The Sons in Splendor: Vol II The Prince, the Pope and the Peruvian

If Charles is wise and a bit lucky, Pizarro may save the day going South. Edward now is bereft of allies in Europe. At least he has the Channel.
 
Dramatis Personae 1521
Dramatis personae 1521 On the eve of the Nine Years’ War
King Edward V (b1470) m Anne of Brittany
Their Children:
Elizabeth of Ware (b1489) m Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk
Edward (1505-1506)
John of Ware (b 1507)
Elizabeth of Thetford (b1510)
Prince Edward of Eltham, Prince of Wales (b1490) M Catherine of Aragon
Elizabeth of Eltham (b1511)
Isabel of Eltham (b1514)
Edward of Westminster (1517-1519)
Prince Richard of Bedford, Duke of Brittany (b1492) M Johana de Vilhena of Portugal
Elizabeth (1512-1518)
Richard of Vannes (b1513)
Edward (b1516)
Margaret (b1517)
Edmund (b1517)
Manuel (b1519)
Cecily (b1521)
Anna (b1524)
Edward V’s siblings:
Prince Richard of Shrewsbury, Duke of York, Lord of Ostend called ‘Prince of Harts’ (b1472) m Anna Sforza
Richard of Oudenburg, Commander of the Calais Company (b1498)
Nina (b1503)
Erasmus of Oudenburg (b1506)
Ludovico (b1509)
Bastard Son: Giovanni La Nero, known as the Black Bastard (b1496?)

Elizabeth of York (b1467) m Henry Tudor(1457-1509)
Their Children:
Arthur Tudor, Earl of Richmond, Lord Protector (1518-present) (1486) M Anne Neville
Henry, Lord of Carmarthen (b1509)
Anne (b1514)
Edward (b1517)
Margaret Tudor (1489) M Edward de la Pole
John (b1514)
Henry Tudor (1491) M Anne Boleyn
Elizabeth (1520)
Bastard son:
John (1509)
Mary Tudor (1496-1500)
Cecily (b1469) m Edward Hastings, Lord Grantham
Elizabeth Hastings (b1486)
Richard Hastings (b1489)
Anne (b1475) m Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland
Algernon Percy, Lord Egremont, Commander of the York Company (b1495) M Anne Plantagenet
Henry (1512)
Thomas Percy, Bishop of Durham (b1500)
Catherine Percy (b1503)
Catherine (b1479) m James IV, King of Scotland d1513)
Margaret (1504)
James (1507-1513)
Other family members:
Edward Plantagenet, Earl of Warwick (b1475) m Alice Scrope
Henry (b1492)
Anne (b1494) M Algernon Percy (see above)
Richard (b1496) Commander of the London Company
Richard, Duke of Gloucester (1452-1496)
Edward of Middleham (1473-1492) m Elizabeth Herbert (d1492)
Richard of Hutton, Earl of Pembroke, Duke of Gloucester and master of Horse (b1492)
Thomas Grey, Marquess of Dorset, Chief Justiciar of the Council of the Wes (d1503)t m Cecily Bonville
Thomas Grey, Lord St Leger, Marquess of Dorset (b 1475)
Sir Richard Grey (b1477)
John Grey (b 1484-1500)
Leonard Grey (b1490)
Anne Woodville (1435-1489)
Henry Bourchier, Earl of Essex (b1474)
Richard Grey, Earl of Kent (b 1481)
Anthony Woodville, Earl Rivers, Constable and Marshall of England (1440-1509)
William Compton, adopted son (b1482) Earl Rivers, Constable and Marshall of England

Wider Court
Thomas Fitzalan, Lord Arundel
William Fitzalan, Lord Maltravers (b1476)
John de la Pole, Earl of Lincoln m Margaret Fitzalan
Alan de la pole, Lord Bland (b1477)
Edward de la Pole (b 1481)
Margaret de la Pole (b1485)
Mary de la Pole (b1489)
Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, Admiral of England (b 1473) M Elizabeth (see above)
Thomas Stanley, Earl of Derby (d1501
George Stanley, Earl of Derby (b1460)
Leonard Stanley, Lord Strange and Commander of the Ludlow Company (b1489)
Edward Stanley, Lord Monteagle, Chief of the Tiercel (b1462)
James Stanley, Lord Oswestry, Bishop of Worcester (b 1465)
William Hastings, Lord Hastings (1431-1496)
Edward Hastings, Lord Hastings (b 1463) M Cecily
Elizabeth Hastings (b1484)
Richard Hastings (b1487) Lord Grantham and Commander of the Coventry Company
William Hastings (1491)
John Hastings (1497) Bishop of London
Richard Hastings, Lord Chase (b 1469) M Elizabeth Blount
Roland Hastings (1502)
William Catesby, Earl of Humber, Lord Malham (b1450)
George Catesby, Lord Ashby (b 1474)
Sir Gregory Bonville, Chair of the Star Chamber 1495-1511, Chief Justice 1511-1519
Sir Walter Leyland, Chair of the Star Chamber 1511-?
Sir John FitzJames, Chief Justice 1519-?
Thomas Boleyn, Earl of Wiltshire
Mary (1500)
Thomas (1501)
Anne (1502)
Henry (1502)
George (1503)
Charles Brandon, Lord Brandon, Master of Arms M Anne Browne
Anne Brandon (1507)
Mary Brandon (1509)
John Seymour, Earl of Surrey
Edward (1500)
Thomas (1508)
Anthony (1508)
Jane (1509)
Elizabeth (1516)

Bishops
John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury
Thomas Wolsey, Bishop of Lincoln and Papal Legate
Thomas Percy, Bishop of Durham
John Hastings, Bishop of London
William Smyth, Bishop of Cornel
Edmund Darry, Bishop of Jordanstown

In the New World
Thomas Bradbury, Duke of Albion (b 1466-1519)
Tobias Bradbury (b1501)
John Bourchier, Lord Berners, Duke of Cornel Governor of Nova Albion (b1467-1518)
Thomas Bourchier (b1489)
Mary Bourchier (b1493)
Dominic Bourchier (b1503)
Sir Robert Chatham (b1472)
Sir Thomas Hawkyns (b 1473) Governor of St Dominic and Lord Dominic
Henry Parker, Lord Morley, Duke of St Mark (b1466-1522)
John Parker (b1492)
William Parker (b1494)
Robert Wydow, Franciscan and translator
Armac, called John Brown, a native from Cove who became a translator and guide
Sir William Warren, Lord St John, Seneschal of St John (b1470)
Sir Henry Aske, Seneschal of Cove, Lord Green (b1489)
James St Leger, Governor of New Avon and Lord St Leger (b1469-1515)
Jordan St Leger (b1499)
William Smyth, Bishop of Cornel
William Canynge Governor of Princess Elizabeth’s Land
Henry Tudor, Lord Hampton (Chair of the Council of Columbias 1518-present)
Sir Roger Harcourt, Ambassador to the court of the Aztec Emperor

In Europe
Charles VIII, King of France (1470-1496)
Louis XII, King of France (1496-1513)
Francis I, King of France
Ludovico Sforza, Duke of Milan (d1516)
Pope Leo X (d1522)
Pope Clement VIII (Pope 1522-?)
Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Spain

Locations
St Malo leased from Brittany by the English until 1539, comprises ‘La Cinqieme’ an area including all land within five leagues of the town, under the Duke of Brittany
Calais under English control, along with the counties of Boulogne and Artois which formed ‘La Poche’
Ostend under English control, with the nearby castle of Oudenburg being the Prince of Harts’ main European seat


The Columbias (Carribean Islands, also sometimes used to refer to the entire New World as a whole)
Nova Albion (OTL Hispaniola)
Yorkstown (Puerta Plata, Dominican Republic)
Castle at Cape Middleham near Yorkstown
St Edward (Saintiago, Dominican Republic)
Cornel (Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic)
Haurafen/Orvan (Bisono, Dominican Republic)
Norward Islands (Turks and Caicos)
Cove (Cuba)
Green Port (Caimanera
St John (Puerto Rico)
Bradbury (San Juan)
Eltham Castle at mouth of port
St Dominic (Jamaica)
Port Richard (Kingston)
St Mark Islands (Caymans)
Yucka (Yucatan Peninsular)
St Matthew Islands(Bahamas)
St Luke Islands (Virgin Islands)
St Nicholas (Mexico)
Tenochtitlan
Cheapside (Vera Cruz)
Fair Isle (Bermuda)

Spanish Possessions in the Columbias:
Santiago (Trinidad)
Santo Domingo (Tobago)
Santa Anna (Aruba)

Norland (OTL North America)
‘Greenland’ (Newfoundland)
New Norfolk (Nova Scotia)
St Barnabus (Halifax)
New Avon (Maine - Massachusetts)
Jordanstown (Boston)
Wycliffe (Providence) (Now Destroyed)
New Canaan (New York/New Jersey)
Kadesh (Union City)
New Jerusalem (New York City)
Calvary Bay (Chesapeake)
Princess Elizabeth’s Land (Virginia)
Goughtown (Newport News)
Yarlow (nr OTL West Point)
New Malham (Jamestown)
Sunset Cape (Florida Keys)
New Kent (northern Florida)
New London (Jacksonville)
 
Here is a list of main characters. Someone asked for a family tree, apologies that this is not it, but I want to keep focused on narrative!
As you can see we are truly gearing up for war: NINE YEARS of it!
So all the main characters are on here, and lots that are not that relevant (children etc) I havn't filled all the children out if they wernt relevant. A lot of the people mentioned will have some small role in the nine years to come. Fresh update tomorrow!
 
Dramatis personae 1521 On the eve of the Nine Years’ War
King Edward V (b1470) m Anne of Brittany
Their Children:
Elizabeth of Ware (b1489) m Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk
Edward (1505-1506)
John of Ware (b 1507)
Elizabeth of Thetford (b1510)
Prince Edward of Eltham, Prince of Wales (b1490) M Catherine of Aragon
Elizabeth of Eltham (b1511)
Isabel of Eltham (b1514)
Edward of Westminster (1517-1519)
Prince Richard of Bedford, Duke of Brittany (b1492) M Johana de Vilhena of Portugal
Elizabeth (1512-1518)
Richard of Vannes (b1513)
Edward (b1516)
Margaret (b1517)
Edmund (b1517)
Manuel (b1519)
Cecily (b1521)
Anna (b1524)
Edward V’s siblings:
Prince Richard of Shrewsbury, Duke of York, Lord of Ostend called ‘Prince of Harts’ (b1472) m Anna Sforza
Richard of Oudenburg, Commander of the Calais Company (b1498)
Nina (b1503)
Erasmus of Oudenburg (b1506)
Ludovico (b1509)
Bastard Son: Giovanni La Nero, known as the Black Bastard (b1496?)

Elizabeth of York (b1467) m Henry Tudor(1457-1509)
Their Children:
Arthur Tudor, Earl of Richmond, Lord Protector (1518-present) (1486) M Anne Neville
Henry, Lord of Carmarthen (b1509)
Anne (b1514)
Edward (b1517)
Margaret Tudor (1489) M Edward de la Pole
John (b1514)
Henry Tudor (1491) M Anne Boleyn
Elizabeth (1520)
Bastard son:
John (1509)
Mary Tudor (1496-1500)
Cecily (b1469) m Edward Hastings, Lord Grantham
Elizabeth Hastings (b1486)
Richard Hastings (b1489)
Anne (b1475) m Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland
Algernon Percy, Lord Egremont, Commander of the York Company (b1495) M Anne Plantagenet
Henry (1512)
Thomas Percy, Bishop of Durham (b1500)
Catherine Percy (b1503)
Catherine (b1479) m James IV, King of Scotland d1513)
Margaret (1504)
James (1507-1513)
Other family members:
Edward Plantagenet, Earl of Warwick (b1475) m Alice Scrope
Henry (b1492)
Anne (b1494) M Algernon Percy (see above)
Richard (b1496) Commander of the London Company
Richard, Duke of Gloucester (1452-1496)
Edward of Middleham (1473-1492) m Elizabeth Herbert (d1492)
Richard of Hutton, Earl of Pembroke, Duke of Gloucester and master of Horse (b1492)
Thomas Grey, Marquess of Dorset, Chief Justiciar of the Council of the Wes (d1503)t m Cecily Bonville
Thomas Grey, Lord St Leger, Marquess of Dorset (b 1475)
Sir Richard Grey (b1477)
John Grey (b 1484-1500)
Leonard Grey (b1490)
Anne Woodville (1435-1489)
Henry Bourchier, Earl of Essex (b1474)
Richard Grey, Earl of Kent (b 1481)
Anthony Woodville, Earl Rivers, Constable and Marshall of England (1440-1509)
William Compton, adopted son (b1482) Earl Rivers, Constable and Marshall of England

Wider Court
Thomas Fitzalan, Lord Arundel
William Fitzalan, Lord Maltravers (b1476)
John de la Pole, Earl of Lincoln m Margaret Fitzalan
Alan de la pole, Lord Bland (b1477)
Edward de la Pole (b 1481)
Margaret de la Pole (b1485)
Mary de la Pole (b1489)
Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, Admiral of England (b 1473) M Elizabeth (see above)
Thomas Stanley, Earl of Derby (d1501
George Stanley, Earl of Derby (b1460)
Leonard Stanley, Lord Strange and Commander of the Ludlow Company (b1489)
Edward Stanley, Lord Monteagle, Chief of the Tiercel (b1462)
James Stanley, Lord Oswestry, Bishop of Worcester (b 1465)
William Hastings, Lord Hastings (1431-1496)
Edward Hastings, Lord Hastings (b 1463) M Cecily
Elizabeth Hastings (b1484)
Richard Hastings (b1487) Lord Grantham and Commander of the Coventry Company
William Hastings (1491)
John Hastings (1497) Bishop of London
Richard Hastings, Lord Chase (b 1469) M Elizabeth Blount
Roland Hastings (1502)
William Catesby, Earl of Humber, Lord Malham (b1450)
George Catesby, Lord Ashby (b 1474)
Sir Gregory Bonville, Chair of the Star Chamber 1495-1511, Chief Justice 1511-1519
Sir Walter Leyland, Chair of the Star Chamber 1511-?
Sir John FitzJames, Chief Justice 1519-?
Thomas Boleyn, Earl of Wiltshire
Mary (1500)
Thomas (1501)
Anne (1502)
Henry (1502)
George (1503)
Charles Brandon, Lord Brandon, Master of Arms M Anne Browne
Anne Brandon (1507)
Mary Brandon (1509)
John Seymour, Earl of Surrey
Edward (1500)
Thomas (1508)
Anthony (1508)
Jane (1509)
Elizabeth (1516)

Bishops
John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury
Thomas Wolsey, Bishop of Lincoln and Papal Legate
Thomas Percy, Bishop of Durham
John Hastings, Bishop of London
William Smyth, Bishop of Cornel
Edmund Darry, Bishop of Jordanstown

In the New World
Thomas Bradbury, Duke of Albion (b 1466-1519)
Tobias Bradbury (b1501)
John Bourchier, Lord Berners, Duke of Cornel Governor of Nova Albion (b1467-1518)
Thomas Bourchier (b1489)
Mary Bourchier (b1493)
Dominic Bourchier (b1503)
Sir Robert Chatham (b1472)
Sir Thomas Hawkyns (b 1473) Governor of St Dominic and Lord Dominic
Henry Parker, Lord Morley, Duke of St Mark (b1466-1522)
John Parker (b1492)
William Parker (b1494)
Robert Wydow, Franciscan and translator
Armac, called John Brown, a native from Cove who became a translator and guide
Sir William Warren, Lord St John, Seneschal of St John (b1470)
Sir Henry Aske, Seneschal of Cove, Lord Green (b1489)
James St Leger, Governor of New Avon and Lord St Leger (b1469-1515)
Jordan St Leger (b1499)
William Smyth, Bishop of Cornel
William Canynge Governor of Princess Elizabeth’s Land
Henry Tudor, Lord Hampton (Chair of the Council of Columbias 1518-present)
Sir Roger Harcourt, Ambassador to the court of the Aztec Emperor

In Europe
Charles VIII, King of France (1470-1496)
Louis XII, King of France (1496-1513)
Francis I, King of France
Ludovico Sforza, Duke of Milan (d1516)
Pope Leo X (d1522)
Pope Clement VIII (Pope 1522-?)
Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Spain

Locations
St Malo leased from Brittany by the English until 1539, comprises ‘La Cinqieme’ an area including all land within five leagues of the town, under the Duke of Brittany
Calais under English control, along with the counties of Boulogne and Artois which formed ‘La Poche’
Ostend under English control, with the nearby castle of Oudenburg being the Prince of Harts’ main European seat


The Columbias (Carribean Islands, also sometimes used to refer to the entire New World as a whole)
Nova Albion (OTL Hispaniola)
Yorkstown (Puerta Plata, Dominican Republic)
Castle at Cape Middleham near Yorkstown
St Edward (Saintiago, Dominican Republic)
Cornel (Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic)
Haurafen/Orvan (Bisono, Dominican Republic)
Norward Islands (Turks and Caicos)
Cove (Cuba)
Green Port (Caimanera
St John (Puerto Rico)
Bradbury (San Juan)
Eltham Castle at mouth of port
St Dominic (Jamaica)
Port Richard (Kingston)
St Mark Islands (Caymans)
Yucka (Yucatan Peninsular)
St Matthew Islands(Bahamas)
St Luke Islands (Virgin Islands)
St Nicholas (Mexico)
Tenochtitlan
Cheapside (Vera Cruz)
Fair Isle (Bermuda)

Spanish Possessions in the Columbias:
Santiago (Trinidad)
Santo Domingo (Tobago)
Santa Anna (Aruba)

Norland (OTL North America)
‘Greenland’ (Newfoundland)
New Norfolk (Nova Scotia)
St Barnabus (Halifax)
New Avon (Maine - Massachusetts)
Jordanstown (Boston)
Wycliffe (Providence) (Now Destroyed)
New Canaan (New York/New Jersey)
Kadesh (Union City)
New Jerusalem (New York City)
Calvary Bay (Chesapeake)
Princess Elizabeth’s Land (Virginia)
Goughtown (Newport News)
Yarlow (nr OTL West Point)
New Malham (Jamestown)
Sunset Cape (Florida Keys)
New Kent (northern Florida)
New London (Jacksonville)
thank you for this, Crusader! your cast has really grown in size since you started with Volume 1.
also, i very much appreciate you pairing up Henry T. and Anne B. she was always my favorite among his sex wives haha
i hope they have a happier married life than OTL, especially without the pressures of kingship and Henry actually getting to live a life he seems actually happy with.
 
1522-1524
1522-1524 The March to War
Edward V, G Bradshaw 2001
The war which would become known as the Nine Years’ War began in June 1522 as Spanish ships began attacking English ones in the Channel and North Atlantic. Most of these occurred further out to sea, and on the route to the Columbias, and therefore word had not reached Edward until Autumn. In response Edward increased ship production taking the White Fleet to almost 100 vessels. Around 60% of these were larger Galleons; slow but well-armed and made for transporting goods and soldiers across the Ocean with the rest being smaller Caravels made for maneuverability. Lord William Hawkins, Admiral of England after Thomas Howard’s passing established Naval headquarters in London with large contingents at Portsmouth and Plymouth. A smaller squadron was kept across the channel in St Malo and Calais.

In November a declaration of war arrived from Charles V, who had finally solved his Italian problems. In response Edward marshalled his land forces, including the named Companies he had created, and some 3,000 men were concentrated in Calais by the end of the year. It seems in the early stages Edward had little desire to appear aggressive in Europe and kept his army defensive. The Treaty of Mantua in 1522 had finally agreed an anti-English alliance between France and Spain and so Edward was wise to tread carefully.

This was especially true after the death of Prince Edward in 1523. Prince Edward was 33 and died in a hunting accident near his lodge in the New Forest. Despite the tensions of the times there is no suggestion of foul play, and he was surrounded by men who would all prove their loyalty. Edward was survived by two teenage daughters; Elizabeth and Isabel, and so his father moved quickly to declare Richard of Bedford as Prince of Wales. Edward V was 49 when his son died, older than his father and Uncle, and so he acted fast in order to secure the succession.

At just under 30 years old Richard of Bedford was in his prime to become Prince of Wales. He had a prodigious eight living children in 1523, four of them sons, and although none of them were older than 12 they certainly represented a secure future for the house of York. Richard had spent the previous 14 years as Duke of Brittany and his ascension to heir of England heralded the unity of these two realms. Richard’s Dukedom had come through the alliance made by his grandfather Edward IV some 40 years earlier; the 2nd son of Anne of Brittany (wife of Edward V) would take Brittany. This had aimed to preserve the line of the Dukes of Brittany and the Duchy’s independence, Prince Edward’s death changed all of that.

Duke Richard of Brittany was a fine man to be king. He possessed all of the traits of a warrior and a scholar that a King required, even if he was quieter than his father and grandfather. Richard had inherited the Yorkist penchant for firm and bold action, but was uncharacteristically more calculated and calm than his ancestors. There was no real issue with Richard, save that of Brittany.

Up to 1523 Richard had ruled Brittany as the Dukes of old had done; a Council of advisors, but largely as a monarch in his own realm. Technically he was supposed to pay homage to the King of France but the 1491 Treaty of Amiens had removed this requirement. Now the commons of Brittany looked to be about to pay homage to a different King in England before long. Within a year of Prince Edward’s death a compromise was reached: the Declaration of Lorient in 1524 lay the basis for the future Britannic Empire and its devolved structure, although of course at the time this could not have been foreseen. Duke Richard pledged the Duchy to his second son Edward in 1531 when he came of age. His line would then take on the Duchy as hereditary Duke. However to assuage the Breton magnates Richard created a Council of Brittany, very much on the model of the Councils used in remote parts of England and the Columbias. This Council would be hand chosen by the King, although existing members could recommend additions. Richard set a precedent of this Council being entirely Breton in makeup with powers to try crimes and collect Taxes as required, although the Law and initial Tax requests would come from the Duke himself. Finally the Duke of Brittany could appoint a Seneschal to defend Brittany and raise troops, this time setting the precedent of an Englishman; Sir Charles Devizes.

This Councillor System was the first time that it had been established over an entirely ‘foreign’ region, and it would act as the template for future additions to the English crown. The Council was carefully balanced and chosen in order to maintain harmony between Breton and English. This Council was only intended for 9 years of use, but it became so popular that the Bretons asked Duke Edward to keep it when he ascended to the Dukedom. There were some malcontents in Brittany unhappy with the arrangement, but the wiser ones saw that they now enjoyed the protection of England, and all the military and financial benefits that brought, whilst maintaining a degree of independence. It was certainly a better deal than they would have got from the French. The Lorient Declaration would also safeguard Brittany, and support England, in the wars to come.

The English Renaissance, J Canning, 2005
Many view Macchiavelli’s masterpiece to have been The Prince published in 1513. However the Italian scholar spent the subsequent decade touring northern and central Europe under the protection of an English guard. He never returned to Italy given the tensions between France, Spain and the Papacy. Instead he used this time to refine and develop his ideas into ‘The King’ published in 1523 in London. The King was less eloquent than The Prince, and less reliant on name-dropping various notable Princes and nobility. ‘The King’ was, however, more based upon the reign of Edward V. Macchiavelli developed his earlier thoughts with two supposed Edwardian influences: discretion being the better part of valour and constant vigilance.

The first theme of discretion is thought to have been the first use of the term in Europe, though its origins are obscure. Macchiavelli detailed the importance of taking any action necessary, but always trying to do so as covertly as possible unless there was a direct benefit of publicly carrying out actions. The work of the Tiercel would perhaps fit into this category. Secondly constant vigilance is a far more obviously Yorkist trope: Edward IV had instituted the idea with ‘Sommnium Vigilantis’ which his son had continued and almost made his maxim as he appointed trustworthy and loyal lieutenants in key positions, and was increasingly willing to give them limited power within clearly defined boundaries. By 1523 too Edward had become less nepotistic in these appointments and the realm had benefited from it.

Therefore ‘The King’ was another great achievement of Macchiavelli’s and makes for interesting reading for students of 16th century political thought and the reign of Edward V, for both topics so often seem to overlap.

Edward accompanied Macchiavelli’s new book with a portrait to celebrate his 35th year in power. Hans Holbein took a two year commission to paint Edward V as the man of state and warrior he was; clad in plate with a cloak of ermine and a great sword at his hip, to his side rests a map of the New World, a set of scales and a Pineapple to show the achievements of his reign. The painting is still visible today.

A more covert addition to the English Renaissance pantheon began to emerge in 1524 when copies of the book of Mark and Matthew began to circulate around London and the south-east in English. It would later be revealed as the work of William Tyndale, an associate of Luther, who had begun to translate the New Testament into English. This was surely news to the Lollards in New Canaan some 3,000 miles away who had possessed English Bibles for years. The origins and causes of the New Testament are unclear, but the prevailing theory is that Tyndale had fled the violence of the low countries via Prince Richard’s stronghold at Oudenburg and had escaped to somewhere in England to continue his work. Bishop of London, John Hastings and a distant cousin of Edward V did not take any steps to destroy or remove the English Gospels and by 1526 the entire New Testament would be complete.

And All the Worlds Aflame: Europe 1500-1535, J Ruff, 2001

Emperor Charles V had too many problems as 1522 began: the French were readying to retake Milan, Martin Luther had disappeared and the new Pope Clement VII was demanding that he take action. Yet Charles was most agitated by the English; word had reached him of the complete obliteration of Spain’s efforts in St Nicholas in 1521 and he had vowed revenge, although he currently lacked the means to do so. Charles had thrown his weight behind Clement to get him elected in the face of a surprising challenge from Adriaan Boeyens who had been unmasked as a French ally. Unfortunately Charles had hoped that Clement would be tough against England and censure them for the continued abuses of Papal Law and Treaty, but the new pontiff tried to stop the Italian War. Cardinal Schoenberg was sent across Western Europe to order the crowned heads to remove their armies from Milan, he did not have much success.

Francis I had already made great preparations for a campaign to retake Milan in 1522 and in March he entered the Duchy with some 18,000 men. Charles was absent, but he had agreed a swift deal with the resurrected Holy League to defend Milan from the foreigner invader. Ironically the fact that Charles was himself a foreign invader in Naples seems to have gone unremarked. The League army, with strong Spanish and German contingents, held their ground at Bicocca north of the city. The League Commander, Prospero Colonna, had established a strong defensive position, but he had not counted on the audacity and bravery of Francis I who led his cavalry in a swift charge down the relatively exposed left flank near some marshland and hit the main League line in the flank. This provided enough cover for the Swiss mercenaries in the service of France to cross most of the defenses. Francis was eventually forced to give ground as numbers concentrated against him but this allowed the Swiss to consolidate in the centre. Night eventually fell with both sides still on the field and the result was inconclusive.

The Battle of Bicocca had an unexpected set of consequences; the League still held the city but Charles arrived and proposed a parlay at Mantua. In the end Francis and he agreedthat Milan would return to French hands, and Charles would call off the Holy League in exchange for a French alliance against England. There were no firm agreements or plans, simply that neither realm would aid England. Thus with Italy relatively quiet and Spain and France united for the time being attention turned to England.

Francis knew that the Marne provided a backdoor into English territory in La Poche, and Marne was now held by Charles. Thus in Spring 1523 a French army formed near Amiens whilst a Spanish force landed at Antwerp, both roughly 7,000 men each. However the planned attack was weakened for a number of reasons. The people of the low countries did not take kindly to the Spanish forces, seeing them as an occupying foreign army, and resisted them through spoiled supplies, destroyed or damaged bridges, and price-hikes. As for the French their main axis of advance was spoiled by one of the wettest Springs on record at the time causing the rivers north east of Lens to burst their banks.

In the final analysis the 1523 campaign was a damp squib with only Charles’ force having enough movement to open a narrow corridor to Ostend and Oudenburg where they were forced to raid amid a lack of numbers. However the English had decades to learn how to counteract these tactics using the Piacenza, Calais and London companies to isolate and encircle smaller raiding parties and so gradually weaken them.

In 1524 Francis was once again drawn to Italy by a revolt in the city of Pavia in the Duchy of Milan and this left Charles to oppose England. The raids and attacks on shipping continued at a low level but Charles moved his sights to the Columbias, the main source of the conflict.

Empires of the Suns, W O’Reilly, 1992
In the wake of the victory at Atochac, England had a couple of years’ breathing space in the Columbias. Their asset stripping of the Aztecs continued with a now permanent settlement at Cheapside. This town was paltry by comparison to Cornel and other towns in the New World; some 500 inhabitants huddled behind a palisade and relied on the port for survival. However Cheapside was merely a conduit for the Aztec gold as prices were gradually increased and the pressure on Emperor Cuauhtemoc was squeezed ever tighter. By 1524 exorbitant prices and disease epidemics had severely weakened the Aztec Empire with only their newly equipped military holding the Empire together. Even this army could not withstand the English; Slight has calculated that even with pikes, half plate and the out-dated handguns they were sold, that they would not have been able to fend off even a small English force with superior weapons and training after 1521.

Therefore Lord Hampton was happy to keep the Aztecs in a state of slow decay whilst he extorted their Gold from them. He instead focused on exploring the west coast of St Nicholas which had been discovered in 1520. Two deconstructed ships were dragged across to the newly founded settlement of Hampton (uninhabited for the first 3 years) in 1523 (OTL Salina Cruz, Oaxaca) and Sir Henry Warren given the task of mapping the west coast, although his first 2 years yielded little interest. The rest of the Columbias continued in relative peace and prosperity; the stream of immigrants from Europe had lessened slightly by the 1520s as the best land had already been taken and military preparations in Europe provided plenty of capital and work allowing more people to survive away from the rural areas. This meant that the Columbias were rather unprepared for the events of 1524.

The Great Raid of 1524 was an outrageous plan by Charles V. The Emperor lacked the adequate manpower to sufficiently hurt the English in Europe; their continental holdings were well-defended and the channel was well guarded by the White Fleet. Charles could not even use Scotland; the new treaty had finally brought the Scots some wealth, and they were still badly scarred from King Jimmy’s Folly. Therefore the only option left to him was the New World.

The Columbias had seen their share of violence; piracy and lightning coastal raids had been a feature of life in the New World for almost a decade. However by 1522 this had led to the English strengthening defenses on their islands; Eltham Castle on St John was perched above the harbour and boasted multiple cannon. The mouth to Green Port was guarded by two smaller gun batteries and forts and St Dominic was highly fortified after the multiple raids there. Nova Albion was the most tempting target; the main city of Cornel (OTL Santo Domingo) had a palisade wall and always had a few ships at anchor carrying cannon, but the wide inland expanse had few defenses. However the Island was the Jewel in the Columbian Crown and had a population of around 30,000 by 1524; fertile soil and plentiful land gave it a birth rate double that of Europe. It would not be an easy nut to crack.

Charles gave the task to Antonio de Mendoza; he had served in a number of military and governmental roles in New Spain, and had been one of Cortez’s captains before his death in Tenochtitlan. Mendoza was able to gather some 4,000 Spanish Soldiers in some 20 ships which arrived in Santa Cruz (OTL Oranjsted, Aruba) in June of 1524. To avoid discovery and maintain the element of surprise, Mendoza gathered a further 1000 men from New Spain and set sail for Cornel by the end of the month.

In July 1524 the Grand Columbian Company and the English Crown had some idea of the incoming raid. The Tiercel had discovered Spanish preparations in Cadiz, and had strengthened defences in the channel, the West Country and Ireland and issued a warning to the Council of the Columbias. Henry Tudor, Lord Hampton, was at his estate in the hills above Cornel with his wife Anne Boleyn having returned from St Nicholas a few weeks previously. Hampton had ordered the English fleet to take active patrols, readied the Yeomanry of every island and ordered the Cornel Company to begin drills. The Cornel Company were not a formal military force with Royal Writs such as the York or Piacenza Companies but it was a group of middle ranking men from in around Cornel who owned horses, some plate, a lance and a sword. A few of them also had demi-arquebus. There were around 70 men in the Cornel Company. The city itself had a similar number of city guard, but these were poorly trained and equipped. Ultimately Hampton considered Nova Albion too audacious a target for the Spanish, which was a huge mistake.

The Spanish fleet appeared off Cornel at dawn on the 4th of July, firing at shipping from a distance. A ship in port, under a Breton flag, turned out to be a Trojan horse as some 150 Spanish soldiers streamed from it killing and burning anything they could. Meanwhile the Spanish fleet itself disgorged its men to the east and west of the port, with some landing at the dock itself. Within hours Cornel, the capital of the English Columbias, was in ruins. Estimates and records are of course sketchy but the Spanish certainly emptied the treasury of the Council chamber, butchering the guards and Bishop William Smyth who was present, and the coffers of the Custom House and the Alderman Bank in the city. It seems beyond this that the Spanish merely intended to loot and burn what they could; whole warehouses of Cacao, Cotton and Tobacco going up in flames. The defensive squadron and the city guard were unable to stop the attack and were almost wiped out.

That in itself would have been a success for the Spaniards but the rage of Charles V and Mendoza pushed them further. The soldiers spilled out into the surrounding countryside with around 2,000 soldiers marching towards the Gold mines of St Edward, around 5 days in land. The rest of the army burned and pillaged what farms and villages they could find some 15 miles from the coast. However this is where Spanish greed caused them to overreach. As the Spanish spread out inland their forces became more and more scattered, and so vulnerable to English counterattack. The Spanish had been mistaken - they imagined the peasants of Nova Albion to be like the typical, soft European peasantry. They had not realised that the majority of the Albion population was either Northern or Welsh - fighting was in their blood. As the Spanish pushed beyond the coastal plain their numbers dwindled as the Albion Yeomanry took its toll; small bands of villages armed with bows and farming tools were far more mobile than the Spanish Conquistadors, and easily cut them off and killed them.

Meanwhile the Cornel Company had, on Hampton’s orders, fled to the hills and St Edward and raised the alarm. Thus when the Spanish column neared the mountain town on the 10th of July they suffered ambush after ambush. The Welsh population of Haurafen were proud of their heritage, and of course Tudor was of Welsh stock; he had allowed them to maintain their culture as long as they kept the peace. Ergo the Spaniards faced well-trained and disciplined Welsh archers whose ancestors had been ambushing the English for centuries. It really wasn’t a fair fight. As soldiers fled in disarray the Welsh and the Cornel Company were able to cut them down in the fields where they hid, only some 100 men of 2,000 made it back to the Spanish fleet in rendezvous on the north east coast. By the 12th of July there were few Spanish left on Nova Albion, around 2,500 had fled back to sea, but the rest perished inland. That being said, the agriculture of the island within two days of Cornel was ruined. The city itself smouldered with only the Cathedral and a few other stone buildings still standing. It is estimated some 6,000 settlers, or 20% of the population, were killed in the Great Raid.

Despite his losses Mendoza was ecstatic; he had holds full of treasure to take back to Spain, and had torn the heart out of the English presence in the Columbias. Charles V would reward him by making him Viceroy of New Spain. As for the English Hampton was furious, as was Edward V when he heard the news in October 1524. Cornel would not be largely rebuilt until 1532, although agriculture would be more or less normalised by 1526. However the population of the island took longer to recover, and English confidence had been badly shaken. A large redoubt, Castle Morley, was built in the heart of the harbour, but the horse had already bolted. The Nine Years War had truly begun in earnest, and would now enter its most deadly phase.
 
Oh no, and here I thought England might retain more on the continent, but looks like could just be an autonomous Brittany ._.

English kings of France need to be .-.
 
1525-1527 Part I
Stand by, HUGE updates coming in today, this is the first of at least 2 (maybe 3)

1525-1527: The World Divided

Empires of the Suns, W O’Reilly, 1992
All out war had come to the Columbias. In the wake of the 1524 Great Raid the Spaniards kept up a campaign of lightning raids and harassment on the smaller islands. Isolated raids on St Mark and St Dominic in 1525 and 1526 kept Hampton and the GCC on their toes. Having learned his lesson from Nova Albion, Mendoza kept all raids as short and sharp as possible and steered clear of larger targets in future thus making his attacks hard to predict and even harder to stop.

Nevertheless Hampton and the GCC mobilised their defenses against the Spanish. Another 12 ships of the White Fleet were sent to the Columbias to join the existing 15 already there, and the GCC sent more of their own ships armed with cannon too. However Hampton did not want to risk splitting his forces as the Spanish had done and instead relied on two larger squadrons. The theory was that these larger flotillas could outnumber and crush the Spanish raiders wherever they were discovered. Although this allowed some raids to slip through it nonetheless paid off.

In August 1525 an English fleet under Sir Robert Parker numbering some 7 Galleons and 4 Caravels surrounded a smaller Spanish fleet of 8 ships near Wydow Bank (Baja Nuevo Bank OTL) south of St Dominic. The battle was swift with all the Spanish ships either captured or destroyed, representing around a quarter of their New World shipping. The Battle of Wydow Bank was not the most significant of the Nine Years’ War, but it acted as the turning point in the New World theatre. With his fleet trimmed back, Mendoza became less audacious and more defensive. In the six months up to February 1526 the Spanish only carried out a small raid on the south-west coast of Nova Albion and destroyed 3 English ships.

Lord Hampton was a cautious man who had been dealt a severe blow by the Great Raid. Henry Tudor did not shy away from a challenge, but he was always aware of the angles and potential outcomes. Therefore before 1526 he restricted all English activity in the Coumbias to ship-based operations until the raids had dissipated. By March 1526 he was ready to go on the offensive. Unfortunately Hampton lacked soldiers. With the war in Europe stepping up a gear he could only gather some 2000 infantry and 500 cavalry whilst Mendoza was thought to have double that. Instead Hampton found an outlandish solution. In exchange for lower weapons’ prices, he reached an agreement with Emperor Cuauhtemoc for the contracting of 5,000 Aztec soldiers armed with plate and handguns. The Aztecs had not taken to European cavalry, but their martial skill was more than enough to add the European steel to their traditional methods. Although Cuauhtemoc was increasingly unhappy with his English alliance by 1526 he agreed in the belief that the experience would benefit his army, and the weapons would one day help him to change the deal with England, he could not have known Hampton’s plan.

In April 1526 a huge attack landed on the shores of Santa Anna (Aruba) and Saintiago (Trinidad). Grenada and Santo Domingo (Tobago) were ignored as were the small settlements along the Venezuelan coast. Sanata Anna was closest to English territory and Saintiago was the crown jewel of New Spain and its capital. On Santa Anna the majority of the island was burned to the ground; every farm and village destroyed and its populace exiled to Venezuela. On Santiago, Hampton himself oversaw the invasion of the Aztec contingent reinforced by 1,000 English soldiers. By all accounts the Aztec warriors had not taken kindly to travel on the high seas, but after a few days swarmed across the island burning and pillaging what they could. Hampton had explained to them, in his passable Nahuatl, that this land belonged to the enemies who had allied with the Tlaxcalans. It was all they needed to know.

The Battle of Santiago does not really deserve the term. Mendoza had less than 2,000 soldiers on the island, with varying degrees of competency, and was ill prepared for the invasion. The brutality and barbarism totally eclipsed the Great Raid as even unarmed peasants were butchered or sacrificed by the Aztecs. Even Hampton, not known for his squeamishness, recounted that the blood-lust of the Aztecs was unparalleled. Such was the violence that within two weeks of the landing, around 60% of the island is estimated to have been scoured. Mendoza and the majority of the Spaniards were dead, along with almost 3,500 Aztecs. The warriors themselves named the island they had taken as Eztlitlathuacti or Island of Blood. The Great Raid had certainly been avenged but what now? Whether Hampton had intended to settle Santiago or return it to the Spanish, it was clearly now devastated and uninhabitable for a number of years. Hampton set sail for Nova Albion with the 1500 surviving Aztec warriors in tow.

Hampton did not return the Aztecs to Tenochtitlan. There has been much speculation over this move, with some suggesting that this was his plan all along. Hampton did not want to return battle hardened soldiers to Cuauhtemoc, especially not after the brutality he had witnessed in Santiago, but nor did he really want them in Nova Albion. The solution was found that they would be sent to Goughtown (OTL Newport News). The Norland Trading Company had been relentlessly expanding their Tobacco crops for the past two decades and had begun to cause animosity amongst the local population. The Aztecs were therefore settled beyond the border of Princess Elizabeth’s Land (near OTL Richmond) and were given servants, food and all the tobacco they could want in exchange for defending the land. Given their dependence on the English to survive this policy actually worked rather well. Hampton merely told Cuauhtemoc that all of the warriors had been killed by the Spanish, another helpful ploy to force him to rely on the English even more.
With the war in the south, new investment avoided the Columbian islands for the time being, instead choosing New Kent (northern Florida). The city of New London (OTL Jacksonville) had one of the fastest growing populations during the Nine Years’ War as its ripe agricultural land became the breadbasket of the Columbias and also shipped dried surplus to Europe. This greater role would allow New London to have a greater say in the century to come, and it served as the de facto capital of the English Columbian colonies whilst Cornel was being rebuilt.

And All the Worlds Aflame: Europe 1500-1535, J Ruff, 2001
At Pavia in 1525, the future of Europe was decided. Francis I had been laying siege to the city when Charles V arrived. Charles was frustrated that Francis had abandoned the fight against England in 1524, and had allowed himself to be distracted by Italy yet again. Therefore Charles convinced Francis to attend a conference in Rome hosted by Pope Clement VII. The Treaty of Rome saw the resurrection of the Holy League with France, Spain, Milan, Venice, Florence, Bavaria and various smaller German realms joining forces. The Holy League had always been about opposing French or Imperial influence on Spain, but with the new compromise of the 1523 Treaty of Mantua, Charles and Clement were able to redirect the League against England.

In a flurry of Papal, Imperial and French Propaganda England was declared to be consorting with heretics, ignorant of Canon Law, and threatening the commonwealth of Christendom. One particularly nasty cartoon produced in 1526 showed Richard of Shrewsbury, Prince of Harts, the mere puppet of Lucifer as he committed bestiality. Of course these charges and the subsequent propaganda were outrageous exaggerations, although they had kernels of truth to them. Prince Richard, and Edward V to a lesser extent, had entertained Savonarola, Erasmus of Rotterdam, Macchiavelli, Martin Luther and now it seemed William Tyndale too. None of these were friends of the papacy but to call all of them heretics was a bit of a stretch. Legally, Edward had ignored the Treaty of Avignon, Hampton’s actions in St Nicholas (Mexico) proof enough of that. As for threatening the commonwealth of Christendom, then this is much harder to judge; Edward claimed he was merely seeking security for his own realm, but he had built up his army at the time.

Either way the Treaty of Rome finally secured Clement VII the peace in Italy he had long desired, by uniting all interested parties against the English. However the role of the Pontiff in this was very controversial; for all the charges against Edward V, Clement never actually prepared any edicts or excommunications in 1525, but sought a military and political solution through the Holy League. Although there was precedent for such a move Popes Leo X and Julius II had always sought to precede military actions with religious justification. To now overlook this was a grave mistake, and was compounded by events in the low countries.

The Treaty of Rome had occupied Francis I and Charles X from March to August of 1525, leaving the defence of the low countries in the hands of their subordinates. The Spanish/Imperial army was led by Cardinal Erard de La Marck, Prince-Bishop of Liege. La Marck may seem an odd choice but he had been on the False Crusade and had little love lost for the English, whilst also being well liked in the southern low countries. The French army was led by Anne de Montmerency who had been crippled by the Black Bastard at the Field of the Cloth of Gold and also sought revenge on the English. However both men lacked the main armies of their masters, both of these being in Italy in case the confrontation at Pavia went hot. Instead Montmerency commanded some 15,000 men whilst the Cardinal had 12,000 at his command, although these were better trained and equipped than the French.

In response Edward V prepared for the 1525 campaign by gathering 20,000 men at Calais. These included the York, London, Calais, Piacenza and Ludlow Companies with Richmond left in London to defend the south with the Bristol, Coventry and Norwich companies. The army in Calais had three main commanders: Edward V, Algernon Percy (Earl of Northumberland) and William Compton, Earl Rivers. Percy had left the north under the control of his brother Thomas, the Bishop of Durham. Rivers certainly had the expertise, having been well drilled and trained by his adopted father Anthony Woodville, but the assembled nobility who had not worked with him disliked his humble origins. The Prince of Harts was also present with his sons Giovanni and Richard commanding the Piacenza and Calais companies respectively, and his third son Erasmus acting as a junior Chaplain under John Hastings Bishop of London.

Thanks to the work of Lord Monteagle’s Tiercel the English knew about Pavia and Rome after it, Edward therefore decided to make an early start to the campaign in order to catch his enemies off guard. But what would be the target? Edward was by now in his mid 50s, he had seen many different campaigns throughout his reign and he knew that mere raiding would be a waste of the talent he had amassed. Yet to strike for a prime target like Paris would bring Francis and Charles running, something he did not wish to do, and so he chose an odd objective: Antwerp.

Antwerp had been caught up by Ostend in terms of trade and wealth by 1525, but it was still one of the wealthiest cities in the Low Countries. It was also strikingly cosmopolitan and the breeding ground for the fledgling population. It was also the centre of Anti-Imperial resistance in Flanders and the Netherlands. The people of the Low Countries had been part of Lotharingia and Burgundy for centuries, they were a distinct culture and society. Emperor Maximillian had appreciated this, but his grandson had not. Charles had treated Burgundy like a staging ground for his Spanish and German forces, and a cash reserve to pay for them and so by 1525 there was a significant minority who favoured independence, or failing that the overlordship of a more lenient monarch.

Therefore Edward V’s march to Antwerp in spring 1525 was not an invasion but a statement of intent. Despite the lack of official declaration from them, the leaders of Antwerp welcome the English army with open arms. After all they had known the York family for decades; wasn’t the King’s brother resident at Oudenburg? Were not his children born and raised there? Thanks to Prince Richard of Shrewsbury’s long association with the region he knew many of the leading magnates and merchants and was easily able to ensure them of English intentions, all the more helped by ample streams of money flowing from London banks, the Church and the Nobles and peasantry of England. There would be no fear of looting.

Indeed many have seen the 1525-1531 period as the true acid test of Edward V’s realm; his work to secure local law and order and taxation using loyal but capable men had truly born fruit in the sheer amount of resources England was able to mobilise in the Nine Years’ War. The 1524 taxes had garnered around £200,000 supplemented with a further £100,000 each from Benevolences, Church loans and Bank loans. Almost all of these loans too came from London banks, so Edward would not be beholden to Italian debtors. Despite these steep taxes, in his absence the realm continued on obliviously with the Lord Protector, his Seneschals, the Star Chamber and the various Regional Councils being more than up to the task of governance.

In fact in a twist of fate, Edward V entered Antwerp on Palm Sunday 1525; the symbolism was ripe for the plucking and Edward made the most of it. The London presses began to churn out propaganda speaking of Edward as a ‘just and goodly King’ and that he sought to defend Antwerp and its Dutch companions from the tyranny of the Emperor and the Pope. As equally exaggerated as this propaganda was, it certainly helped that the Catholic Church were not entirely innocent.

Even from 1522 Cardinal La Marck had been persecuting anyone even suspected of less than religious Orthodoxy; Lutheran agents or priests were executed with extreme prejudice. In the wake of Edward’s move to Antwerp, the Cardinal swung into a ferocious retaliation. Using his crack Spanish troops he marched north from Liege through Maastricht to Eindhoven eliminating any ‘English’ agents on the way. These ‘agents’ were any suspicious characters or people without a clear orthodox view; in Maastricht a student from Holstein was lynched after being heard ‘speaking English’ and a Priest near Nederweert was arrested for not displaying a crucifix in his Church (it had already been looted by Spanish scouts). La Marck’s actions actually drove more people into the arms of Edward V, especially from the north of the country and a group of magnates from north of the Rhine arrived in Antwerp in May 1525, although by this time Edward’s mind had turned back to the campaign.

Cardinal La Marck, having reached Eindhoven, had turned west towards Antwerp whilst the Duke de Montmorency approached from the south hoping to catch Edward in a pincer movement. It cannot be guessed what end Edward had envisaged for his campaign, but in the last days of May he retreated west towards Bruges leaving future pledges of support for the Lords of the Lowlands when the military situation was rectified. The situation came to a head on the 19th of June 1525. That was the day that Montmorency had crossed the Scheldt hot on Edward’s tail. He had requested that Cardinal La Marck followed him over the river in pursuit, but the Cardinal had eyes for a different prize. On the same day, the Spanish/German army arrived in Antwerp; Mayor Arnold van de Werve opened the city gates and pledged his loyalty to his lord Charles V. Yet for whatever reason the Spanish army did not heed the pledge and sacked Antwerp instead. Whether La Marck had ordered this, or simply failed to control his army, has been lost to History, but by the end of the 20th much of Antwerp had been looted, and a few buildings burnt. In Protestant tradition the ‘Rape of Antwerp’ was a vile and unprovoked attack which showed the illegitimacy of the established Church, whilst to many Catholics it was, an admittedly excessive, just response for a city which had welcomed an enemy.

The smoke from Antwerp was surely visible from Sint Niklaas where Montmorency was crossing the river, although he perhaps did not realise that this meant his northern flank was unsupported. However Edward V did, leaving some 8,000 men with his baggage and cannon marching for Bruges, Edward took 14,000 men including 6,000 Cavalry east in a lightning attack on the French army. The numbers suggest Edward did not intend for a decisive blow but rather a harrying attack which he had seen, and perpetrated, multiple times in his career.

Montmorency’s lieutenant - La Seigneur de Bonnivet - commanded the French vanguard just south of Sint Niklaus when the English arrived with some 7,000 infantry and 2,000 cavalry. He was hopelessly outnumbered but bravely stood his ground, forming up a pike formation. Unfortunately the Flemish countryside, especially in midsummer - lent itself to the English cavalry and they simply flanked the French infantry. However Bonnivet himself led a counter attack in which he himself died, taking the Earl of Rivers with him.

This devastating death forced Northumberland to pull the English cavalry back, but they had struck a strong blow to French morale. Behind them some 3,000 French and 400 English lay dead for around two hours of fighting; Montmorency was forced to retreat back to Antwerp. As for the English army, they marched on towards Bruges where the Mayor of the city opened the gates to allow the English to pass peacefully through. Lest they become a second Antwerp, the city did not allow sanctuary but merely a safe passage. Back in English territory west of Ostend by the start of July, Edward appointed Alan de la Pole, Earl of Lincoln (1st son of John de la Pole) Marshall of England.

Montmorency and La Marck had received word from Charles, Francis and Clement to cease operations until they could be reinforced. In reality the three leaders probably realized that Antwerp had been a disaster for their cause and they needed to rescue the situation. Cardinal La Marck was actually promoted to Archbishop of Capua and safely retired into the Kingdom of Naples where he could do no more damage. Montmorency was left a broken husk of a man seemingly desperate for revenge against the English. By September 1525 French and Spanish reinforcements, now officially the Army of the Holy League, began arriving in Amiens and Brussels where Francis and Charles began planning their response.
 
every farm and village destroyed and its populace exiled to Venezuela
Was there anything in Venezuela at this time? Or did they just dump them on shore, wish them good luck and sail off?

Hmmm... things are going pretty good for the English so far. They've decisively won the Caribbean theater, and the first blows of the war in the European theater have also gone their way. They didn't exactly win, perhaps, but they've lost no ground, made connections with some potential allies, and bloodied the French's nose. Meanwhile, the anti-English alliance has lost time, men, and morale, acquired a bad reputation, and can no longer try and distract England by depradations in the Caribbean.
I doubt it'll last, of course - Spain and France can bring much larger armies against the English, and once they actually get to work in France, I can see La Poche suffering very quickly, ending up as just the coastal cities, and Brittany being raided constantly. But on the other hand, they probably can't cross the Channel either, which means England will be free to build up forces and invade France/the Low Countries every spring. And the critical thing is, time is on the English side. Every day that passes is more time for the French and Spanish to trust each other less and fear betrayal more, more time for the Pope to die, for some of the signatories of the League of Rome to rethink positions, for the Protestant rebellions to erupt in Germany. Remember, in OTL, the Sack of Rome was in 1527, only two years off - and it wasn't an intentional sack, it was Charles V's unpaid Protestants who did it. One of the things that kept Charles' troops in the war was paying them with the gold they got from the new world... and it seems to me that they have no Incan or Aztec gold in this timeline, while England seems to have secured its finances.
 
1525-1527 Part II
And All the Worlds Aflame: Europe 1500-1535, J Ruff, 2001

The winter of 1525-6 brought only a brief respite to the warring armies. Edward V knew that Francis and Charles would seek to make huge gains in the coming year. Hampton’s planned attack on Santa Anna and Santiago would take care of the New World, but he would have to hold the two greatest Kings of Europe at bay until an agreement could be reached. It would appear from official records that Edward merely aimed to restore peace, with the lands of St Nicholas given to him. He would also not have been averse to greater Papal impartiality but this would have been hard to demand. Therefore Edward spent the winter reinforcing the defences of La Poche, La cinqieme, Brittany and Ostend whilst also sending Lord Bland (Lincoln’s son Robert) to Den Haag, Haarlem, Groningen and Amsterdam to assess the position of the north Burgundian lords.

Meanwhile Francis and Charles created their scheme to defeat Edward. Between them they had a grand army of almost 40,000 men; a huge force mainly comprised of Spanish and French soldiers with Italian finances backing them. There were some German forces present but Charles had opted not to risk large scale Imperial involvement after the Rape of Antwerp. The two kings decided to send 15,000 men west under the command of Jacques de la Palice and Charles de Bourbon to invade Brittany. This would serve as an ample distraction for Edward V as well as hopefully conquering Brittany and returning it to its ‘rightful’ place under the French Crown. Meanwhile Charles and Francis would take the remaining 25,000 men and hurl them at the English defences of La Poche; all targets would be legitimate, and they hoped to catch and kill Edward’s army in the field. Unfortunately, Tiercel agents had infiltrated the French court and one man in particular, known only to History as ‘La Souris’ had learned of the division and direction of forces.

The only issue for Edward V was countering them. His army could be stretched to 30,000 men with levies and Swiss mercenaries but he could not hope to match the armies of the Holy League in size. Therefore he sent his son Richard, Prince of Wales and Duke of Britany, back to Brittany with the Bristol Company under Martin St Leger and another 6,000 soldiers with the experienced Lord Chase as his second in command. Along with the Breton forces themselves Richard was expected to hold the line. The remaining 24,000 English soldiers would then have to defend La Poche. For this task Edward V prepared the peasantry of the region to fight as yeoman archers or pikemen with the women and children being moved to the cities or even England. The cities and forts themselves were well stocked and the English army moved to Bethune. Charles and Francis launched their invasion in March of 1526 as their 25,000 strong army lay siege to the English fortress town of Bapaume. Edward waited, against all expectation, there was no need to rush into action after all. Bapaume had over 6 miles of thick curtain wall designed and built by the best Italian engineers money could buy. It’s 3,000 strong garrison could survive on good rations for at least 2 months, there was little danger.

In the meantime the Calais and Piacenza companies raided deep into French territory harassing and disrupting supply lines. Finally, on the 4th of April 1526, the English attacked. Repeating his feat from Welford some 35 years earlier, Edward took his army on a forced march through the night of the 3rd of April of over 20 miles and appeared north of Bapaume in the light of dawn. However the day would not be clear, and blizzard like conditions coated the battlefield reducing visibility to almost nil Therefore the English had the element of surprise but were restricted in their movements by the weather. Northumberland led the infantry into Charles’ force camped east of the town whilst the Prince of Harts and his sons took the cavalry on a wide arc east of the Spanish camp and into the French south of them. The plan was to pin the besieging army against the town walls and destroy them with superior skill and tactics, but the blizzard hampered these. In fact both English forces were making good headway when disaster struck; a detachment of Ludlow Company light cavalry intended to strike the Spanish infantry in the flank but mistakenly charged the Earl of Kent’s flank instead.

In the confusion, half of the English infantry began to quit the field even as the Holy League’s resistance began to crumble. Hopelessly blind and unable to issue orders, Edward V ordered the retreat back to Arras. The Battle of Bapaume was not the awesome winner takes all battle that either side had wanted. Charles and Francis were obliged to retreat with some 6,000 dead, but Edward had lost 4,000 men himself, mostly from the infantry in their confused retreat towards the end of the battle. However the fact remained that La Poche had been defended, Brittany was another matter.

Bourbon and Palice had crossed into Brittany within a week of Bapaume being placed under siege and they had reached Pontivy by the end of March placing it under siege. They also carried out indiscriminate raids into the Breton countryside harassing the peasantry and burning villages hoping to draw out the Breton army and destroy it. These tactics were partly successful in that 3,000 Bretons perished in an ill-advised attempt to block the French at Rohan, but Duke Richard bided his time. Eventually, encouraged by the Breton Council Richard attacked the larger French force at Pontivy on the 31st March.

The battle of Pontivy was a disaster. Duke Richard survived, but was gravely wounded in one to one combat with Bourbon, his cavalry force caught out and surrounded. Meanwhile St Leger and the Bristol company got lost in the Breton countryside and returned to the battle too late to prevent Lord Chase and the English infantry being torn to pieces, although he managed to retreat with Duke Richard and some 2,000 survivors of the 10,000 man army. Bourbon and Palice took Pontivy and by summer 1526 they controlled/terrorised most of eastern Brittany, the Breton/English army recovering in Quimper.

Edward sent the York company to aid his son in Brittany whilst he levied the peasantry of La Poche to fill the gaps in his own army. Under the Earl of Warwick this company was able to link up with Duke Richard to give a combined force of some 12,000 men. However the French had been weakened by partisan Breton attacks on their supply lines and at Loudeac on the 28th August 1526 the French were forced to give battle having been trying to return to France. The York Company had gotten to their east and blocked the road forcing Palice and Bourbon to give battle. The French army by now numbered around 12,000 men too although they were weaker after months of campaign. Warwick was a seasoned battle commander and Duke Richard allowed him to take control of the force. Local Breton guides showed them a concealed ford over the Larhon River which allowed the Bristol company to make up for their mistake at Pontivy months before. Martin St Leger launched an attack into the rear of the French line breaking the demoralised troops and causing the death of Charles de Bourbon in the process.

With Brittany secure for now, the last act of the 1526 campaign was the second battle of Agincourt. Unlike the first which has exploded into myth and legend, the second battle barely deserves the name. Charles had been forced to depart for Vienna to stave off an Ottomon advance, leaving just as the news from Pontivy came in. That had left Francis with strict instructions to preserve the army he had (approximately 10,000) men and strike any targets of opportunity.

Francis had seen such an opportunity after the York Company had left for Brittany. Knowing that the English army was becoming increasingly dependent on levies, Francis aimed to draw out some of these forces and score an easy victory. Consequently in late August 1526 he readied some 4,000 cavalry and mounted crossbowmen/handgunners for a week-long raid into Boulogne. The force was designed to move quickly so that the English army could not catch it, very much imitating the tactics of the English companies. For the first three days Francis exploited his maneuverability and speed to cross the border near Le Touquet and raid the relatively rural western part of La Poche. There were slim pickings of booty, but the moral victory of more destroyed English land was a helpful one. However the modern tactics Francis was using had been perfected by the English and now they turned them against him. Francis had been correct in assuming his tactics would avoid the English army recovering and refitting in Calais, but he had overlooked the Piacenza and Calais Companies. These two companies had won a fearsome reputation at Antwerp and Bapaume for their swift, devastating charges, and now they were on home soil. Furthermore the Companies were led by the half-brothers of the Black Bastard and Richard of Oudenburg; they had trained since their teenage years and worked well together.

So it was that Francis found himself attacked in a pincer move at Agincourt on the 3rd of September. He had allowed his force to venture out in smaller numbers and so only 3,000 men were with him of the original 4,000. However this still outnumbered the Calais and Piacenza company which at this stage were around 2,500 cavalry in total. Yet Francis’ army travelled slowly south west in a narrow hollow having burned a few farms that day and being buoyant in their victory. The Piacenza company rode in hard from the east seemingly charging suicidally into the French. However Giovanni La Nero had timed his charge perfectly. As the French wheeled to face him, the Calais Company appeared over the hill and took them in the flank. Such was the shock of the double charge that around 100 horses bolted leading others to follow in error. The short skirmish, which Edward V named second Agincourt for propaganda, lasted no more than an hour and ended with around 400 French dead and some 150 English.

As the 1526 campaign season came to a close, both sides retreated to tend to their wounds. Brittany had bounced back from their invasion, and committed more men to the war with France whilst Edward had been able to train and replenish his army. In contrast Francis had taken relatively few losses, and the scorched earth of La Poche and Brittany was enough for him to be satisfied for now. The English would have to bring in dried staples from New Kent to prevent their ‘French’ vassals from starving. In distant Hungary, Charles had heard news of the defeats at Loudeac and Agincourt and had decided to change course. Victorious against the Ottomans, Charles returned west via Rome where he cashed in his good favour with Clement VII to seek a peaceful solution.

In February 1527, Clement VII proclaimed a ceasefire, and commanded that all parties send representations to a convocation at Lucca for April of that year. Francis and Charles both publicly agreed and so Edward was also forced by honour to do the same; the Earl of Lincoln and Thomas Wolsey left for Lucca with a guard of honour provided by the Calais Company meaning Richard of Oudenburg came too.

It is unknown who truly came up with the idea of the Convocation of Lucca, but it quickly became apparent to the English delegation that they had been set up. The convocation opened with testimony from Cardinal La Marck as to the brutality of the English and most strikingly of all that of Juan de Cartagena. Cartagena had been a merchant trading out of Santiago until it was attacked by Lord Hampton and his Aztec raiders in summer 1526. Cartagena claimed to have been at sea when the attack happened and returned home in August to find his home and estate a charred ruin, and his family destroyed. Cartagena’s wife had been murdered and his two oldest children had been carted off for human sacrifice, his two youngest children had survived by the swift actions of a Franciscan priest. Cartagena’s identity and story has never been truly confirmed, but the emotion served the purpose it was intended for.

Wolsey records that he repeatedly tried to interject during the opening few days but was shouted down by the Pope himself who presided over proceedings. Even Lincoln had little impact as Edward’s official ambassador, the Holy League had closed ranks and only Portugal did not openly denounce the English Crown. These testimonies continued for almost two weeks, La Marck again being asked to testify, this time on the False Crusade. A whole litany of crimes, fabricated or exaggerated, were thrown up which made the 1525 edict look like a reasoned account. The English Crown, personified by the two brothers of Edward V and Prince Richard, were made out to be little better than Brigands, Heretics by association and Apostates for refusing to adhere to Papal instruction. The Convocation even heard that the Treaty of Amiens was illegal as it was manipulated on Edward V’s illegitimate coronation as King of France in 1491.

The verdict was expected, but the severity could not have been foreseen. After two months Pope Clement VII delivered his judgement with Francis I, Charles V and Thomas Wolsey looking on. Lincoln had already returned for England expecting the result. The Crown of England was declared an enemy of Christendom. King Edward V had until St Stephen’s Day (so around 6 months) to meet the Pope’s demands or be declared excommunicate and a heretic. Firstly England had to hand over all rights to the Columbias south of New Kent: St Nicholas, St Dominic, St John, Cove, and Nova Albion would all go to the Spanish as compensation for English consorting with ‘heathen beasts who practice human sacrifice’. They were to turn over La Poche, La Cinqieme and Brittany to France in perpetuity. Prince Richard was to relinquish the title of Duke of Brittany as ‘an illegitimate heir’. The worst treatment was saved for his uncle. The Prince of Harts was guilty of consorting with Heretics (his friendship with Luther was not helpful here) and must turn himself over to the Inquisition for questioning.

In brief, the Convocation of Lucca was designed to break the English; rob them of their rightful possessions by marriage and conquest and leave them impotent for generations, allowing France and Spain to become the leading powers in Europe. Beyond that, it demanded the humiliation of Prince Richard of Shrewsbury submitting to a surely crooked trial which would likely see him dead.

The debate over the true aims of Lucca has raged since the declaration was first issued: was it a simply religious document or was it hopelessly compromised by politics and foreign alliances? The Papacy claimed that it was concerned solely with the religious rot into which the English had fallen; allying with heathens and sheltering heretics, with the territorial confiscations being a just punishment. However this claim was insecure even in 1527, and even Italian observers remarked that the Pope was surely having his ear bent by Charles and Francis. There is a more pragmatic view in that Clement wanted to bring peace to Europe and was willing to sell England down the river if it meant France and Spain ceased hostilities. Regardless of the reasoning, the Convocation of Lucca would have a cataclysmic impact on the entire world.

Edward V, G Bradshaw, 2001
News of the Declaration of Lucca returned to England by mid July 1527. Edward V had been given 6 months to bow to Papal demands. Sadly his immediate reaction has escaped the historical record, but we know that he flew into a fit of activity sending messages to the New World with all haste and recalling his magnates to London for most of August where they met in Council for multiple weeks. Europe fell silent as its heads of state waited for Edward to capitulate. Then on the 29th of September 1527 - Michaelmas - Edward V appeared before the assembled Parliament, flanked by Archbishop Hastings and Thomas Wolsey, Papal Legate and all the magnates of England in the Great Hall at Westminster, only commanders in Brittany, La Poche and the Columbias were absent.

The Edict of Westminster - commonly called the Michaelmas Lament - laid out Edward’s response to the Convocation of Lucca. Edward began by lamenting the state into which Europe had fallen; rape, pillage and plunder. The loss of order and justice, the great corruption of Christendom and her institutions. He lamented the sinfulness and duplicity of her leaders and her Priests. Most of all he lamented the corruption of the Pope in becoming the ‘mere pawn of worldly Princes’ and using his spiritual authority in temporal matters.

His lament completed, Edward turned to John FitzJames, the Chief Justice of England, who handed the King a second scroll. In light of these truths, the King of England announced that he no longer recognised the authority of the Pope in Rome and called on Parliament to approve the Act of Supremacy which made him head of the Church in England and in all crown possessions. Second, that he would add his personal approval to the publication of William Tyndale’s completed English New Testament. Finally and most importantly, Edward declared that as the Pope had no legitimate authority over the English Crown, he did not recognise the Treaties of Avignon, Mantua or Rome which the Pope had orchestrated against the English Crown.

Consequently, Edward V declared that he would not recognise any of the demands of the Convocation of Lucca or cede any of the territory which had ‘been conquered and maintained by English feats of arms’. The meeting then dissolved into chaos as the assembled nobles loudly voiced their assent to the Act of Supremacy. A vocal minority was drowned out by sheer anger at the Pope’s actions, and the clear righteousness of Edward’s response. Edward was then crowned by John Hastings, newly made Archbishop of Canterbury as rightful King of England, separate from Papal authority. Finally the King called on all able Englishmen and ‘our friends across the seas’ to come to arms to defend this new Church and Realm ‘free from tyranny, corruption and barbarity imbued with all sense of justice, prosperity and love.’

The response, both domestic and foreign, will be discussed in due course, but it seems wise here to discuss the motivation behind Edward’s course of action. There are two main schools of historiography: the spiritual and the political school. Eamonn Duffy tends to lead the political school which suggests, often in negative tones, that the Edict of Westminster was entirely for political gain. Edward was disinterested in religion, and was even a heretic to listen to some, and he merely sought leverage beyond the Convocation of Lucca which was entirely of his blunder and making.

In contrast the spiritual school, most recently reinforced by George Barnard, sees Edward as the warrior and the scholar, a man who was well-read and at least believed in the Catholic Church and was himself pious. The school goes on to say that Edward had been on a gradual journey throughout his life, influenced mostly by his brother Richard, to see the established Church as essentially corrupt and in need of reform. In this view the Lucca Declaration was merely the final straw.

Such debates are long-winded and complicated, and we stand little chance of resolving them here. However a few observations could be made. True, Edward V did read the works of Luther, Macchiavelli, Savonarola and Erasmus, many of them channelled via the Prince of Harts, but he also read the works of More and other defenders of the faith. This speaks more to his addiction to books first detected in childhood, and the strong currents of reformed thinking the house of York was exposed to with Richard resident in Oudenburg. It simply shows that Edward was open to many new ideas, and that Prince Richard enabled many of these to be critical of the Church.

Secondly we must recognise Edward V for his brilliant mind, his understanding of the world and politics. He was well-read but not bookish, smart and street-smart at the same time. Therefore perhaps it is over-simplistic to suggest that he had either spiritual or political motives for his actions, he could simply have had both ideas. He was clearly concerned about Papal corruption, again a common gripe of the Prince of Harts, and much distressed at the grave situation with France and Spain in 1527, the Edict of Westminster rather slashed the Gordian know of both problems; killing the birds of politics and religion with the one stone of the Act of Supremacy.

Finally we should consider Edward’s timing, for it was both tactically and religiously fortuitous. Michaelmas is a festival celebrated as the nights draw in and the cold of winter builds. It is aimed to encourage the Church through the long, cold darkness. Edward thus harnessed these sentiments for his own mission of standing up to the Pope and the Kings of Spain and France (not to mention the Holy Roman Emperor). Such was this victory of Yorkist propaganda, and the initial lament, that many moderate Catholics flocked to the Yorkist cause. After all Edward had not removed any Catholic sacraments or other red lines beyond the Pope, there would be some opposition but not as much as there may have been.

Most of all the Edict was a stroke of tactical brilliance. The timing allowed Lincoln and Northumberland to make gains ahead of the winter, and to strengthen his forces for the coming fight. The rhetoric and attendant propaganda also presented Edward as King of England ‘and our friends across the seas’ and also as the righteous, wronged party. All of these messages would be vital in fighting the wars to come.

Many who had seen the campaigns of 1526 had believed that the Nine Years War had reached the zenith of cruelty and barbarity, but the events of 1527 pushed the violence even further, for now the war entered the epoch defining struggle between Catholic and Protestant.
 
Was there anything in Venezuela at this time? Or did they just dump them on shore, wish them good luck and sail off?

Hmmm... things are going pretty good for the English so far. They've decisively won the Caribbean theater, and the first blows of the war in the European theater have also gone their way. They didn't exactly win, perhaps, but they've lost no ground, made connections with some potential allies, and bloodied the French's nose. Meanwhile, the anti-English alliance has lost time, men, and morale, acquired a bad reputation, and can no longer try and distract England by depradations in the Caribbean.
I doubt it'll last, of course - Spain and France can bring much larger armies against the English, and once they actually get to work in France, I can see La Poche suffering very quickly, ending up as just the coastal cities, and Brittany being raided constantly. But on the other hand, they probably can't cross the Channel either, which means England will be free to build up forces and invade France/the Low Countries every spring. And the critical thing is, time is on the English side. Every day that passes is more time for the French and Spanish to trust each other less and fear betrayal more, more time for the Pope to die, for some of the signatories of the League of Rome to rethink positions, for the Protestant rebellions to erupt in Germany. Remember, in OTL, the Sack of Rome was in 1527, only two years off - and it wasn't an intentional sack, it was Charles V's unpaid Protestants who did it. One of the things that kept Charles' troops in the war was paying them with the gold they got from the new world... and it seems to me that they have no Incan or Aztec gold in this timeline, while England seems to have secured its finances.
A few cities on Venezuela yes, around Caracas and Maracaibo - so they wern't totally abandoned. Thanks for the predicitions, as you can see many of them were on the money! Also those extra suggestions towards the end ar every helpful going forward! Thanks
 
Interesting as always... only one thing Giovanni’s nickname MUST be Il Nero as “The” is translated in italian as “il“ for males and “la” for females
 
This Yorkwank is having the amusing effect of having Clement VII going from trying to undermine Charles V IOTL to support him against all odds here x'D

And Charles keeps making mistakes...

Two questions.

Where are García Álvarez de Toledo, duke of Alba and Francisco Pizarro?
 
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This Tudorwank is having the amusing effect of having Clement VII going from trying to undermine Charles V IOTL to support him against all odds here x'D

And Charles keeps making mistakes...

Two questions.

Where are García Álvarez de Toledo, duke of Alba and Francisco Pizarro?
I prefer the phrase York wank....

As for Alba and Pizarro. I confess I didnt have them placed yet but Alba is deffo going to be involved in the war.
 
Mistake corrected. How odd of me, a Yorkist, mentioning the Devil...

I hope that Alba's son is going to perform at least as good as IOTL, for good and bad (and England would enjoy the former as the latter).
 
Would Pizarro be up to anything in this universe? Let's be honest, Pizarro basically copied the exact actions of Cortez in regards to the Aztec Empire, and that never happened in this universe. Furthermore, Pizarro could copy those tactics because they worked and because he knew of the Incan Empire, but given the Spanish haven't conquered Brazil or Mexico, how would he know? Lastly, you have to consider that Pizarro did almost everything he did as a renegade, with almost no official Spanish support until after he had won, and actually fighting against Spanish forces that had been sent to arrest him. So I can easily see him not doing anything of the sort in this world.

Well, an Anglican Church. I knew this was coming, but I'm very interested in seeing what will happen. In this case, they're basically fully Catholic only not bound to the Pope. I'm sure the Protestants will welcome them with open arms now, but in the future, I can see a lot of religious strife over this. In any case, it's brilliant, because think on it. This proclamation happened on September 29th, by which time it's already autumn. By the time word will reach the Pope, Charles and Francis, it will be winter - so no campaigning them. Meanwhile, Edward had the winter to wait, build up forces, ensure loyalty to him, and start talking again with all the anti-Pope Christians around. And there are a lot of those... the Hussites in Bohemia and Moravia, and the protestants all across the Holy Roman Empire. The German Peasant's War of 1524-1525 might not have happened yet (or maybe it's already been put down), but you can bet there are a lot of hotbeds of resentment all across the Holy Roman Empire just waiting to burst into the flame, now with a rich royal patron to aid them. Again, time is on England's side in this war - every day that passes they get more gold from the colonies and secure their hold on their lands, while their opponents bleed money, with every day adding more malcontents.
Also, as a non sequitur, I'm surprised that at no point Clement tried to claim that he was Edward's feudal overlord, since King John had pledged himself as the Pope's vassal back in 1213. People never seem to remember that technically England was held by its kings as vassals of the Pope and was part of the Patrimony of St. Peter until Henry VIII [IX] formed the Anglican Church...
 
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