And All the Worlds Aflame: Europe 1500-1535, J Ruff, 2001
The winter of 1525-6 brought only a brief respite to the warring armies. Edward V knew that Francis and Charles would seek to make huge gains in the coming year. Hampton’s planned attack on Santa Anna and Santiago would take care of the New World, but he would have to hold the two greatest Kings of Europe at bay until an agreement could be reached. It would appear from official records that Edward merely aimed to restore peace, with the lands of St Nicholas given to him. He would also not have been averse to greater Papal impartiality but this would have been hard to demand. Therefore Edward spent the winter reinforcing the defences of La Poche, La cinqieme, Brittany and Ostend whilst also sending Lord Bland (Lincoln’s son Robert) to Den Haag, Haarlem, Groningen and Amsterdam to assess the position of the north Burgundian lords.
Meanwhile Francis and Charles created their scheme to defeat Edward. Between them they had a grand army of almost 40,000 men; a huge force mainly comprised of Spanish and French soldiers with Italian finances backing them. There were some German forces present but Charles had opted not to risk large scale Imperial involvement after the Rape of Antwerp. The two kings decided to send 15,000 men west under the command of Jacques de la Palice and Charles de Bourbon to invade Brittany. This would serve as an ample distraction for Edward V as well as hopefully conquering Brittany and returning it to its ‘rightful’ place under the French Crown. Meanwhile Charles and Francis would take the remaining 25,000 men and hurl them at the English defences of La Poche; all targets would be legitimate, and they hoped to catch and kill Edward’s army in the field. Unfortunately, Tiercel agents had infiltrated the French court and one man in particular, known only to History as ‘La Souris’ had learned of the division and direction of forces.
The only issue for Edward V was countering them. His army could be stretched to 30,000 men with levies and Swiss mercenaries but he could not hope to match the armies of the Holy League in size. Therefore he sent his son Richard, Prince of Wales and Duke of Britany, back to Brittany with the Bristol Company under Martin St Leger and another 6,000 soldiers with the experienced Lord Chase as his second in command. Along with the Breton forces themselves Richard was expected to hold the line. The remaining 24,000 English soldiers would then have to defend La Poche. For this task Edward V prepared the peasantry of the region to fight as yeoman archers or pikemen with the women and children being moved to the cities or even England. The cities and forts themselves were well stocked and the English army moved to Bethune. Charles and Francis launched their invasion in March of 1526 as their 25,000 strong army lay siege to the English fortress town of Bapaume. Edward waited, against all expectation, there was no need to rush into action after all. Bapaume had over 6 miles of thick curtain wall designed and built by the best Italian engineers money could buy. It’s 3,000 strong garrison could survive on good rations for at least 2 months, there was little danger.
In the meantime the Calais and Piacenza companies raided deep into French territory harassing and disrupting supply lines. Finally, on the 4th of April 1526, the English attacked. Repeating his feat from Welford some 35 years earlier, Edward took his army on a forced march through the night of the 3rd of April of over 20 miles and appeared north of Bapaume in the light of dawn. However the day would not be clear, and blizzard like conditions coated the battlefield reducing visibility to almost nil Therefore the English had the element of surprise but were restricted in their movements by the weather. Northumberland led the infantry into Charles’ force camped east of the town whilst the Prince of Harts and his sons took the cavalry on a wide arc east of the Spanish camp and into the French south of them. The plan was to pin the besieging army against the town walls and destroy them with superior skill and tactics, but the blizzard hampered these. In fact both English forces were making good headway when disaster struck; a detachment of Ludlow Company light cavalry intended to strike the Spanish infantry in the flank but mistakenly charged the Earl of Kent’s flank instead.
In the confusion, half of the English infantry began to quit the field even as the Holy League’s resistance began to crumble. Hopelessly blind and unable to issue orders, Edward V ordered the retreat back to Arras. The Battle of Bapaume was not the awesome winner takes all battle that either side had wanted. Charles and Francis were obliged to retreat with some 6,000 dead, but Edward had lost 4,000 men himself, mostly from the infantry in their confused retreat towards the end of the battle. However the fact remained that La Poche had been defended, Brittany was another matter.
Bourbon and Palice had crossed into Brittany within a week of Bapaume being placed under siege and they had reached Pontivy by the end of March placing it under siege. They also carried out indiscriminate raids into the Breton countryside harassing the peasantry and burning villages hoping to draw out the Breton army and destroy it. These tactics were partly successful in that 3,000 Bretons perished in an ill-advised attempt to block the French at Rohan, but Duke Richard bided his time. Eventually, encouraged by the Breton Council Richard attacked the larger French force at Pontivy on the 31st March.
The battle of Pontivy was a disaster. Duke Richard survived, but was gravely wounded in one to one combat with Bourbon, his cavalry force caught out and surrounded. Meanwhile St Leger and the Bristol company got lost in the Breton countryside and returned to the battle too late to prevent Lord Chase and the English infantry being torn to pieces, although he managed to retreat with Duke Richard and some 2,000 survivors of the 10,000 man army. Bourbon and Palice took Pontivy and by summer 1526 they controlled/terrorised most of eastern Brittany, the Breton/English army recovering in Quimper.
Edward sent the York company to aid his son in Brittany whilst he levied the peasantry of La Poche to fill the gaps in his own army. Under the Earl of Warwick this company was able to link up with Duke Richard to give a combined force of some 12,000 men. However the French had been weakened by partisan Breton attacks on their supply lines and at Loudeac on the 28th August 1526 the French were forced to give battle having been trying to return to France. The York Company had gotten to their east and blocked the road forcing Palice and Bourbon to give battle. The French army by now numbered around 12,000 men too although they were weaker after months of campaign. Warwick was a seasoned battle commander and Duke Richard allowed him to take control of the force. Local Breton guides showed them a concealed ford over the Larhon River which allowed the Bristol company to make up for their mistake at Pontivy months before. Martin St Leger launched an attack into the rear of the French line breaking the demoralised troops and causing the death of Charles de Bourbon in the process.
With Brittany secure for now, the last act of the 1526 campaign was the second battle of Agincourt. Unlike the first which has exploded into myth and legend, the second battle barely deserves the name. Charles had been forced to depart for Vienna to stave off an Ottomon advance, leaving just as the news from Pontivy came in. That had left Francis with strict instructions to preserve the army he had (approximately 10,000) men and strike any targets of opportunity.
Francis had seen such an opportunity after the York Company had left for Brittany. Knowing that the English army was becoming increasingly dependent on levies, Francis aimed to draw out some of these forces and score an easy victory. Consequently in late August 1526 he readied some 4,000 cavalry and mounted crossbowmen/handgunners for a week-long raid into Boulogne. The force was designed to move quickly so that the English army could not catch it, very much imitating the tactics of the English companies. For the first three days Francis exploited his maneuverability and speed to cross the border near Le Touquet and raid the relatively rural western part of La Poche. There were slim pickings of booty, but the moral victory of more destroyed English land was a helpful one. However the modern tactics Francis was using had been perfected by the English and now they turned them against him. Francis had been correct in assuming his tactics would avoid the English army recovering and refitting in Calais, but he had overlooked the Piacenza and Calais Companies. These two companies had won a fearsome reputation at Antwerp and Bapaume for their swift, devastating charges, and now they were on home soil. Furthermore the Companies were led by the half-brothers of the Black Bastard and Richard of Oudenburg; they had trained since their teenage years and worked well together.
So it was that Francis found himself attacked in a pincer move at Agincourt on the 3rd of September. He had allowed his force to venture out in smaller numbers and so only 3,000 men were with him of the original 4,000. However this still outnumbered the Calais and Piacenza company which at this stage were around 2,500 cavalry in total. Yet Francis’ army travelled slowly south west in a narrow hollow having burned a few farms that day and being buoyant in their victory. The Piacenza company rode in hard from the east seemingly charging suicidally into the French. However Giovanni La Nero had timed his charge perfectly. As the French wheeled to face him, the Calais Company appeared over the hill and took them in the flank. Such was the shock of the double charge that around 100 horses bolted leading others to follow in error. The short skirmish, which Edward V named second Agincourt for propaganda, lasted no more than an hour and ended with around 400 French dead and some 150 English.
As the 1526 campaign season came to a close, both sides retreated to tend to their wounds. Brittany had bounced back from their invasion, and committed more men to the war with France whilst Edward had been able to train and replenish his army. In contrast Francis had taken relatively few losses, and the scorched earth of La Poche and Brittany was enough for him to be satisfied for now. The English would have to bring in dried staples from New Kent to prevent their ‘French’ vassals from starving. In distant Hungary, Charles had heard news of the defeats at Loudeac and Agincourt and had decided to change course. Victorious against the Ottomans, Charles returned west via Rome where he cashed in his good favour with Clement VII to seek a peaceful solution.
In February 1527, Clement VII proclaimed a ceasefire, and commanded that all parties send representations to a convocation at Lucca for April of that year. Francis and Charles both publicly agreed and so Edward was also forced by honour to do the same; the Earl of Lincoln and Thomas Wolsey left for Lucca with a guard of honour provided by the Calais Company meaning Richard of Oudenburg came too.
It is unknown who truly came up with the idea of the Convocation of Lucca, but it quickly became apparent to the English delegation that they had been set up. The convocation opened with testimony from Cardinal La Marck as to the brutality of the English and most strikingly of all that of Juan de Cartagena. Cartagena had been a merchant trading out of Santiago until it was attacked by Lord Hampton and his Aztec raiders in summer 1526. Cartagena claimed to have been at sea when the attack happened and returned home in August to find his home and estate a charred ruin, and his family destroyed. Cartagena’s wife had been murdered and his two oldest children had been carted off for human sacrifice, his two youngest children had survived by the swift actions of a Franciscan priest. Cartagena’s identity and story has never been truly confirmed, but the emotion served the purpose it was intended for.
Wolsey records that he repeatedly tried to interject during the opening few days but was shouted down by the Pope himself who presided over proceedings. Even Lincoln had little impact as Edward’s official ambassador, the Holy League had closed ranks and only Portugal did not openly denounce the English Crown. These testimonies continued for almost two weeks, La Marck again being asked to testify, this time on the False Crusade. A whole litany of crimes, fabricated or exaggerated, were thrown up which made the 1525 edict look like a reasoned account. The English Crown, personified by the two brothers of Edward V and Prince Richard, were made out to be little better than Brigands, Heretics by association and Apostates for refusing to adhere to Papal instruction. The Convocation even heard that the Treaty of Amiens was illegal as it was manipulated on Edward V’s illegitimate coronation as King of France in 1491.
The verdict was expected, but the severity could not have been foreseen. After two months Pope Clement VII delivered his judgement with Francis I, Charles V and Thomas Wolsey looking on. Lincoln had already returned for England expecting the result. The Crown of England was declared an enemy of Christendom. King Edward V had until St Stephen’s Day (so around 6 months) to meet the Pope’s demands or be declared excommunicate and a heretic. Firstly England had to hand over all rights to the Columbias south of New Kent: St Nicholas, St Dominic, St John, Cove, and Nova Albion would all go to the Spanish as compensation for English consorting with ‘heathen beasts who practice human sacrifice’. They were to turn over La Poche, La Cinqieme and Brittany to France in perpetuity. Prince Richard was to relinquish the title of Duke of Brittany as ‘an illegitimate heir’. The worst treatment was saved for his uncle. The Prince of Harts was guilty of consorting with Heretics (his friendship with Luther was not helpful here) and must turn himself over to the Inquisition for questioning.
In brief, the Convocation of Lucca was designed to break the English; rob them of their rightful possessions by marriage and conquest and leave them impotent for generations, allowing France and Spain to become the leading powers in Europe. Beyond that, it demanded the humiliation of Prince Richard of Shrewsbury submitting to a surely crooked trial which would likely see him dead.
The debate over the true aims of Lucca has raged since the declaration was first issued: was it a simply religious document or was it hopelessly compromised by politics and foreign alliances? The Papacy claimed that it was concerned solely with the religious rot into which the English had fallen; allying with heathens and sheltering heretics, with the territorial confiscations being a just punishment. However this claim was insecure even in 1527, and even Italian observers remarked that the Pope was surely having his ear bent by Charles and Francis. There is a more pragmatic view in that Clement wanted to bring peace to Europe and was willing to sell England down the river if it meant France and Spain ceased hostilities. Regardless of the reasoning, the Convocation of Lucca would have a cataclysmic impact on the entire world.
Edward V, G Bradshaw, 2001
News of the Declaration of Lucca returned to England by mid July 1527. Edward V had been given 6 months to bow to Papal demands. Sadly his immediate reaction has escaped the historical record, but we know that he flew into a fit of activity sending messages to the New World with all haste and recalling his magnates to London for most of August where they met in Council for multiple weeks. Europe fell silent as its heads of state waited for Edward to capitulate. Then on the 29th of September 1527 - Michaelmas - Edward V appeared before the assembled Parliament, flanked by Archbishop Hastings and Thomas Wolsey, Papal Legate and all the magnates of England in the Great Hall at Westminster, only commanders in Brittany, La Poche and the Columbias were absent.
The Edict of Westminster - commonly called the Michaelmas Lament - laid out Edward’s response to the Convocation of Lucca. Edward began by lamenting the state into which Europe had fallen; rape, pillage and plunder. The loss of order and justice, the great corruption of Christendom and her institutions. He lamented the sinfulness and duplicity of her leaders and her Priests. Most of all he lamented the corruption of the Pope in becoming the ‘mere pawn of worldly Princes’ and using his spiritual authority in temporal matters.
His lament completed, Edward turned to John FitzJames, the Chief Justice of England, who handed the King a second scroll. In light of these truths, the King of England announced that he no longer recognised the authority of the Pope in Rome and called on Parliament to approve the Act of Supremacy which made him head of the Church in England and in all crown possessions. Second, that he would add his personal approval to the publication of William Tyndale’s completed English New Testament. Finally and most importantly, Edward declared that as the Pope had no legitimate authority over the English Crown, he did not recognise the Treaties of Avignon, Mantua or Rome which the Pope had orchestrated against the English Crown.
Consequently, Edward V declared that he would not recognise any of the demands of the Convocation of Lucca or cede any of the territory which had ‘been conquered and maintained by English feats of arms’. The meeting then dissolved into chaos as the assembled nobles loudly voiced their assent to the Act of Supremacy. A vocal minority was drowned out by sheer anger at the Pope’s actions, and the clear righteousness of Edward’s response. Edward was then crowned by John Hastings, newly made Archbishop of Canterbury as rightful King of England, separate from Papal authority. Finally the King called on all able Englishmen and ‘our friends across the seas’ to come to arms to defend this new Church and Realm ‘free from tyranny, corruption and barbarity imbued with all sense of justice, prosperity and love.’
The response, both domestic and foreign, will be discussed in due course, but it seems wise here to discuss the motivation behind Edward’s course of action. There are two main schools of historiography: the spiritual and the political school. Eamonn Duffy tends to lead the political school which suggests, often in negative tones, that the Edict of Westminster was entirely for political gain. Edward was disinterested in religion, and was even a heretic to listen to some, and he merely sought leverage beyond the Convocation of Lucca which was entirely of his blunder and making.
In contrast the spiritual school, most recently reinforced by George Barnard, sees Edward as the warrior and the scholar, a man who was well-read and at least believed in the Catholic Church and was himself pious. The school goes on to say that Edward had been on a gradual journey throughout his life, influenced mostly by his brother Richard, to see the established Church as essentially corrupt and in need of reform. In this view the Lucca Declaration was merely the final straw.
Such debates are long-winded and complicated, and we stand little chance of resolving them here. However a few observations could be made. True, Edward V did read the works of Luther, Macchiavelli, Savonarola and Erasmus, many of them channelled via the Prince of Harts, but he also read the works of More and other defenders of the faith. This speaks more to his addiction to books first detected in childhood, and the strong currents of reformed thinking the house of York was exposed to with Richard resident in Oudenburg. It simply shows that Edward was open to many new ideas, and that Prince Richard enabled many of these to be critical of the Church.
Secondly we must recognise Edward V for his brilliant mind, his understanding of the world and politics. He was well-read but not bookish, smart and street-smart at the same time. Therefore perhaps it is over-simplistic to suggest that he had either spiritual or political motives for his actions, he could simply have had both ideas. He was clearly concerned about Papal corruption, again a common gripe of the Prince of Harts, and much distressed at the grave situation with France and Spain in 1527, the Edict of Westminster rather slashed the Gordian know of both problems; killing the birds of politics and religion with the one stone of the Act of Supremacy.
Finally we should consider Edward’s timing, for it was both tactically and religiously fortuitous. Michaelmas is a festival celebrated as the nights draw in and the cold of winter builds. It is aimed to encourage the Church through the long, cold darkness. Edward thus harnessed these sentiments for his own mission of standing up to the Pope and the Kings of Spain and France (not to mention the Holy Roman Emperor). Such was this victory of Yorkist propaganda, and the initial lament, that many moderate Catholics flocked to the Yorkist cause. After all Edward had not removed any Catholic sacraments or other red lines beyond the Pope, there would be some opposition but not as much as there may have been.
Most of all the Edict was a stroke of tactical brilliance. The timing allowed Lincoln and Northumberland to make gains ahead of the winter, and to strengthen his forces for the coming fight. The rhetoric and attendant propaganda also presented Edward as King of England ‘and our friends across the seas’ and also as the righteous, wronged party. All of these messages would be vital in fighting the wars to come.
Many who had seen the campaigns of 1526 had believed that the Nine Years War had reached the zenith of cruelty and barbarity, but the events of 1527 pushed the violence even further, for now the war entered the epoch defining struggle between Catholic and Protestant.