wolf_brother
Banned
Poland Is Not Yet Lost
Rapport, Mike. 1848: Year of Revolution New York: Basic Books, 2008.
... The political restrictions imposed on Europe could not help but provoke opposition. Just as Metternich and his ilk felt the heavy weight of recent history in their political calculations, so that same history proved to be an inspiration to their opponents. The French Revolution of 1789 and its Napoleonic progeny had provoked dread among conservatives, but – in the true Romantic fashion of the age – their memory could stir the blood of liberals, radicals and patriots who felt constricted in the stifling atmosphere of Metternich’s Europe. The first post-war generation of European liberals had personally engaged in the struggles of the revolutionary era. With the final allied victory in 1815, they had lost either because they had supported Napoleonic rule – and its often empty promises of freedom – or because, having opposed the French, they had hoped in vain that from the ruins of the old European order would rise a new, constitutional system. There were unsuccessful revolutionary outbreaks in...
... The most dramatic surge of resistance to the conservative order came in Poland, where in November 1830 the patience of the patriotic Polish nobility within the Russian partition snapped when the Tsar mobilised the Polish army in response to the revolutions in Western Europe. The insurrection lasted ten months and was crushed – after some bloody and intense fighting – by a 120,000- strong Russian army under General Ivan Paskevich (who would help repress another revolution in 1849). In the retribution that followed, a staggering eighty-thousand Poles were dragged off in chains to Siberia...
... Later liberal opposition again tested the strength of the conservative order, sometimes with tragic consequences. In the Habsburg province of Galicia in 1846, Polish nobles tried to raise the standard of patriotic revolt against Austrian rule. Although they promised in their proclamation to free their serfs, the mostly Ukrainian peasantry did not listen. Instead, they killed and mutilated some 1,200 Polish nobles – men, women and children alike – and set ablaze or plundered some 400 manor houses in what would become known as the Galician Slaughter. The serfs' loyalties remained fixed on the Habsburg Emperor who, it was said, had used his divinely ordained authority to suspend the Ten Commandments, allowing the peasants to kill their hated landlords with impunity. The upshot of this abortive Polish insurrection was the annexation by Austria of the last candle that burned for Polish independence, the free city of Kraków, which was the epicentre of the revolt...
... When the cosmopolitan flowering of the Springtime of Peoples clashed with brute national interest, the later would be carried with much more convicition. This was violently illustrated even more amply by the intractable problem of German–Polish relations. The Poles would prove to be one of the European nationalities that emerged with little to show from 1848. At first glance, this is surprising, because the Poles had been among the most dogged of all the European revolutionaries and attracted the most widespread sympathy. The flame of the Polish revolution had been kept alight by the Great Emigration of Polish exiles...
Greater Polish Uprising
... News of the Vienna revolt reached Austrian Galicia on 19 March. Within hours in the provincial capitol of Lwów a petition was signed by 12,000, mostly Poles, demanding provincial autonomy within the Hapsburg Empire. The Austrian governor, Franz Stadion, who had already abolished censorship and permitted a civic guard as part of his liberal regime, allowed the petition to be presented to the Emperor...
... On 20 March over one hundred Polish political prisoners were freed on the order of King Frederick William as part of Prussia's new liberalization. Among those who death sentence was commuted was Ludwik Mierosławski (2), who immediately sent agents of the Polish underground movement to both Posen (Polish: Poznań) and Galicia (Polish: Galicja) to arm and train Polish volunteers. In the latter Poles seized local power in the grand duchy, removing unpopular officials, and organized militias.
Four days later Frederick William received a deputation from the Polish community in the Grand Duchy of Posen, led by Archbishop Leon Przyłuski, who argued before the Prussian King that as Germany was about to be united 'on the principal of nationalism,' it was also 'the hour of Poland's resurrection.' Further, the deputies asked Frederick William, as Grand Duke of Polish Posen, to carry out the 'national reorganization.' The next day Frederick William's new liberal ministry granted the deputies' request, and established a committee of both Germans and Poles to discuss some form of autonomy for the grand duchy...
... On 24 March, Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski, 'the uncrowned King of Poland,' (3), left Paris for Berlin, hoping to press the liberalized Prussian government into war with Russia to liberate his homeland. Back in his adopted homeland, however, on 26 March the radical-leaning Polish Democratic Society, leaders of some seven hundred unemployed Polish emigrates in Paris, organized protest march joined by the Parisian radicals 20,000 strong on the Hôtel de Ville, the provisional French government's headquarters. The protesters demanded arms and funds from the provisional government to free Poland from Russian (and, unsaid but implicated, German) control. However the crowds dispersed after Lamartine, the French Foreign Minister, assured them of France's sympathies and offered instead financial aid to help the Polish immigrates return to their homeland. After Lamartine also negotiated an agreement with the still extant German Confederation allowing the Poles free passage through the German states; within the following week hundreds of patriotic Poles left Paris by train...
...By the 28th Czartoryski arrived in Potsdam, where the Prussian royal family had fled from Berlin, and presented his case before King Frederick William. However the King rejected Czartoryski's plan, exclaiming in horror; "By God, never, never, shall I draw the sword against Russia!" By April neither the Prussian King nor his ministers would meet with Czartoryski…
... As events throughout Europe spiraled out of control, on 1 April Mierosławski arrived in Galicia to take command of the National Committee's militia, which by then numbered around 10,000 troops. However the German minorities in Polish-held lands began to protest, with several non-violent scuffles throughout Galicia. The Germans soon formed their own militias and committees, and wrote a petition to the German parliament in Frankfurt, declaring: "We are Germans, and want to remain German. You cannot, must not, abandon us." In response Prussian King Frederick William sent General von Willisen to Posen to negotiate with the Poles and defuse the situation. However conservatives close to the King in Potsdam also persuaded Frederick William to reinforce General von Colomb's regiment in Posen, swelling his forces until they outnumbered Mierosławski's... (4)
... Elsewhere during the 1848 period the Poles attempted to join the revolutionary movements. On 5 April the Frankfurt Committee of Fifty received a delegation from Polish National Committee of Posen which argued that the Poles 'cannot and will join' the German Reich. After barely an hour's debate the Committee of Fifty agreed, declaring that 'the partition of Poland [was] a shameful injustice,' and recognized 'the sacred duty of the German people to collaborate in the restoration of Poland.' Likewise the next day the Polish delegation from Galicia, now also bearing representatives from the Kraków Citizen's Committee, reached Vienna to a rapturous welcome from the city's population. Austrian newspapers celebrated the prospect of the Hapsburg monarchy taking the lead role in restoring Polish freedom, and the anticipated war with Russia. Meeting with Emperor Ferdinand the Poles expressed their hope for Galicia's (and Kraków's) autonomy within Austria, and that the Austrians would spearhead the reconstruction of an independent Poland…
... By 14 April Frederick William made it clear to the Polish delegation that autonomy would be granted only to the 'purely Polish' eastern districts of Posen, a position the National Committee, after much debate, rejected. However the Committee had also decided to un-arm its forces, in a bid to appeal to the Prussian King's better nature after hearing of the events of Berlin. This move though was ignored by Mierosławski, who expected a Russian intervention against any liberated Poland, and prepared to assist Prussian forces in defense of Posen as allies. To that end the Poles were unprepared to fight the Prussians when five days later General Colomb unleashed his army against the Poles, targeting Mierosławski's volunteers and innocent civilians alike. The Prussians destroyed the Polish village of Książ, burning the town to the ground after murdering all 600 Polish prisoners taken during the village's capture. Polish communities in Wielkopolska, Pleszew, Wrześniam and Miłosław were also attacked, as demobilized Polish volunteers returning to their homes were harassed by Germans led by Catholic priests and local worthies. This provoked a backlash in the previously restive Polish rural population, which rose up and waged guerrilla warfare against the Germans, many joining Mierosławski's freischärlers. . However Mierosławski's well-trained militia was more than Colomb bargained for, and in a skillful defensive action near the village of Grodzisk on 29 April the Prussians were beaten back. Mierosławski believed that to save morale and the honor of the Poles it was necessary to resist militarily, while the Committee members were opposed to violence and still hoped to win over Frederick William. As such the Committee disbanded itself on 30 April, stressing the Prussian treachery and violence in its last proclamation…
... In the Hapsburg domains the Austrians took a different route. On 17 April Emperor Ferdinand gave Galician governor Stadion permission to free the serfs, a decision Stadion took on 22 April, announcing emancipation in the name of Ferdinand as of May 15th, with compensation for the landlords. However this proclamation was not well-received by the Polish Democratic Society, who (correctly) perceived such a move would undermine the Polish resistance's support amongst the peasantry. On 23 April Democratic Society agents in Kraków recruited some 1,200 fresh volunteers, and organized patriotic marches. The democrats also established newspapers which published patriotic articles at a feverish pace. Under mounting pressure, the Kraków Citizen's Committee quickly changed its name to the 'National,' accepted more radical delegates into its formally bourgeois membership roles. The now democratized and re-named Committee then declared Easter Sunday 'Emancipation Day' and urged the landed Polish gentry to free their serfs. However this move was not beloved by the Polish nobles, whose memories were still fresh with the 1846 Kraków Uprising...
... Across Galicia and in the provincial capitol of Lwów Polish democrats skirmished with Austrian troops, throwing up barricades through the city and using capturing arms, including pikes and cavalry lances. The four thousand Austrian troops stationed in the city withdrew into the Lwów High Castle and bombarded the city with cannon for over two hours before the Poles surrendered. In the aftermath and National Committee was disbanded by the Austrian authorities, and the leaders exiled. The independence movement was, for the most part, defunct in Hapsburg-held Poland. As a further ploy against the Poles Stadion allowed the first meeting of a Supreme Ruthenian Council to take place in Saint George's Cathedral in Lwów, which made demands for a separate Ruthenian administration. (5) By 15 May this council published the first Ruthenian periodical, which sold out within its first week...
... By 3 May Mierosławski's forces had clashed with Colomb's troops had clashed twice more, both times ending in routes for the Prussians. Less than a week later however Mierosławski was defeated when his forces were caught in the open outside the village of Miłosław by Prussian artillery and pulverized. By the next day the last of Mierosławski's forces had surrendered, and the National Committee of Posen disbanded. Mierosławski himself was once again captured and, having tasted freedom for merely fifty-one days, was locked up once again.
The Battle at Miłosław
As a consequence of the uprising the Grand Duchy of Posen was replaced with the Province of Posen, and Frederick William's government rejected any ideas of autonomy. However, as a Prussian territory it was completely incorporated into the German Empire, and when the German parliament finalized the German Constitution in 1849 Posen was explicitly mentioned as an autonomous territory. (6) In the subsequent elections for the Prussian parliament Polish delegates achieved a majority of the seats from the province, and sent a respectable number of delegates to the German parliament.(7) Likewise the Austrian-held Grand Duchy of Cracow gained a measure of autonomy following the 1848 period; however Austrian Galicia fell to Hungary, and to this day the area is...
Spec-hist.com/forum/showthread.php?t=190997
(1) OTL the national anthem of Poland, "Poland Is Not Yet Lost."
(2) Raised in Congress Poland, Mierosławski had taken part in the 1830-31 November Uprising before escaping to Galicia, and later emigrated to France, where he was active in the Polish community in Paris, becoming famous for his "Histoire de la revolution de Pologne." He was elected leader of the Greater Poland Uprising of 1846, but was arrested by Prussian authorities and held under death sentence until his release.
(3) Actually a Lithuanian noble, born in Warsaw in 1770, Czartoryski had fought during the Second and Third Partitions, and following the later of which he was forced into entering Russian service as an officer. Rising through the ranks Czartoryski befriended the young Alexander I, and became the Chairman of the Russian Council of Ministers and the Foreign Minister from 1804 to 1806 during Alexander's reign. He retired from politics in 1810, until the November Uprising of 1830 saw him elected the President of the Polish Provisional Government, and later as Chief of the Supreme Council. After the uprising's failure he joined the Polish community in Paris, where he was hailed as the 'uncrowned King' of Poland, and became even more famous for his writings, especially his "Essay on Diplomacy" in which he proposed a resurrection of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as a Slavic federation.
(4) IOTL the German forces outnumbered Mierosławski's over two-to-one. However ITTL As Prince Charles of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen still controls some 25,000 Prussian troops in Baden, and more importantly the Prussian military has (yet) to be put on war footing, the army has less-and-less forces to call upon as they overstretch their military capacity trying to deal with every issue that arises throughout Germany.
(5) Ruthenian is the period name for Ukrainian. Most of the peasantry in Galicia under the Polish gentry were Ruthenians who, in a scene reminiscent of the Hungarians with the Romanians, were fanatically loyal to the Hapsburg Emperor. However, this moment also marks the beginning of the Ruthenian independence movement.
(6) IOTL the parliament did not. However butterflies, both those seen so far and those to be revealed later, will result in a different parliament more amiable to Polish autonomy, coupled with a certain German flavor of racism which required a 'purely German' Germany.
(7) IOTL Poles were split on the subject of the German parliament. While some rejected it and called for another insurrection, others argued that now was the time to 'go against Prussians not with scythes but with votes.' ITTL with the pan-German parliament largely in favor of Polish autonomy the Poles will support it against Prussian (and Austrian) authority.
"Poland has not died yet,
So long as we still live,
What foreign force has taken from us,
We shall take back with the sword..." (1)
So long as we still live,
What foreign force has taken from us,
We shall take back with the sword..." (1)
Rapport, Mike. 1848: Year of Revolution New York: Basic Books, 2008.
... The political restrictions imposed on Europe could not help but provoke opposition. Just as Metternich and his ilk felt the heavy weight of recent history in their political calculations, so that same history proved to be an inspiration to their opponents. The French Revolution of 1789 and its Napoleonic progeny had provoked dread among conservatives, but – in the true Romantic fashion of the age – their memory could stir the blood of liberals, radicals and patriots who felt constricted in the stifling atmosphere of Metternich’s Europe. The first post-war generation of European liberals had personally engaged in the struggles of the revolutionary era. With the final allied victory in 1815, they had lost either because they had supported Napoleonic rule – and its often empty promises of freedom – or because, having opposed the French, they had hoped in vain that from the ruins of the old European order would rise a new, constitutional system. There were unsuccessful revolutionary outbreaks in...
... The most dramatic surge of resistance to the conservative order came in Poland, where in November 1830 the patience of the patriotic Polish nobility within the Russian partition snapped when the Tsar mobilised the Polish army in response to the revolutions in Western Europe. The insurrection lasted ten months and was crushed – after some bloody and intense fighting – by a 120,000- strong Russian army under General Ivan Paskevich (who would help repress another revolution in 1849). In the retribution that followed, a staggering eighty-thousand Poles were dragged off in chains to Siberia...
... Later liberal opposition again tested the strength of the conservative order, sometimes with tragic consequences. In the Habsburg province of Galicia in 1846, Polish nobles tried to raise the standard of patriotic revolt against Austrian rule. Although they promised in their proclamation to free their serfs, the mostly Ukrainian peasantry did not listen. Instead, they killed and mutilated some 1,200 Polish nobles – men, women and children alike – and set ablaze or plundered some 400 manor houses in what would become known as the Galician Slaughter. The serfs' loyalties remained fixed on the Habsburg Emperor who, it was said, had used his divinely ordained authority to suspend the Ten Commandments, allowing the peasants to kill their hated landlords with impunity. The upshot of this abortive Polish insurrection was the annexation by Austria of the last candle that burned for Polish independence, the free city of Kraków, which was the epicentre of the revolt...
... When the cosmopolitan flowering of the Springtime of Peoples clashed with brute national interest, the later would be carried with much more convicition. This was violently illustrated even more amply by the intractable problem of German–Polish relations. The Poles would prove to be one of the European nationalities that emerged with little to show from 1848. At first glance, this is surprising, because the Poles had been among the most dogged of all the European revolutionaries and attracted the most widespread sympathy. The flame of the Polish revolution had been kept alight by the Great Emigration of Polish exiles...
Greater Polish Uprising
... News of the Vienna revolt reached Austrian Galicia on 19 March. Within hours in the provincial capitol of Lwów a petition was signed by 12,000, mostly Poles, demanding provincial autonomy within the Hapsburg Empire. The Austrian governor, Franz Stadion, who had already abolished censorship and permitted a civic guard as part of his liberal regime, allowed the petition to be presented to the Emperor...
... On 20 March over one hundred Polish political prisoners were freed on the order of King Frederick William as part of Prussia's new liberalization. Among those who death sentence was commuted was Ludwik Mierosławski (2), who immediately sent agents of the Polish underground movement to both Posen (Polish: Poznań) and Galicia (Polish: Galicja) to arm and train Polish volunteers. In the latter Poles seized local power in the grand duchy, removing unpopular officials, and organized militias.
Four days later Frederick William received a deputation from the Polish community in the Grand Duchy of Posen, led by Archbishop Leon Przyłuski, who argued before the Prussian King that as Germany was about to be united 'on the principal of nationalism,' it was also 'the hour of Poland's resurrection.' Further, the deputies asked Frederick William, as Grand Duke of Polish Posen, to carry out the 'national reorganization.' The next day Frederick William's new liberal ministry granted the deputies' request, and established a committee of both Germans and Poles to discuss some form of autonomy for the grand duchy...
... On 24 March, Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski, 'the uncrowned King of Poland,' (3), left Paris for Berlin, hoping to press the liberalized Prussian government into war with Russia to liberate his homeland. Back in his adopted homeland, however, on 26 March the radical-leaning Polish Democratic Society, leaders of some seven hundred unemployed Polish emigrates in Paris, organized protest march joined by the Parisian radicals 20,000 strong on the Hôtel de Ville, the provisional French government's headquarters. The protesters demanded arms and funds from the provisional government to free Poland from Russian (and, unsaid but implicated, German) control. However the crowds dispersed after Lamartine, the French Foreign Minister, assured them of France's sympathies and offered instead financial aid to help the Polish immigrates return to their homeland. After Lamartine also negotiated an agreement with the still extant German Confederation allowing the Poles free passage through the German states; within the following week hundreds of patriotic Poles left Paris by train...
...By the 28th Czartoryski arrived in Potsdam, where the Prussian royal family had fled from Berlin, and presented his case before King Frederick William. However the King rejected Czartoryski's plan, exclaiming in horror; "By God, never, never, shall I draw the sword against Russia!" By April neither the Prussian King nor his ministers would meet with Czartoryski…
... As events throughout Europe spiraled out of control, on 1 April Mierosławski arrived in Galicia to take command of the National Committee's militia, which by then numbered around 10,000 troops. However the German minorities in Polish-held lands began to protest, with several non-violent scuffles throughout Galicia. The Germans soon formed their own militias and committees, and wrote a petition to the German parliament in Frankfurt, declaring: "We are Germans, and want to remain German. You cannot, must not, abandon us." In response Prussian King Frederick William sent General von Willisen to Posen to negotiate with the Poles and defuse the situation. However conservatives close to the King in Potsdam also persuaded Frederick William to reinforce General von Colomb's regiment in Posen, swelling his forces until they outnumbered Mierosławski's... (4)
... Elsewhere during the 1848 period the Poles attempted to join the revolutionary movements. On 5 April the Frankfurt Committee of Fifty received a delegation from Polish National Committee of Posen which argued that the Poles 'cannot and will join' the German Reich. After barely an hour's debate the Committee of Fifty agreed, declaring that 'the partition of Poland [was] a shameful injustice,' and recognized 'the sacred duty of the German people to collaborate in the restoration of Poland.' Likewise the next day the Polish delegation from Galicia, now also bearing representatives from the Kraków Citizen's Committee, reached Vienna to a rapturous welcome from the city's population. Austrian newspapers celebrated the prospect of the Hapsburg monarchy taking the lead role in restoring Polish freedom, and the anticipated war with Russia. Meeting with Emperor Ferdinand the Poles expressed their hope for Galicia's (and Kraków's) autonomy within Austria, and that the Austrians would spearhead the reconstruction of an independent Poland…
... By 14 April Frederick William made it clear to the Polish delegation that autonomy would be granted only to the 'purely Polish' eastern districts of Posen, a position the National Committee, after much debate, rejected. However the Committee had also decided to un-arm its forces, in a bid to appeal to the Prussian King's better nature after hearing of the events of Berlin. This move though was ignored by Mierosławski, who expected a Russian intervention against any liberated Poland, and prepared to assist Prussian forces in defense of Posen as allies. To that end the Poles were unprepared to fight the Prussians when five days later General Colomb unleashed his army against the Poles, targeting Mierosławski's volunteers and innocent civilians alike. The Prussians destroyed the Polish village of Książ, burning the town to the ground after murdering all 600 Polish prisoners taken during the village's capture. Polish communities in Wielkopolska, Pleszew, Wrześniam and Miłosław were also attacked, as demobilized Polish volunteers returning to their homes were harassed by Germans led by Catholic priests and local worthies. This provoked a backlash in the previously restive Polish rural population, which rose up and waged guerrilla warfare against the Germans, many joining Mierosławski's freischärlers. . However Mierosławski's well-trained militia was more than Colomb bargained for, and in a skillful defensive action near the village of Grodzisk on 29 April the Prussians were beaten back. Mierosławski believed that to save morale and the honor of the Poles it was necessary to resist militarily, while the Committee members were opposed to violence and still hoped to win over Frederick William. As such the Committee disbanded itself on 30 April, stressing the Prussian treachery and violence in its last proclamation…
... In the Hapsburg domains the Austrians took a different route. On 17 April Emperor Ferdinand gave Galician governor Stadion permission to free the serfs, a decision Stadion took on 22 April, announcing emancipation in the name of Ferdinand as of May 15th, with compensation for the landlords. However this proclamation was not well-received by the Polish Democratic Society, who (correctly) perceived such a move would undermine the Polish resistance's support amongst the peasantry. On 23 April Democratic Society agents in Kraków recruited some 1,200 fresh volunteers, and organized patriotic marches. The democrats also established newspapers which published patriotic articles at a feverish pace. Under mounting pressure, the Kraków Citizen's Committee quickly changed its name to the 'National,' accepted more radical delegates into its formally bourgeois membership roles. The now democratized and re-named Committee then declared Easter Sunday 'Emancipation Day' and urged the landed Polish gentry to free their serfs. However this move was not beloved by the Polish nobles, whose memories were still fresh with the 1846 Kraków Uprising...
... Across Galicia and in the provincial capitol of Lwów Polish democrats skirmished with Austrian troops, throwing up barricades through the city and using capturing arms, including pikes and cavalry lances. The four thousand Austrian troops stationed in the city withdrew into the Lwów High Castle and bombarded the city with cannon for over two hours before the Poles surrendered. In the aftermath and National Committee was disbanded by the Austrian authorities, and the leaders exiled. The independence movement was, for the most part, defunct in Hapsburg-held Poland. As a further ploy against the Poles Stadion allowed the first meeting of a Supreme Ruthenian Council to take place in Saint George's Cathedral in Lwów, which made demands for a separate Ruthenian administration. (5) By 15 May this council published the first Ruthenian periodical, which sold out within its first week...
... By 3 May Mierosławski's forces had clashed with Colomb's troops had clashed twice more, both times ending in routes for the Prussians. Less than a week later however Mierosławski was defeated when his forces were caught in the open outside the village of Miłosław by Prussian artillery and pulverized. By the next day the last of Mierosławski's forces had surrendered, and the National Committee of Posen disbanded. Mierosławski himself was once again captured and, having tasted freedom for merely fifty-one days, was locked up once again.
The Battle at Miłosław
As a consequence of the uprising the Grand Duchy of Posen was replaced with the Province of Posen, and Frederick William's government rejected any ideas of autonomy. However, as a Prussian territory it was completely incorporated into the German Empire, and when the German parliament finalized the German Constitution in 1849 Posen was explicitly mentioned as an autonomous territory. (6) In the subsequent elections for the Prussian parliament Polish delegates achieved a majority of the seats from the province, and sent a respectable number of delegates to the German parliament.(7) Likewise the Austrian-held Grand Duchy of Cracow gained a measure of autonomy following the 1848 period; however Austrian Galicia fell to Hungary, and to this day the area is...
Spec-hist.com/forum/showthread.php?t=190997
AHC: Earlier reunited Poland said:Gear-T said:How would you get an earlier Poland reconstituted, with a POD after the Congress of Vienna?Tallgeese7 said:Your best bet might be 1848 as part of the general revolutions happening throughout Europe, but I'm not sure how.Crafter said:No, it'll have to be post-1848. Before the liberalization of Europe the conservative order wouldn't, couldn't, allow a reconstituted Poland for fear of the revolution spreading, especially through the Russian and Austrian empires
(1) OTL the national anthem of Poland, "Poland Is Not Yet Lost."
(2) Raised in Congress Poland, Mierosławski had taken part in the 1830-31 November Uprising before escaping to Galicia, and later emigrated to France, where he was active in the Polish community in Paris, becoming famous for his "Histoire de la revolution de Pologne." He was elected leader of the Greater Poland Uprising of 1846, but was arrested by Prussian authorities and held under death sentence until his release.
(3) Actually a Lithuanian noble, born in Warsaw in 1770, Czartoryski had fought during the Second and Third Partitions, and following the later of which he was forced into entering Russian service as an officer. Rising through the ranks Czartoryski befriended the young Alexander I, and became the Chairman of the Russian Council of Ministers and the Foreign Minister from 1804 to 1806 during Alexander's reign. He retired from politics in 1810, until the November Uprising of 1830 saw him elected the President of the Polish Provisional Government, and later as Chief of the Supreme Council. After the uprising's failure he joined the Polish community in Paris, where he was hailed as the 'uncrowned King' of Poland, and became even more famous for his writings, especially his "Essay on Diplomacy" in which he proposed a resurrection of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth as a Slavic federation.
(4) IOTL the German forces outnumbered Mierosławski's over two-to-one. However ITTL As Prince Charles of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen still controls some 25,000 Prussian troops in Baden, and more importantly the Prussian military has (yet) to be put on war footing, the army has less-and-less forces to call upon as they overstretch their military capacity trying to deal with every issue that arises throughout Germany.
(5) Ruthenian is the period name for Ukrainian. Most of the peasantry in Galicia under the Polish gentry were Ruthenians who, in a scene reminiscent of the Hungarians with the Romanians, were fanatically loyal to the Hapsburg Emperor. However, this moment also marks the beginning of the Ruthenian independence movement.
(6) IOTL the parliament did not. However butterflies, both those seen so far and those to be revealed later, will result in a different parliament more amiable to Polish autonomy, coupled with a certain German flavor of racism which required a 'purely German' Germany.
(7) IOTL Poles were split on the subject of the German parliament. While some rejected it and called for another insurrection, others argued that now was the time to 'go against Prussians not with scythes but with votes.' ITTL with the pan-German parliament largely in favor of Polish autonomy the Poles will support it against Prussian (and Austrian) authority.