weapons that were not theirs. He was soon horrified to learn that they were not natives, but fellow Europeans, who cursed at him repeatedly. He tired to call off the attack, but too much had been committed already for him to get the Tawantinsuyu to retreat, and by this point the Spanish were not interested in listening to peace overtures. The surprise of the attack was a huge factor in its initial success, as Quiquis’s army had been able to sneak across the normally untraversable terrain between the two sides. To Hutten’s surprise his side began to win, and to his horror he saw the banners of Castro’s men, banners of the crown of Spain. He was not fighting mercenaries, but agents of the King of Spain.

    So when Castro formed his men into a defensive arrangement, leaving his allies out in the open, Hutten did not press his advantage, even against Tawantinsuyu allies of Castro. Instead he took the chance to pull back and leave his own allies to the slaughter.

    What ensued was perhaps the last “traditional” battle the empire would ever see. With Castro still trying to figure out what was going on and Hutten refusing to press the advantage it was between two armies that, at best, had some crossbows and a couple of men on horseback to supplement their main force.

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    Later European deceptions of the Battle would ignore the part where neither Hutten nor Castro did much

    The fight was brutal. Manco’s veterans, having spent years in the South, had trained their men in the use of clubs, a popular choice of weapon there. The Cuscans brought with them simple spears, but it was those spears that had conquered the Andes for the Tawantinsuyu. Quisquis’s force possessed both these, in addition to slings and bows and arrows used by members of northern tribes.

    It was Quisquis’s forces thus had a slight advantage when at a longer range from their enemy, but that gap quickly closed. The rest of the battle was a melee, axes and clubs shattered bone. Spears pierced the defenses of most soldiers, with only those privileged enough to have received some sort of shield or armor (whatever the material) being able to evade death when their opponent managed a strike. Crossbows proved difficult to move with in the scrum, and few people bore swords. Though both sides had sought to distinguish their forces from the other, many of these signs became lost in the fray. So it became difficult to tell friend from foe, often leading to death from a friendly axe.

    Quisquis’s men had started the day more organized, and so they remained. Despite the confusion it seemed that the battle was moving in a direction that Castro would not be pleased with. If Hutten would have thrown himself back into the battle, the day might well have been won. Castro was in no mood to risk his force and had already retreated from the actual fighting.

    But Hutten did not throw himself into the battle. He waited, and did not move. Quisquis, who had set up camp between two large boulders that now rested in the Inca’s Gate, sent messengers begging him to attack. But Hutten would not be moved, be it for fear of Spain, or anger at Quisquis’s lies.

    When Castro realized that his new opponent wasn’t moving, he first feared a trap, but eventually allowed himself to be talked into reinforcing his battered allies. He broke his defensive parameter and sent the Spanish straight into the fight.

    For a while the Tawantinsuyu tried to resist the Spanish charge, but with no mountains or numerical advantage they could not repeat the miracles that had felled previous invasions. They fell back, then Hutten turned and rode back through the Inca’s gate. With their last hope gone Quisquis’s forces abandoned the field entirely, retreating into the safety in the rubble. Castro, still slightly suspicious of a trap, would not go farther as the sun grew low. Quisipe-Tupac and his generals, whose forces were bloodied also called a halt.

    Despite the Europeans largely withdrawing from the day’s conflict, its casualties were raised just by the sheer number of participants. Sources are scarce on the exact number lost, but all those present agreed that it was the bloodiest post-contact battle save possibly Quito. And even then, one had to take into account previous battles at the Inca’s Gate.

    The element of surprise had been lost, and it seemed that stalemate reigned. Quisquis had been unable to break Castro, and Castro still lacked a way to break Quisquis.

    Yet Quisquis had a major problem, Hutten felt betrayed and vulnerable, and Welser was inclined to agree. Having no loyalty to Quisquis the pair began to stew in their rage.

    The type of rage that can break empires.

    _____________________________________________________________________________________

    1: Like “thou shalt not kill” or “thou shalt not covet” or “love thy neighbor” or “turn the other cheek” or...
     
    Chapter 1.25: Prepare Your Hearts as a Fortress, for there Shall be no others
  • Alemanes_en_Venezuela_von_Hutten_y_Welser_1535.jpg

    Hutten, Welser and an inaccurately drawn Tawantinsuyu man

    Hutten and Welser made a beeline for Quisquis, who had retreated back to his side of the Inca’s Gate. They demanded an explanation as to why they had been lied to. Quisquis was now in a bind, yet again. He could tell them the truth, which would anger them. Or he could spin yet more lies, and hope to keep them on his side long enough to win the war. However, he had little time to spin a new web, and Hutten and Welser were not in the mood to trust Quisquis at this juncture, so he opted for the truth.

    Quisquis admitted he had been duplicitous in his dealings thus far. He explained that he had been nervous about how they would react to seeing fellow Europeans. He claimed that the Spaniards had violated the laws of “my gods and yours” by supporting Quisipe-Tupac over Ninancoro. Ninancoro (or at least not Quisipe-Tupac) had been favored by Atahualpa, and was eldest, therefore he should be recognized by both Europeans and Tawantinsuyu. Welser and Hutten were not particularly convinced by this line of argument and began demanding concessions from Quisquis.

    Firstly, they demanded that they meet with Ninancoro, the person they were nominally fighting for. Without Quisquis present. They wanted to see if they could get a better deal from a young and possibly impressionable ruler.

    Second, they requested some sort of talks with Castro and Quisipe-Tupac, they wanted to hear the other side of the argument and try to reach some sort of deal, perhaps some sort of joint rule or division of the lands. Despite putting on airs of a neutral party, looking for the best solution for all, this was not at all what Welser and Hutten were doing. They wanted an opening to hear what the opposing side was willing to offer for their services.

    Welser and Hutten also demanded special status if they were to keep fighting. They wanted the right to go where they pleased within the Tawantinsuyu and to trade with who they pleased. Welser demanded a guarantee that any trade from Klein-Venedig be given equal status with Spanish trade, same price, same goods. Hutten wanted Welser employed men to be exempted from local law, as well as the right to punish anyone who attacked anyone from his domains.

    Finally, they demanded even more gold. They demanded the fortune of Quito in exchange for their continued cooperation with Quisquis and Ninancoro, in addition to large bribes to both Welser and Hutten personally. In order to ensure a more stable revenue stream they also demanded that a ship’s worth of gold and silver be handed over every year to the Welser family.

    These terms were as ludicrous as they were expensive. Most historians agree that Welser and Hutten made the ultimatum intentionally unworkable to provide cover for their intended defection. It is telling of how desperate he was that Quisquis even tried to meet the requirements.

    He allowed Welser and Hutten to meet with Ninancoro, though it was noted that Ninancoro had clearly been coached for the meeting and simply reiterated the points that Quisquis was already making about his claim to power. Hutten would later write that Ninancoro was “a slight, unmeritable man. Giving him the throne was among the greatest cruelties ever done to a man”. Needless to say, Welser and Hutten were not impressed by the claimant Sapa Inka.


    Quisquis, and by extension Ninancoro, were adamantly opposed to any sort of talks with Quisipe-Tupac, who was seen as a vile usurper. In a half-hearted attempt at compromise Quisquis offered to talk with Castro, who’s initial incursions in Tawantinsuyu lands had had nothing to do with the succession crisis, indeed Castro had begun his trek before Atahualpa had died. This proposal was actually acceptable to Hutten and Welser, they cared not for who ruled the Tawantinsuyu only that they had a slice of it and that they avoided a potentially damaging squabble with the Spanish. However, they also viewed Quisquis’s move as another sign of his untrustworthiness and believed that it showed that he was not negotiating in good faith.

    Quisquis was perfectly willing to offer them special status, in fact he offered them a choice. They could have the current Spanish holdings at San Miguel along with the rights that entailed like the Spanish Road. Or they could be offered a similar deal, but with a settlement/stockade near Quito and a trade route stretching South. When they seemed uneasy he offered them both. However even that was not enough to sway them, the Spanish had started with such a deal, and now were fighting for their lives. And maybe a better deal could be reached on the other side…

    The last demand Quisquis fiddled with a bit. He lowered the amount to be turned over to Klein-Venedig from the entire riches of Quito to a more modest sum. But he also raised the amount proposed for bribes to Hutten and Welser personally, seeking to appeal to their personal greed. Hutten was lightly calmed by this, but Welser, for whom the money was all going to the same place, was less amused and ensured that this part of the proposed deal was unacceptable.

    quisquis.jpg

    History remains divided on the subject of Quisquis

    Overall Quisquis’s desperate final deal was completely unacceptable to Hutten and Welser, and they began to make a straightforward plan. Their men would seize Quisquis, Ninancoro and Ukumari while they slept and deliver them to the Spanish as an apology for the previous confusion. With no leader the Northern Army would soon disband. They told Quisquis that they were “optimistic” about the deal, but still need some time to consider.

    On the night of the 28th they made their move. Ukumari was seized quickly and relatively quietly, his guards were tricked, then killed, and the general “guarded” by some Welser men.

    Ninancoro and Quisquis would prove more difficult to kidnap. Ninancoro’s guards fought well, drawing their swords before they could be incapacitated. The clamor awoke most of the nearby army and soon a massive fight was happening, Welser (who was leading this portion of the plan) was surrounded quickly, but he and his men continued to push towards Ninancoro, who panicked and provided little in the way of inspiration and guidance for those attempting to defend him. With Hutten simultaneously attacking Quisquis there was little help likely to arrive.

    Quisquis was actually still awake, wondering if Hutten and Welser would truly agree to his deal. When his guards informed him that several armed men wanted to see him he got his answer. His guards seized and stabbed the men who initially arrived, and Quisquis sounded the alarm, as Hutten advanced on his quarters. Two simultaneous battles raged in the darkness, with the bulk of the army either still asleep, or in great confusion over who they were fighting.

    NInancoro was seized after his body guards were cut down by some swordsmen, and Welser immediately held him hostage, forcing the soldiers to back off. For all that Quisquis was the true power behind the throne, Ninancoro was still considered by most of his troops to be a living god, and could not be let down. When he, still in a frenzied panic, ordered his men to stand down, they did.

    Even upon being informed that Ninancoro had been captured Quisquis fought on, having escaped into the open, waving his own sword, and his guards. Followed. But the rest of the army was paralyzed with Ninancoro’s capture. Quisquis was soon surrounded by the enemy.

    He did not last long, his guards fell to fire quickly, and despite his bravado with his sword, he could not do much with it. But he kept fighting, and ended up dying rather than allowing himself to be captured alive. He left a mixed legacy, he had fought unto the end, but had made mistakes that left the empire near ruin. However, his uncompromising attitude and dramatic death would mean he received a place of honor in pro-Tawantinsuyu history.

    The next morning Welser and Hutten paraded Ninancoro and Ukumari arounf before the army, who were shocked to see their superiors humbled in such a fashion. Nonetheless they obeyed orders to stay put and not to resist as Welser and Hutten demanded that all horses, swords and crossbows be turned over to them. Some native weapons were piled up and burned, while others were left in the hands of their owners, though always in the presence of an armed European. With their former allies now neutered Welser and Hutten now headed south with a band of guards, bearing a flag of truce.

    Upon seeing the advancing Germans Castro was suspicious but agreed to a meeting. He was surprised to find Welser and Hutten apologetic for the incident on the 26th. They also explained that they were now in control of the enemy army, had killed Quisquis and were willing to end the war for two simple terms. First, they wanted total forgiveness for themselves, their men and Klein-Venedig with respect to the violence on the Feast of Saint Stephan. Secondly, they wanted a place at the table when it came to divvying up the Empire, which is what he presumed Castro was doing. Castro, still dumbstruck by his good fortune agreed, though he did warn that how much they would get was dependent on Quisipe-Tupac.

    For his part Quisipe-Tupac found the sudden arrival of Welser and Hutten a mixed blessing. On one hand it ended the civil war in his favor, and without further bloodshed. On the other hand, it led to yet more land hungry Europeans wanting to divide his empire, and he was in no way in a position to fight them.

    Almost immediately Castro presented his demands, the cession of a large part of the Tawantinsuyu under his control. Tumbez and the surrounding fortifications were to be surrendered to the Spanish. The Chimu lands were to be turned over as well because the Tawantinsuyu “could not be trusted” to respect them. The same principle was applied to the lands of the Cañari. This “conveniently” left Quito and the rest of the North cut off from the rest of the empire, which was then to be given to the Spanish. Castro then turned this area over to the Welser family has thanks to their assistance. Welser men and Spaniards would be allowed to roam the empire and trade freely, with any criminals simply being sent back to their country of origin. In recognition of their role in “saving the empire” the Spanish would be granted some land to build a fort in Cusco, and be granted a place in Quisipe-Tupac’s court. Any Tawantinsuyu citizen accused of harming a European would have to be turned over promptly to their accusers. Christian missionaries would have the same protections as the local religions.

    elmapo.png

    Yellow=Spain, Orange=Welser, Red=Direct Rule From Cusco, Pink=Under the Influence of Manco-Capac, Green=Hispano-Mapuche Alliance, Blue=Portugal
    The terms were onerous to Quisipe-Tupac, but after what had happened to Quisquis he saw himself as having little choice. Castro allowed no negotiations, and made clear that these terms were his price for allowing Quisipe-Tupac to retain his throne. According to legend he laid out the agreement before Quisipe-Tupac and then laid down his sword next to it, presenting the young ruler with a choice. Quisipe-Tupac agreed to the treaty, commonly called the Capitulation of the Epiphany, after the date on which it was agreed to.

    Welser and Hutten turned North, now commanding a land rich with treasure and strife. Following them were much of the Quitian Army, once the pride of the Tawantinsuyu, now subjects of a far-off power.

    Castro went South-East, to Tumbez, which he intended to reform into a proper capital for this new Spanish colony. Little thought was given to his new Chimu or Cañari subjects, only the glory he had won for Spain.

    Quisipe-Tupac turned south, disappointed and seemingly out of options. He was accompanied by a group of Spaniards, eager to start their new settlement near Cusco. They were not guards per say, his own forces out numbered them by enough that he could probably defeat them if need be, but they were reporting his every move back to Castro, and they symbolized the new-found power Spain had over him.

    Manco-Capac turned South as well, taking back all that had marched North with him. Quisipe-Tupac’s position was too weak for him to protest this action, though he did score a minor victory when Manco left his son Sayri-Tupac to live/be educated/spy/be held hostage in Cusco.

    Disease still burned through the New World, heeding no man nor god. Chaos reigned in many areas, and new battle lines were already being drawn in the minds of some.

    And so, an era ended.

    And an explosive new one began.
     
    Interlude 1.5: The Beginning
  • “An amateurish attempt as steel,” Baltasar Maldonado said, turning the blade over in his hand. “I admit no true expertise in metal working, but I do know a man of your stature could get a much better sword. If you wish I could send an order to Toledo, no where on this earth can you find better blades.”

    As he watched the Apu, the Sapa Inka’s uncle he was told, he was struck by how calm the man remained, if Maldonado had been swindled like this, there would have been hell to pay. His translator finished with his offer and awaited his response. Manco-Capac, yes that was his name, replied, more inquisitive then angry.

    Maldonado’s translator nodded and began to repeat what Manco-Capac had just said.

    “No, it is fine. But tell me would this blade be good for a beginner? Someone who is just starting to learn the art of steel?”

    An odd request. Though, come to think of it, this entire conversation was odd. Maldonado had insisted upon no weapons being allowed to the meeting, but had relented after much begging from the Apu. Maldonado made his reply.

    “I do not make a habit of buying my swords from beginners, but I suppose so. Now, if we could return to the subject of the missing men, Señor Castro is eager to see them returned and would like to remind you how important this is to him. Your nephew also sends word of his concern for the missing and orders you to find them as quickly as possible.”

    As his translator relayed yet another message Maldonado noticed he was beginning to sweat. Maldonado hoped he wasn’t coming down with anything.

    Suddenly Manco-Capac stood up and began to walk away. Maldonado scrambled after him, as did the translator. The sword clattered onto the floor, forgotten.

    “There is little I can do to help you I am afraid, the Mapuche are a terribly uncivilized people, and will resort to banditry very quickly. As soon as I have more information I will act. Now come, I have something to show you.” The translator stumbled at Manco-Capac’s sudden movement, but managed to keep up fairly well.

    Maldonado kept silent as he followed the Apu through the winding halls of his residence in Quillota out onto a field, where a group of Tawantinsuyu men were milling about with what looked like…..guns?

    Manco-Capac shouted and the men lined up, he then turned and walked away, coming to stand beside the translator and Maldonado.

    “What did he say?” Hissed Maldonado.

    “I…am not entirely sure sir, I did not hear it all that well, but he said something about showing our guest something.”

    Maldonado huffed. Manco-Capac again shouted.

    The translator fidgeted with his Spanish belt, which had never fit him all that well, then replied.

    “He says ‘fire’, not like the kind made of flame but…” He was cut short by the unmistakable sound of guns.

    Manco-Capac turned and grinned. Maldonado gave a nervous smile.

    “Ah I see your plan for the bandits now. But tell me, where did you get the gunpowder? Did Castro sell you some and not tell me?”

    Maldonado did not need a translator to hear Manco-Capac’s answer.

    “Quillota.”

    Maldonado sneered a bit.

    “May I remind you that Quisipe-Tupac, your King, has expressly banned acquiring gunpowder from any source other than Spain.”

    Instead of translating, the translator pulled a knife on Maldonado, and pressed it against his gut.

    Manco-Capac either understood Maldonado’s tone, or knew more Spanish then Maldonado expected, considering his reply. The translator did his duty, but kept the knife trained on Maldonado.

    “My nephew may make all the decrees he wants to, but so long as Cusco remains under the foreign yoke, he has no power here.”
    FIN
    intiender.png

     
    Intro and Table of Contents - In the Light of the Sun
  • The year in 1551. The Tawantinsuyu Empire is battered and broken, but not yet dead.

    Quisipe-Tupac reigns in Qusqu, his traditionalist, anti-Kitan faction stands triumphant over the empire. But such a victory came at a price. He has made a devil’s bargain to keep his throne. The Northern reaches of his empire have been signed away to the Welsers and the Spaniards, and Europeans now roam freely in his empire. In Qusqu itself the Spaniards watch with a careful eye over Quisipe-Tupac’s court.

    In Tumbez Cristóbal Vaca de Castro sits in triumph. A new land has been subjugated for His Majesty Charles, and more is surely soon to follow. Now he begins the process of incorporating a new land into Spain’s ever-growing empire.

    But all is not well for Castro. Jealous eyes turn on him, just as they turned on Cortes. Reports from the south are sparse, and to his north there stands a colonial rival, something he has never faced before.

    With a well-timed betrayal the Welser family and their agent Philipp von Hutten have taken the farthest northern reaches of the empire. The great city of Kito is likened to the city of El Dorado, and there is plunder aplenty. Yet they have never governed such a civilized area as Kito, and many veterans from the region remember they betrayal of Quisquis. And they will find no sympathy from the Spanish, who are suspicious of this altogether German project. In Bogota the Governor fears encirclement.

    In the South Manco-Capac has submitted to Quisipe-Tupac’s reign, but not his power. A great number of Spanish have found themselves assailed by “bandits” and placed under the “protection” of the Apu. In Quillota the Tawantinsuyu have begun to master the art of steel, and gunpower is being created, though it is useful for little more than intimidation. Manco-Capac has been using his new discoveries to keep the subjected Mapuche in line, but in the east a threat looms.

    Mapuche exiled after Rumiñawi’s conquest have formed a loose confederation on Río de la Plata after driving out the natives. In doing so they saved the struggling Spanish colony of Buen Ayre and struck up an unlikely partnership. A Hispano-Mapuche Alliance dominates the basin now, but the Spanish have regained their footing, and now look outward. They have heard the tales told by the Mapuche and wish to use their allies to find a route to the riches of the Andes and bring the good word of Christ. And some Mapuche want to use their new allies’ obsession with conversion as a way to reclaim their homeland. And a small but devoted group of Mapuche want to do both at the same time. To their north lays the young Portuguese colonies who unknowingly sit above a rival.

    And so South America is set up for a new act but the players to not yet know their partners. Knives will soon be drawn, yet where their target lays no one, not even their wielders, knows.

    Across the sea Charles cares little for the games being played half a world away. He needs funds. And when Castro’s first shipment of gold and silver arrives Charles is ecstatic. And when the Welser family agrees to increase their loans to the empire in exchange for a confirmation of their rights to the land they have been granted. Perhaps he can force the French can now be forced out of Italy, or the Lutherans brought to heel.

    Yet the world is changing. England’s boy king drags his nation kicking and screaming towards Protestantism, his three sisters waiting in the wings. In Portugal eyes turn towards Brazil, dangerously close to Spanish interests. And to his south Charles faces a Franco-Ottoman alliance with a stranglehold on the Mediterranean.

    And all through Europe, the sailors talk. Rumors at first, but as men return from the New World the rumors became an odd sort of truth.

    A great power sits in the far west. A power so great that even the might of Spain could not fell them. And now their goods were flowing into Europe. Gold, furs, silver and a strange leaf can now be found flowing from Spanish trade houses, bringing much needed wealth to the ailing Hapsburgs.

    And so the crowned heads of Europe begin to ask themselves.

    Why not them instead?

     
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    Chapter 2.1: Setting Up the Pieces
  • book21stmap.png

    Previously on "The Sons of Inti Shall Not Perish"

    Quisipe-Tupac ruled over a broken realm, and now he was forced to try and fix it. Returning home, the young man cemented his rule by marrying his sister Cura Huarcay, much to the disgust of the Spanish contingent in Qusqu. By the end of the recent Hispano-Tawantinsuyu War the Sapa Inka had finally grasped the danger the Spanish posed and was well aware of his weakened position. As the Spaniards began building a church in the navel of the world Quisipe-Tupac began to ponder how to maintain his shaky rule.

    His first move was to “humbly request” that his uncle Manco Capac send a son north to be educated in Qusqu. These sorts of requests were not uncommon towards conquered peoples and Quisipe-Tupac wished to ensure his uncle’s submission. Manco Capac did indeed send a son, but not one to educated. Titu Cusi was 22 years old and was already well educated. Everyone in Qusqu soon realized that Titu Cusi was not being sent as a hostage/student but as the founder of a faction in Qusqu supportive of his father. It was small, and had little in the way of actual local support. Even Qusqu nobles who were suspicious of Spain still remembered how Manco Capac had betrayed their trust during the Machu Picchu rebellion. However, it was a tangible reminder that Quallasuyu was not at the beck and call of the Sapa Inka. In this early jostling for position Titu Cusi was payed little attention, however the man had the authority to speak for his father, and as more complex plans emerged this would become very important.

    The once untied Qusqu nobility fractured without a northern menace to oppose, and they were split into three groups. First were the supporters of Spain, who argued that Spain was an ally of the Tawantinsuyu, had proven itself such, and should be respected. This group was propped up by the Spanish in Qusqu who would make vaguely threatening moves if it seemed they would fall out of favor. No members of the Qusqu nobility dared convert to Christianity openly, but a few dabbled with it in the shadows as fact that often forced Quisipe-Tupac to look over his shoulder.

    Then there was a faction, the most amorphous of the bunch, that could best be described as hedonists. So long as their power did not cease and so long as they did not starve, they did not particularly care whose side the Sapa Inka was on. This middle group often shifted with the tide and it borders were often blurred.

    Finally, there were the anti-Spanish faction. They had hated the northern bent under Atawallpa as much as anyone, but they had wanted to lord over the north, not to lose it. They wanted to get more weapons from the Spanish, but had little interest in trade otherwise. This faction often advocated for harsher actions against Christian converts as well, though often in a veiled manner. Though the Spanish spies in the capital tied his hands Quisipe-Tupac would drift towards this group.

    It is worth noting that these divisions applied mostly to advice given to the Sapa Inka, many were still fanatically loyal to their god. Many a pro-Spanish advisor would have died fighting had Quisipe-Tupac gone to war. Despite this there were still those at the fringes who would sell anything for advancement.

    spanish_conquistador_weapons_chile.jpg

    Spaniards were no longer confined to one town

    For their part the Spanish in Qusqu were mostly concerned with ensuring that no secret plans were being made to make war on the Spanish or kidnap them for information. Though they were a potentially powerful force for now they were passive, as struggles in New Oaxoca distracted the Spanish leadership.

    Cristóbal Vaca de Castro was a loyal man to the Spanish crown, quite a useful trait as governor of Nuevo Oaxaca. Yet when the time came to divvy up the newly Spanish land he faced forces pushing back against the crown’s goals. Various groups stood in opposition to his plans to create an efficient, top down system to extract as much wealth as possible.

    In 1544 Charles V had promulgated the New Laws which restricted the rights of Spanish landowners with regards to Indian Labor, with the intent of creating more humane conditions for the Native Americans. It had failed completely. It was hardly enforced in New Spain, and where enforced it did improve life for the natives but that hardly meant they were treated well by any stretch of the imagination. But although the New Laws had failed in New Spain Castro was determined to enforce the will of the crown in New Oaxaca. Most rabble rousers in Mexico had seen that Castro was a royal man through and through and given him the cold solider. But some had come south to escape what they saw as onerous regulations. Now they saw them being imposed in their new conquests, and they would not take it lying down.

    Other Spaniards had different reasons for opposing any attempt by Castro to create an efficient system, Under the control of Sebastián de Belalcázar corruption had been rampant, lawlessness was at times encouraged and bribes were paid to pretty much everyone in Panama City, which had grown into a city of vice. There was even more wealth to be found with Spanish territories now being larger. However, a cleanly run administration would cut into their profits so another base of opposition was formed to Castro. They were not as numerous in New Oaxoca but they were very common in Panama. Castro had clear orders to establish a Real Audiencia in Tumbez, which would destroy one of the main sources of revenue for the Audiencia in Panama City. As it became apparent that Castro could not be bought off rumors were spread that he was corrupt or carousing with the natives. And they began to exert economic pressure on New Oaxoca inspecting ships bound for Tumbez, seizing goods for trivial reasons. Panama was lifeline for the southern reaches of the Empire, and the people there fully intended to use their influence for their own gain.

    The final group arrayed against any attempt to set up an efficient colonial system were the Chimu and the Cañari. Both groups were crucial allies during Castro’s expansion of New Oaxoca, and neither group were eager to submit to a new foreign yoke, having just thrown off the Tawantinsuyu. Castro could probably have defeated them if they rebelled, but at a high price in blood and treasure. In addition, it might strengthen the hand of any Tawantinsuyu who wished for war with Spain. So Castro was determined any such rebellion. Yet avoiding a native rebellion might send him into conflict with his fellow Spaniards.

    Despite these challenges Castro pressed forward with a plan designed to create a system that could fill the coffers with whatever bounties could be found in New Oaxoca. He began by restoring the Chimu and Cañari to governing themselves, however in doing so he drastically reduced their holdings from what they had possessed prior to his reorganization of the colony. With the decimation of war and of plague some resettlement was possible but not all Chimu and Cañari would be able to escape the areas under Spanish control. This was fine for Castro, and his plan called for using these natives as a middle group between the Spanish and the natives who were to be used to mine and farm. To encourage this new class Castro promised them certain rights similar to those given to the Tlaxcala in New Spain including weapons ownership. They would however be required to serve under the supervision of Spaniards who saw the divided up between them. Like in Mexico there were a variety of local offices overseeing the landowners, unlike in Mexico Castro intended to have them enforce the law strictly. He gave local governments more influence by granting said governments encomienda rights over Chimu and Cañari “wanderers”, giving local leadership an alternative powerbase to the nearby landowners. This formula did not exactly please the Spaniards who were opposed to royal influence but it was not so egregious as to provoke rebellion, and most believed that it could be corrupted soon enough. With regards to trade in and out of the colony Castro was unyielding, the Crown would have it’s due, regardless of anyone else’s opinion. And so, Panama seethed, spreading rumors and preparing bribes to try and chart a course to profit despite Castro’s best efforts. Castro had managed to set up his colony without open warfare, but how successful it could be remained to be seen.

    Both Quisipe-Tupac and Cristóbal Vaca de Castro faced difficult tasks in the aftermath of the war. And their first confrontation was fast approaching.

    Yet at least they could console themselves with the fact that they weren’t the Welsers.
     
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    Chapter 2.2 The Woes of the Welsers
  • Welser_family_coat_of_arms.jpeg

    Damn it Bartholomew I'm a banker not a landed aristocrat!
    The Welser family was a banking family.

    They were not a landed family originally. They were not known for their martial power. They were not men of the church more so then anyone else. They had a fine sounding lineage, but nothing more recent then the long dead Byzantine Empire. People feared the Welser family, even Kings and Emperors feared the Welser family. But they did not fear the sword, they feared the money. They did not fear the nonexistent rich lands of the Welsers, they feared the cold numbers of the family’s finances. Banking was where the Welsers had made their fortune, and banking was where they had stayed.

    Until now.

    In 1528 the Welsers had been granted Venezuela by Charles V in lieu of debt payments, and it was son given the German title Klein Venedig. In the two decades of Welser little had been done. Some settlement had occurred near the coast and some slaves had been imported for sugar plantations, but many had Germans had died of tropical diseases while mining for gold. Thus, the main industry of the Welsers in South America remained looting native American tribes and looking for the mythical city of El Dorado.

    In short nothing in the history of the Welser family had in any way prepared them to run their new holdings. Kito was an ancient city, with a long history of central rule. Before the war it had been the seat of power for the most influential group in the empire. And now the armies that had served Quisquis so faithfully were disbanded, their soldiers sent home across the north.

    Philipp von Hutten and Bartholomeus VI. Welser were optimistic however. They named their new territory Kleine Alpen or “Little Alps”. As Hutten was already Governor of Klein Venedig Welser, age 36 and heir to a powerful fortune, was named Captain-General. Still concerned about a possible Spanish incursion into Klein Venedig Hutten left as soon as possible once the new order was set up in Kito aboard a Spanish ship. He promised Welser that he would send new troops as soon as possible, either by sea or via the overland route in Columbia the pair had forged. With that promise Hutten departed and left Welser in charge.

    Welser had the self-awareness to realize that his situation was tenuous and so appealed to the tribes that lived on the fringes of Kleine Alpen, in jungles that were decidedly not alpine. In exchange for gold and military support he offered them near complete autonomy and freedom to do as they pleased. These tribes in general were fine with paying tribute to Kito, but were reluctant to actually leave their homes to assist Welser’s rule.

    These actions, while a stabilizing on the frontiers alienated the heart of Kleine Alpen: Kito. They saw this moves as a deep betrayal from a ruler who had only come into power by treacherously backstabbing Quisquis, a well-respected figure in the area. Welser also immediately seized the gold in Kito and began melting it down. His men invaded temples and desecrated holy sites. Men were forced to bow to a strange foreign cross. All in all, very standard actions for Europeans who had just humbled a mighty native empire.

    But the people of Kito had not been humbled. Their leaders had been murdered and in the ensuing chaos they had been occupied. Kito had been occupied before by Europeans, but they had soon been expelled, and even if no help from the south was going to come there existed a strong feeling of superiority amongst the people.

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    Poma would never live a peaceful life again​

    Then someone found a mummy. In June 1551, the height of the Andean winter, reports began to emerge from just south of Quito of a rabble rouser called Poma. This was almost certainly not his real name, Poma being the term for Panther, but he still began attracting a large group of followers. Poma was a veteran of the wars that had preceded the division of the Tawantinsuyu. Reports indicate he fought the Spanish several times as well as fighting against the Mapuche before ending up in Quisquis’s army. Like most of said army he was sent home when his side was defeated, but only after having developed a strong sense of loyalty to men like Quisquis and Atawallpa. Under normal circumstances he would have returned home to a quiet life, but the world was changing. Exact records are nonexistent but he probably returned home to find it devastated. His speeches claimed it had been burned by the Welsers, which is very probably false, but he likely found it infected with a few deadly European diseases, many which he might have recognized as uncurbable. Whatever happened there was nothing left for him at his home and he became a wanderer.

    Unheard of in the well-ordered days before contact a small but growing number of migrants took to roads of the Tawantinsuyu and Poma joined them, wandering around Kleine Alpen in search of…something.

    He found (or made) a mummy.

    Mummified remains of rulers held a special position in the faith of the Tawantinsuyu. Even as civil war had raged Atawallpa’s body had been carried unhindered to Qusqo for the process.They retained their old palaces in Qusqo and were periodically borught out for festivals and offered food and drink. Extreme reverence was given to them, and they were an important link between past glories and the present.

    And Poma claimed to have found Ninancoro’s. Never mind the fact that Poma had probably had never been back to the site of Ninancoro’s since he had been ordered home. Never mind that the Welsers would have just buried the would be Sapa Inka and that a body switch would have been near impossible. What mattered was that the angered men of the north now had a symbol to rally around in resistance to Welser rule.

    What no one, not even the man himself, knew was that in Poma they had found a man who could turn this resistance into something dangerous.
     
    Chapter 2.3: The Long Walk to Kito
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    A mummy being revered

    A mummy cannot make a rebellion, at least not a long lasting one. A symbol can rally, but it cannot give direction. No matter the religious convictions of the locals the alleged mummy of Ninancoro could not actually organize a rebellion on its own.

    However, Poma was a more then capable speaker. He spoke in a frenzied manner about how the gods demanded that the land be returned to the sons of Inti, not some foreign men with a foreign god. He claimed that the Welsers, having betrayed Ninancoro, would fall first before the Spaniards were swept out of the lands. Poma likely said that because he correctly ascertained that the Welsers were a weaker enemy then the Spanish. Politics aside however his religious fervor spoke to a society that was being torn apart at the seams. Plague, famine, foreign invasion, Poma offered a single enemy as the cause.

    Poma first gained traction in the southern reaches of Kleine Alpen, where Tawantinsuyu customs had sunk in the strongest. He soon had a small band of followers rallying around his radical cause. When two horsemen from Welser arrived in a village demanding taxes one lost his head and the other his horse. But for now, Welser was dealing with minor disturbances elsewhere, murder made Poma’s actions a minority, but not the only exception.

    Poma leveraged this incident into more followers. He spun a tale of Ninancoro’s mummy driving off the invaders, and the dead man’s blood being the first in what would soon be a river.



    There were not many Christians in Kleine Alpen, some missionaries had gone that far north illegally when the Treaty of Cajacamara was still in force but for the most part they had remained in the south and the Welsers were not as enthusiastic about conversion as the Spanish. Nonetheless the chaos of a changing world made a few natives turn towards this new faith whose god was powerful enough to bring down sickness on them all. Most missionaries could not stay long, but they could often leave behind dedicated new Christians, who despite having no training in theology were often eager to spread their faith. In most places they failed utterly, but in some places they formed small communities.

    One such place was in the town of Mullihambato nearby to where Poma had driven of Welser’s men. A particularly brave Spanish priest had converted a few men before fleeing south to escape local authorities. A few seemingly miraculous recoveries from normally deadly diseases occurred among the converts and soon Mullihambato had a relatively large population of Christians. Only a few had even ever met a European, the rest had learned of the faith through the half-remembered tales told by those who had met the priest. Little is known of their practices, but they were certainly jumbled and featured syncretism between Christianity and local beliefs. A European would likely not have recognized them as Christian and they certainly never would have been accepted into communion by the Catholic church.

    But that did not matter to Poma.

    On May 12 his small band of rebels descended on the town with clubs and axes. Poma himself bore a sword he had stolen from the dead man sent out from Kito. There were no real guards there, just a few peasants with farming equipment. They were quickly overrun and soon Poma was rounding up all the Christians he could find, along with a good number of non-Christians. He then brought forth the Ninancoro mummy and demanded that they revere it as befitting a king. The non-Christians and a few Christians did so and escaped, though they still were likely beaten. Those Christians who did not resist were brutally beaten and hacked to death by Poma’s men.

    Localized violence against Christians was not rare in the Tawantinsuyu after the Spanish began missionary efforts. Atawallpa had certainly made it as unwelcome as possible. But Poma made his actions well known and not cloaked in any sort of diplomatic pandering to the Spanish, which appealed to many in Kleine Alpen. Ex-soldiers, sent home by the Welsers left their homes to join the rebellion. The growth of Poma’s army and the brazenness of the massacre placed the Mummy Rebellion (as it was becoming known as) at the forefront of Weler’s to do list.

    He dispatched 27 men and some local allies to quell the rebellion when Poma gathered his forces along the Guyas river[1], away from the mountains in late May. However, the local allies proved less then loyal and Poma knew of their arrival. He left his position seemingly open to attack and the Germans charged, only to find a group of rebels exploding from some reeds along the river into their flank. Then the local allies abandoned any pretense of alliance and attacked the Germans, slaughtering them to a man. Though history would remember the Massacre of Mullihambato more the Battle of the Guyas proved that the rebels could face the enemy and attracted more support for the Mummy Rebellion then the massacre.

    Poma’s followers swelled in numbers, now numbering in the tens of thousands, joining him as he returned to the mountains. They remained disorganized in general but were far better organized. They ambled north, Poma spoke of a new empire that would be established in Kito then turn south and roll over the Spanish and the traitors in Qusqo. Slowly but surely the rebels marched towards Kito, living off the land. Sometimes they found willing donors of food, but sometimes they made raids. Poma tried to maintain some semblance of order, but even his considerable charisma could not keep his peasant army contained.

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    Experienced Soldiers formed the core of the rebellion

    Poma settled for figuring out who the good soldiers were rather than trying to train any new ones, mainly out of fear that harsh discipline would scatter his army. Recognizing the key role they had played in his victory at the Battle of the Guyas Poma placed the battle hardened veterans of the Tawantinsuyu Army at the center of amorphous force, leaving the untrained majority around them. It was not well organized.

    To the north Welser was growing desperate. Most of his allies were abandoning him. They lacked the organization amongst themselves to challenge him in Kito, and few were eager to join the Mummy Rebellion, which they saw as “beneath them”, but it still meant Welser’s already narrow support base was crumbling. Northern groups like the Cayambe and the Otavalo remained loyal, but also refused to aid Welser in his defense of Kleine Alpen.

    By July Poma was just over 30 miles south of Kito and Welser was desperate enough to act.

    Poma ambled north and Welser laid a trap for him at the town of Machachi. Machachi is not low by any stretch of the imagination, it is over a mile and a half above sea level, but it is a low point amongst its surroundings. It is surrounded by 8 volcanoes of varying degrees of activity, each towering above the village. It is here that Welser rolled the dice.

    He bribed, he cajoled, he threatened, he even begged, but he managed to scrape together 3,000 native allies to ride alongside the 100 or so Europeans he brought from Kito, well over half of his overall presence in Kleine Alpen. They waited for Poma’s main force of around 25,000 rebels to enter the town looking for food, then charged down the slopes of Pasochoa in an attempt to end the rebellion in one crushing blow.

    As was by now normal Welser’s allies proved less than reliable, all of them showed up and fought for his side, and news of his plan leaked to Poma. However, word never got out the shifting masses that made up most of the rebels, and when the charge came early on July 14 there was panic in the rebel camp. Poma’s army had literally a handful of European weapons, and none of them were in the outer line of defense, the defenders were more hungry peasants seeking protection then warriors. The attackers cut through them easily, with Welser leading the charge personally. The charge soon got bogged down in looting however, the German soldiers being more experienced in pillaging then actually defeating an enemy. The surprise was lost and soon eager young men were mobbing the attacking Europeans, hoping for the glory of killing a foreigner.

    Still the casualty count was lopsided in the extreme, as modern weapons cut down the defenders, who often had no better than bronze farm hoes. A few native allies fell here and there, but the Europeans remained just as numerous as they had been when they started the day.

    The more experienced of the rebels began to advance on the Europeans, who were having a hard time advancing towards Poma’s himself through the mobbing melee. The veterans began to hurl stones and fire arrows at the enemy. This action probably killed more allies then it did enemies, but it did begin to thin the ranks of Europeans.

    Welser saw that the initiative was lost and that sooner or later sheer chance would end up killing everyone he had brought with him and called a retreat. His men’s retreat was fairly orderly, but the rebel pursuit was a complete mess. Men were trampled and fights broke out over who got to kill the Germans. The chaos felled more Europeans and most of the native allies.

    The Battle of Machachi killed 61 Germans, about 2,000 Welser allies and between 8,000 and 10,000 rebels. Welser survived, but returned to Kito is despair, his credibility with his allies was gone after he had led them to be slaughtered and the road to Kito seemed open. Yet Poma was also hesitant to make a move.

    The victory had cost him dearly in terms of manpower, and he needed all the men he could get to take Kito. So, he was forced to wait for thousands of stragglers to catch up with him before advancing. He also faced a morale problem, Machachi had been the first real bloodshed most of his army had seen and many were now feeling homesick and less enthusiastic about the war. Thus, Poma took the time to give a series of speeches invoking the Mummy and the power of the native gods. And he also began to train his men, believing that while sheer numbers had won the day this time but that skill would be needed for future battles. This all took time. Time for Welser to think.

    The devastation as Machachi wiped clean any memories of the massacre at Mullihambato in Kleine Alpen, but to the south it was provoking a crisis between Qusqo and Tumbez.

    1: Near Palestina, Ecuador
     
    Chapter 2.4: Demands
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    A missionary
    The agreement that had united Castro and Qusipe-Tupac had danced around the issue of religion almost completely. There however was a small line about the Sapa Inka promising to “raise the cross in Qusqo”. What exactly raising a cross constituted was a bone of contention.

    Quisipe-Tupac thought he had already fulfilled his end of the bargain. The Spanish were allowed to worship freely in their homes in Qusqo. They were exempt from much of the pomp that surrounded the office of Sapa Inka as they did not revere Quisipe-Tupac as the son of a god. To the Tawantinsuyu this was an enormous concession, the divine status of the Sapa Inka was a central part of their faith. These privileges had never been granted to anyone else and only because of the time of need. To many these were in fact more rewards then the Spaniards deserved.

    The Spanish however saw only limitations in the set up. Missionaries were barred from preaching near important religious sites. Pagan rituals were still practiced in the presence of Christians and when the subject of the exact legal status of their faith arose Qusipe-Tupac always found a way to change the subject. Thus Castro, hearing these reports from Qusqo, waited for an opportunity to press the issue of religion.

    Mullihambato proved a perfect opportunity. The Spaniards who now ruled from Tumbez were a divided group, and not always the most adept at staying true to Christian virtues. But such a massacre of innocent Christians united them and offended even the worst sinners amongst them. Castro prepared a list of demands as soon as he got word of the massacre and then waited until some reports of brutality emerged from the lands controlled from Qusqo. On April 23rd a priest was beaten up near Qusqo by some overzealous Tawantisuyu who had probably engaged in a little too much partying. It was what Castro had been waiting for.

    He sent to Qusqo several armed men, bearing demands for the Sapa Inka regarding the future of religion in the Tawantinsuyu. He did demand an end to human sacrifices, but he mainly focused on Christianity and the need for it to be protected.

    Castro demanded complete religious freedom for Catholics inside the empire. The right of Christians to worship would be unquestioned in the Tawantinsuyu if he had his way, (it is worth noting that he was simultaneously surpressing native faiths in New Oaxoca). Castro wanted any crimes against Christians to instantly become capital offenses, regardless of how severe they were. Crimes by Christian Spaniards would naturally be tried by the Spanish under Spanish law and custom, but this was already practiced from existing treaties. However, Castro argued that local officials would never be able to fairly try crimes against Christians and so demanded that anyone accused of crimes against Christians be handed over to his government in Tumbez. To enforce this Castro proposed that his men be granted rights to enter the Tawantinsuyu and retrieve people who had committed crimes against Christians. Effectively Castro was using the issue to try and end the independence of the Tawantinsuyu in the name of protecting Christianity. Castro also claimed that any Christian converts had submitted themselves to his authority and that the Spanish had full rights to mediate any disputes

    Castro also demanded that the Tawantinsuyu not only open the doors for missionaries but actively support them. Castro demanded that when a missionary entered a town they be accompanied by banners of the Sapa Inka and that at any religious event Priests be allowed to speak. Churches were to be built by government labor with government funds. The Catholic faith, wrote Castro, was accustomed to having the support of the state and so needed the funding in order to be viable.

    These demands were completely outrageous, and Castro must have known this. The foundation of the Tawantinsuyu was the divinity of the Sapa Inka and the religious practices that sprung up around him. Elevating Christianity to equal status inside the Empire would be an all-out attack on the foundation of the rule of the Sapa Inkas. Castro was no expert in the workings of his nominal ally, but he had to have understood just how aggressive his demands were. There were several factors in play as Castro made his demands besides an honest desire to spread the Catholic Faith.

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    JESUS LOVES YOU

    Firstly, it would expand Spanish rule. Although declarations of eternal peace had of course been declared between Spain and the Tawantinsuyu it was no secret that there were many Spaniards who wanted more. Spain had been on the rise since 1492, and being stopped by a pagan, American, empire was a blow to the pride of the Conquistadores. Castro’s demands would expand Spanish powers no matter what happened. If they were accepted Spain would have a major foothold in the still independent Tawantinsuyu lands and have near total freedom to do what they wished even in areas nominally under rule from Qusqo.

    Secondly was the prospect of uniting the factions of New Oaxaca behind him. Castro had somewhat placated the landowners with his organization of the colony, but he could placate them more by pressing for more land. He had forever made an enemy of the merchants of Panama and their allies, but even their schemes would begin to wane if he possessed the full wealth of the Tawantinsuyu. Even a prolonged war would help him avoid internal dissent, since a war would give him a far greater leeway in prosecuting treasonous activities.

    Castro so felt he had a strong position to push his demands onto the Tawantinsuyu. The ball was now in Quisipe-Tupac’s court.
     
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