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Chapter 112: Peace For Our Time?
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    Chapter 112: Peace For Our Time? (1960-???)

    The last major Unitarian strongholds in India were swept during the first half of 1960, and the subcontinent was placed under US occupation, divided into a "Chinese" and a "Western" occupation zone, the Ganges River Valley and the east under the former and the rest under the latter. Though officially, the Great Asian War was not yet dealt with, Aceh and Oceania were still fighting under the banner of the Unitarian Commonwealth, all of the focus of the United States went towards setting the foundations towards rebuilding the subcontinent and maybe, just maybe, making sure that nothing similar to the War ever happens again.

    The first question to solve - what should be built? It had been half a century since the Indian Revolution, and despite the totalitarianism of the Unitarian regime and its catastrophic end, even less people wanted a return of the regime prior to the revolution, this being the Mughal Empire.

    This is where the opinions of the United States differed, largely because of the different experiences they had in nation-building in the past - both China, the undisputed leader of the Asian parts of the faction, and Germania, the most prominent of its Western members, had experience in reforming former Unitarian regimes, but that experience differed. Being the winner most wounded by the War, China and its leadership believed in the simple dichotomy of "divide and conquer" - "India" should become a solely geographical term and the region dissolved along national lines, into states such as Bengal, Punjab, Khalistan, Tamil Nadu, Maratha, Nepal, etc., none of which would ever be able to threaten peace and security in the region or even hope to stand up against China next door. Xiao Xuegang's plan paid a lot of attention to future economic domination of the region, using enforced free trade treaties, free economic zones and pro-Chinese business laws to tie the disjointed Indian states to China like an anchor preventing them from ever rising again. So, in a way, it was a repeat of the plan China enforced on a defeated Japan twenty years earlier, and in China's eyes, it was a success, so why not try the same thing with an another former Unitarian dictatorship? Germania and its leadership, on the other hand, were not only more idealistic in their plans for the future of India, but also were concerned with the possibility that a divided India would just make China into even more of a behemoth than it currently is. Western businesses feared that the Chinese scenario will completely close off the prospective and massive Indian market and turn it into the Shun's "backyard", and as such, Prime Minister Volker Braun proposed an alternative - keeping India as a country, just cut up, with the most vocal independence movements given their desired freedom, and the rest of the country reformed into a federation. Obviously, to get back all the damage caused by the UIS, heavy war reparations would have to be placed, and the nation itself carefully observed, with interventions if necessary to prevent a return to Unitarianism or any other extreme ideology. Braun's plan was very unpopular among the other members of the United States, but the Germans accurately predicted that at this point, it would be impossible to "eradicate" the concept of India - decades of Unitarianism had largely erased regional identities, cultures and languages, the Indian population was largely uniform and followed a uniform national identity. The various regions of India had turned into something similar to, say, Bavaria and Thuringia, or Brittany and Normandy - regions with funny accents, a regional identity and maybe some remaining local languages, but largely a member of the same thing. You can't expect to cut that up and expect positive results.

    While heated debates took place in Rome over the future of India, the occupation forces in the subcontinent itself had to rely on something to make their rule more legitimate. In any normal situation, this would be where the occupiers would contact some friendly anti-Unitarian movements and begin cooperating with them to establish the foundation for a future return of control to a local civilian regime - however, this was where the US found itself facing a little bit of a... problem. A report from Hyderabad in January of 1961 informed the US leadership in Rome that the occupation forces have counted a total of 7857 separate anti-Unitarian movements operating in the entirety of the former UIS, each one anywhere to a few hundred activists to dozens of thousands of supporters with their own armed forces. This precarious situation was all thanks to the Unitarian government - the eye of the Aankhein and the totalitarian rule of the government meant that it was only when the stability of the nation began to break down that separatist and resistance movements could begin to form, at which point the nation was already in anarchy and any cohesion between anti-Unitarian forces was nonexistent. Though some quickly merged and others dispersed after Lucknow was toppled, thousands remained, each one campaigning for their own goals. The rainbow of anti-Unitarian movements was as diverse as India itself - separatists and irredentists of various kinds, from radical red-wingers and Revivalist-influenced organizations to democrats to Unitarians; groups campaigning for the restoration of the monarchy, but a more "Indian" one, either under a Baburid or a local Hindu noble; groups campaigning for the establishment of a democracy and a federation; Muslim, Sikh and Buddhist interest groups; anti-Nijasurist Unitarians, some endorsing Burmese Anarcho-Unitarianism, some believing in Democratic Unitarianism, others endorsing either Kubilayism, Nagaism, Samsaism or many other blue-wing ideologies; so on and so forth.

    However, there were a few movements which were more prominent than others, and which would end up the backbone of the US occupation of India. The Vetrivel Organization in the south of the subcontinent was one of the few which predated the Great Asian War, and while this Tamil nationalist organization had largely turned into a symbolic, powerless entity as early as the 1930s, the Great Asian War and the Allied occupation of Ceylon saw it go through surge upon surge of new membership. In what was considered to be the "core" of India, i.e. not counting recently conquered regions such as Persia or Malaya, Tamil nationalism was the most prominent and widespread, and as such, the Tamils bled much more than the other nationalities of India. Dozens of thousands purged during the Unitarian regime, well over a million deported and spread across India to hasten assimilation - and as a result, the Vetrivel was among the most violent of the separatist organizations across India, endorsing the idea of paying for Tamil blood with Unitarian blood. Many members of the Vetrivel also endorsed the idea of a Dravida Nadu - an independent federation of the speakers of Dravidian languages in southern India, stretching from Ceylon to Hyderabad, in which the Tamils would obviously have the highest clout. The idea of a Dravidian nation was endorsed by the Chinese as a way to dissolve India into separate states, but the Germans were not as enthusiastic about such a multinational federation. Either way, the US began to cooperate with the Vetrivel, both to gain some local support in southern India and to make sure the Vetrivel doesn't turn against the Westerners either. Tamil representatives were invited to the US occupation governments in Ceylon and Tamil Nadu as early as 1960 - this did, unfortunately, draw the ire of the Sinhalese people, which made up the majority of the population of Ceylon, and yet was claimed by the Vetrivel as an integral part of a future Tamil nation. To silence these protests, Vetrivel representatives fabricated census data, claiming that the Sinhalese majority is overblown, and even sometimes began open attacks on the most vital Sinhalese to sway the opinion of the Allies to their favor. General Henrikas Radauskas described the situation in Ceylon as "two kids fighting for the same toy, just with guns and bombs instead of shouting".

    In the north, the Ganges River valley was dominated by the loose, multi-regional organization known as the Janata Dal (People's League), a nonviolent organization composed of intellectuals, representatives of the middle class and former Unitarians which saved their skin by disassociating themselves from the Party at the last minute and hiding any connection they had. It largely echoed the German proposal for the future of India - a democratic, Western-influenced federation of nationalities, with a unitary capital either in a reconstructed Lucknow, Delhi, or Varanasi, the city where the Janata Dal was first conceived. It was just unfortunate that the region where the League operated was occupied by the Chinese, who, as already presented, had no plans of leaving a united India after them. Obviously, cracking down on a nonviolent democratic organization was not something the other members of the US would tolerate, so instead, the Chinese turned to weakening the roots of the organization - fostering separatist nationalism in Bengal, Bihar, Bhutan, Nepal, as well as cracking down on any major politicians suspected of former ties to the Unitarian regime, even if they had reformed and abandoned their past ideology, for example, by joining the Janata Dal. The west of the subcontinent, meanwhile, saw the domination of the Majlis-e-Ahrar-ul-Islam, usually shortened to the Ahrar. Though generally in favor of a united India much like the Janata Dal, the Ahrar was a Muslim interest party, and many of its leaders declared that the Unitarian regime was nothing more than a veil for Hindu nationalism and proselytism. And there certainly was some truth to that statement - though officially declaring state atheism as its policy, the UIS was much harsher towards Muslims, Sikhs, Buddhists and other minorities than the dominant Hindi. The Ahrar campaigned for a return of former mosques to the Muslim community, freedom of religion in the future India and cultural autonomy to Indian Muslims. At the same time, the Ahrar were very worried about the growing popularity of the Janata Dal and the proposals for either the partition of India or a federation in its place. If their wishes were not met and they saw that the new Indian state was just as pro-Hindi as the UIS, as the organization states, then the Indian Muslims had a right to declare themselves a separate nation from the Indian Hindi and split the subcontinent between each other - perhaps even restore the Mughal Empire to give this "Muslim nation" legitimacy, while the Hindi can have their republic.

    Of course, outside of the subcontinent, there were three nations which had liberated themselves from Indian rule without any influence from the US, and thus the Westerners and China had to recognize. These were Persia, Baluchistan and Afghanistan.

    Baluchistan and Afghanistan largely followed similar paths after independence. Both of the countries had their freedom championed by local politicians, officers and intellectuals, who, while certainly open to the idea of joining the ranks of Western democratic nations, had no experience in that sort and no US support to back them up. What also ended up as a major pain were the post-war borders - due to the chaotic nature of their independence struggle, the borders of all three states ended up set by the zones of control of each movement at the moment of the capitulation of the US, thus all three states ended up with large, unwanted minorities within their borders. Afghanistan, for example, ended up with Peshawar and Quetta, two regions with little to no connections to Afghani identity. Lacking democratic traditions, inheriting impoverished regions with plenty of ethnic violence, both Afghanistan and Baluchistan devolved into dictatorships, failing to keep up with the countries around them in human development and mostly ending up famous as a source of cheap immigrants to work in Arabian and Persian oil rigs. Persia, on the other hand, was a different beast. Sporting a large population, a somewhat stable source of income in the form of Persian Gulf oil and, most importantly, a concrete ideology and vision for the future in the form of the tenets of the Jund-e Khoda and its leader Murshid Jamal, it fared... well, it ended up more stable and compact than its eastern neighbors, at least, but whether it was "better" is a question. The Jund was a follower of a radical alternative to mainstream Fatahism, and Persia under their control would become a testing ground for their ideology. The new Islamic state of Persia broke all ties with previous governments in the region and their successors in the form of the Persian government in exile in East Turkey, and the confrontational, radical conservative and extremist attitude of Persia would become a pain to the rest of the world and a threat to the stability of the Middle East for years to come.

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    Jund-e Khoda insurgents in eastern Persia praying during the last weeks of the war in India. Colorized


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    The remains of the city of Lahore in early 1961. Organizing reconstruction works across the entire subcontinent would become a severe headache for the occupying Allied forces.

    Compared to the headache which India was, dealing with the rest of the Unitarian Commonwealth was peanuts. Aceh, at this point, was nothing more than a glorified region of India, completely reliant on their benefactors for something as simple as ammunition, so with the collapse of the UIS in early 1960, this Southeast Asian nation was quick to follow. After the occupation of the Malacca peninsula in February, amphibious landings on Sumatra and Borneo followed, disarming the Acehi forces in both of the islands and seizing all of the major towns in the country in a matter of months. Though a few units remained deep in the thick Borneo and Sumatran jungles, sometimes resisting for decades on end, any organized resistance in Aceh was over by May. In a move that surprised no one, Aceh was welcomed as a new member of the Nusantara Confederation, reformed into a constituent sultanate with a brother of the monarch of Brunei as the new ruler. However, Aceh would become more of a pain to the already unstable situation in the archipelago than originally anticipated. The population of Sumatra was not as easy to integrate into the federation as anticipated, and the economic disparity between the two regions would put a strain on the budget for years on end. Hundreds of thousands of Acehi people would end up leaving for Java, Lusang or Ayutthaya in search for job opportunities, leaving many frustrated about this "Acehi outbreak".

    Oceania was a different beast entirely. During the Great Asian War, the only conflicts it participated in were a low-intensity colonial front in New Guinea, which ended up won by Lusang and the EASA by mid 1960, and some naval warfare all around the massive continent. India's capitulation had little impact on the economy or military of Oceania, either - as one the most recent members of the Commonwealth, and a nation self-sufficient both in food and in resources, it merely needed to eliminate its General-Overseers and small Indian presence by placing them under house arrest. As such, the Oceanians had enough strength to be able to fight for years on end, and the US could tell that continuing the war against Oceania would be a costly endeavor. It was not the same as India - this was an entire sparsely inhabited continent, with a fairly hostile and dry environment and all the major towns separated either by sea or by hundreds of kilometers of sparsely inhabited land. Meanwhile, the Allies still had an entire subcontinent to rebuild, and the voters back home were already growing frustrated with the lines of coffins wrapped in flags being sent home every week. Calculating all the advantages and disadvantages of a continuation of the war in Oceania, the leadership of the US decided to extend an olive branch to Oceania, which the government of Harold Stassen agreed to. An armistice was signed on July 11th, 1960, which almost all modern textbooks put down as the end of the Great Asian War. However, the old borders were not restored - Lusang kept its control over all of New Guinea, while the "navy with a state" in the form of the British Royal Navy slowly began evacuating east in the face of continuous Oceanian attacks.

    With East Africa continuing its path of Monarcho-Unitarianism, just with a lot more territory (France reluctantly agreed to follow their promise of organizing referendums in their colonies and protectorates in East Africa, paving the way for much of Northern Somalia and other border territories to join the Union) and Turkestan abandoning the Unitarian tenets imposed upon it, Oceania remained as the last orthodox Unitarian country on the planet, and this siege mentality reflected upon its changing ideology. Though initially seen by the Westerners as one of the more progressive members of the Commonwealth - its leader Harold Stassen even accepted the title of "Democrat" to make his rule look more appealing to Democratic Unitarians - this brief period of warmth soon faded. Stassenism would rise past Nijasurism or even Nagaism in the absolute loyalty and totalitarian grip over the country it advocated for, all with a good dose of encouraged extreme Oceanian nationalism, so much so that it was hard to tell whether it was even Unitarianism anymore, and rather something else entirely. Decades after the end of the Great Asian War, the civilized countries of the world would start to wonder whether letting Oceania go that easily was a good idea...

    The negotiations over India's future took place in Rome for almost a year, which was more than enough time for the occupation authorities in the subcontinent itself to give out heaps of shallow, shortsighted promises to as many groups as they could just to make their rule there a little bit simpler. Back in Rome, the initial consensus seemed bent on dismantling India completely, according to the whims of the Chinese, but as more and more news came from India, describing the situation out there to the politicians in detail, then that consensus began to change. This was not only thanks to additional information, however, but also thanks to master maneuvering by the German diplomatic corps - they weren't beyond backroom negotiations with each of the parties to gauge their opinion and tip them towards their preferred solution, as well as, for example, open fearmongering in US meetings, denouncing the Chinese proposal as an attempt to "colonize" India, which, while threatening to the integrity of the alliance, also helped to sway the opinions of the members towards the Germans. On September of 1960, the unofficial leader of the US, Italian prime minister Amerigo Togliatti, spoke out in favor of maintaining the political existence of India, even if weakened to make sure it never becomes a threat to world peace again, leading the Chinese to drop their stubborn stance and seek a compromise. The US plan for the future government of India was ironed out during the following months. Burma shall be reformed into a monarchy under one of the surviving descendents of the Konbaung dynasty, and immediately ordered to join EASA as its newest member; Malacca, having been controlled by the French and then the Indians for centuries and thus lacking a recent local government to restore, was founded as a republic, again, as a member of EASA (a French motion to regain the peninsula due to it having been a French colony was vetoed by China); Assam shall be expanded into the west, incorporating some territories formerly held by the UIS; Cambodia would end up formed from the former territories of the Mekong Union, ignoring protests from Vietnam and Ayutthaya over their respective minorities there; Ceylon and Tamil Nadu, the former having been a content French colony before the Great European War and the latter threatening war if it ends up in the same country as the rest of India, would both become autonomous regions of France with their future status to be determined by referendum or by mutual agreement by the Sinhalese and Tamils. The rest would end up reformed into a federal, decentralized Confederation of India, composed of semi-independent republics like Bengalistan, Punjab, Bihar, Maratha, Orissa, Nepal, etc., each one with a separate democratically elected government and their own armies, with a weak central government in Delhi.

    Historians and common people both agree that the Great Asian War was on the same footing as the Great European War in the impact it had on the geopolitical landscape of the world - in fact, it could be argued that the GAW was even more important. Just the losses suffered during the conflict had to account for something - 18 million military personnel casualties, nearly 60 million civilians, much of South, Southeast and East Asia left in ruins and taking decades to rebuild. From a geopolitical perspective, the War turned the previously tripolar world, dominated by China, India and the Western nucleus, into a bipolar one. On one side, you had the European Defense Commission, which, joined by France, Spain, Britannia and Sweden in the immediate aftermath of the War, remained as a real military and economic force in world politics. On the other side, you had EASA, dominated solely by China. The technological impact the War had on the world cannot be dismissed, either - jet engines, nuclear power and many, many other military and civilian technologies were birthed by it and later went on to push the world towards a new era. The first application of nuclear power in civilian energy production took place in France in 1967, in the form of a practical nuclear reactor built near Grenoble, and two years earlier, in 1965, the first civilian jet airliner, the "Huolong", made its first flight from Beijing to Seoul.

    What the Great Asian War also led to was the formation of the world's first planetwide political organization. After India's capitulation, the question arose on what should be the fate of the United States. At its core, it was an organization founded to resolve the issue of Indian belligerence and to organize the war effort of the worldwide anti-Commonwealth coalition - so, logically, it should be disbanded once its purpose had been achieved, right? However, during the war, the US had developed a fairly sophisticated structure and system of government from the supreme council of heads of state to the frontline officers, which couldn't just be discarded given that it worked fairly well. In addition, the meeting of the United States in Rome after the war concluded that one of the reasons for the breakout of the "Great Wars", as the Great European War and the Great Asian War could be collectively called, was a lack of cooperation between the world's nations and especially the great powers. Everyone fought for themselves, leading to the constant formation of military blocs, coalitions, treaties and other such discourse pushing the world towards war. With the planet growing increasingly interconnected and even the most minor conflicts having severe consequences on their regions or the entire planet, the need for a forum where countries can solve their bickering without bloodshed rose, and the United States filled that void.

    1962 saw the seven victorious powers - Germania, China, France, Italy, Vespucia, Britannia and Lithuania - as well as all of the other participants of the conflict signing the Rome Accords, establishing the United States as a supranational entity with the goals of "fostering cooperation, peace and international diplomatic coordination between the world's nations". The US of the Rome Accords was quite different from its original version, however - for one, it even had an official head, who would preside over all of the meetings of the organization. And what better term for a person who presides meetings and makes sure they follow the charter of the US than the Latin title for an officer who would preside over meetings and make sure they follow law and order? The first President of the United States was, to nobody's surprise, the (already former) Prime Minister of the Italian Confederation Amerigo Togliatti, further cementing the "America" nickname many opponents to the organization repeated. Though initially, the members of the US were only composed of the winning coalition, with the seven leaders having the highest clout and making most of the decisions, a slew of members, including much of the Vespucias, the Three Bogatyrs and many Islamic countries, arrived in the late 1960s, uniting much of the world under its wing as a result.

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    Negotiations between representatives of Orissa and German occupation authorities, May 1961

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    The unofficial flag of the United States


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    Amerigo Togliatti, Prime Minister of the Italian Federation (1952-1960), first President of the United States (1962-1970)
    The reconstruction of India is commonly called the "most extensive infrastructure project in human history". The entire road and rail network of India had to be rebuilt from ground up, and in some places, almost completely from scratch, as extensive strategic bombardment swept away even the foundations. Sometimes, entirely new technologies had to be developed to help with the reconstruction, as was the case with the places destroyed by thermonuclear bombs. Even today, large parts of Lucknow and Delhi remain a no-go zone for civilians, pushing many inhabitants of the cities to "New Delhi" and "New Lucknow", a few kilometers away from the old city centers. As one of the youngest large cities on the planet, and having been constructed haphazardly as a place of refuge, they later became a great case study for city planners and anthropologists. The reconstruction efforts in China went somewhat more smoothly - only a part of the nation was destroyed and the nuclear bombs dropped on it were considerably weaker than the ones the US used. Despite this, the Great Asian War resulted in an interesting change in Chinese society - before the war, the nation's economy was dominated by the southern parts of the nation due to the large port of Guangzhou and the concentration of industry there, but the years of industry transferal north and the heavy losses from the war changed this dynamic. Cities in the Great Chinese Plain and Manchuria became the new "promised land" for companies and rural immigrants, new and expanded ports in the Yellow Sea and the Yangtze Delta stole traffic from Guangzhou, and thus, in the end, the south began to regress while the center and north entered a new era of prosperity.

    The Reconstruction in India is estimated to have cost well over a trillion German thalers to the world, and even then, much still had to be done after the period finished. What did the US receive in exchange? Some things, actually. Any surviving military factories or facilities were completely dismantled and shipped to the victorious powers to be rebuilt there. Any surplus production in the subcontinent, be it food or fossil fuels or industrial production, was the property of the United States, too. In some of the less destroyed parts of the region, more specifically in the Deccan, Western companies opened their businesses, giving the Indians a first taste of the worldwide free market capitalist economy. The work force in the continent was extremely cheap, up to ten times cheaper than the average German worker, and local competition was nonexistent. Finally, Allied forces raided any remaining Unitarian research facilities for any vital information, seizing any prototypes, blueprints, research papers or anything worthwhile, to be sent back home. Indian technological achievements would end up being an important boost to research and development worldwide. Many educated Indians would end up leaving their nation for the West and China, too, inflicting their homeland with a severe brain drain while bringing their knowledge and expertise to the victorious nations. Though this "brain flight" was frowned at by the Westerners and Chinese at first, especially due to fears of Unitarians hiding among the immigrants, this worry soon subsided, and the cultural exchange even resulted in many positive effects, such as Indian cuisine reaching the tables of Germans, Vespucians and Frenchmen, and vice versa.

    The final handover of legislative and executive power to local governments took place in 1977, when the US occupation authorities and representatives of the Indians signed the New Delhi Declaration, officially establishing the Confederation of India and approving a timetable of the departure of US forces from the country. The last crowded ship carrying Allied soldiers left in 1981. By then, the landscape of the country's society had become radically different - many of the more extreme movements had either faded into obscurity or been squashed after clashing with the occupation forces too much, and a break between totalitarian Unitarianism and the establishment of the confederation helped instill at least a very basic sense of democracy in the people. On the other hand, the feeling of having been a superpower a mere 20 years ago, only to be occupied and humiliated for all this time, didn't do wonders to Indian resentment of the West and China. This would end up echoing over and over during the history of the Confederation.

    Decades of peace followed the Great Asian War, and this peace was followed by a feeling of international unity, optimism and continuous economic growth, fostered by a postwar population boom, restored stability on the planet and investor trust in the US maintaining that peace. The United States certainly did its darndest to follow up on that promise - intervening in the Crimean-Ruthenian conflict before its reignition in 1965 and helping negotiate a more permanent solution (though not a full peace yet), sending intervention forces to Africa, the trouble child of the world, numerous times to stop local conflicts and tribal struggles, so on and so forth. This was the period when the belief of the "end of history" rose in popularity. The world, or at least the majority of it, were now Western-style democracies, united to the United States, and outside of peaceful economic, diplomatic and political competition between the EASA and the EDC, conflict, especially military conflict, appeared to have become a thing of the past. So if conflict is over, history is also over, right?

    Technology continued to advance at a brisk pace. The 1960s and 1970s saw rapid advancement in the field of computer technology, thanks to newly acquired information on Indian computing technology as well as a new generation of young inventors, engineers and software developers from Germania, Italy, Francia, Vespucia and especially Lithuania, which, thanks to its pro-business and pro-startup policies, a highly educated workforce and a history of fostering innovation ever since the foundation of the Second Republic, became a worldwide center of information technology. Many information companies began gathering in Vilnius's Šventaragis Valley, famous for having once been the legendary place of burial for Lithuanian rulers, and the name soon became a shorthand for technology and innovation park across the world, with similar congregations forming in China, Germania, Vespucia and France in the following years. Innovations in computing technology, the introduction of transistors, followed by microchips, made personal computers affordable for the average home as well as many, many times more powerful than in the past. The Šventaragis Valley was also the birth place of the Internetwork, connecting the world's computers into one planetwide network and enabling them to share digital information - and this was huge. Though initially limited to an array of universities in Europe and East Asia, the Internetwork broke through the barriers of obscurity in the 1990s and entered a period of commercialization. Traditional communications media, such as newspapers, magazines, paper mail, television and Sengupta, were reshaped, redefined or outright bypassed by the massive stream of information accessible through the Internet, and new forms of social interaction, such as forums or instant messaging, arose in the network's limelight. Despite being its place of birth, the Lithuanian language was overshadowed in the network, and the two most popular languages in the internet community became Chinese and German. As any person who knows one language most certainly has no clue how to speak the other... this practically split the Internetwork in half, into two sections rarely interacting with one another. Obviously, the actual situation was a little bit more nuanced than that - French, Vespucian Dutch and English competed with German in language use, while distinct Quechua, Hindi, Russian and Nahua communities thrived in their own small sections of the network.

    Continued peacetime development in rocketry, jet technologies and modern electronics slowly, but surely opened up new frontiers for the adventure-hungry human mind. The first experiments in spaceflight took place in the late 1980s, in the form of basic, prototype multi-stage rockets reaching the lower edges of outer space, and gradually expanding on to engulf more and more fields of space exploration and exploitation. The first satellites, used either for commercial ventures such as Internetwork expansion or as a supplement to mobile phone stations, took to the Aether in the 1990s. Despite the field advancing every day and rapidly becoming one of the most prospective in the near future, the massive costs of space exploration and exploitation meant that only a few countries, or more often, supranational organizations such as the EDC and the EASA could afford continuous maintenance and usage of spaceports. Fearing the possibility of a space arms race, the United States established the US Department of Space Exploration and Common Development in 1997, hoping to use it to resolve any future tensions between participants in space exploration, but even without it, it will take many years before anything similar to a "space war" takes place - the world is still decades away from even having a person step a foot on the moon, much less achieve something similar to the Martian colonies, mass asteroid mining and "Solar energy sucking" envisioned in the science fiction works of Žygimantas Gediminaitis.

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    Janata Dal voters celebrate their victory in the first general elections in the constituent republic of Hindustan, 1978

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    Launch of the German low orbit satellite "Faust", 1994


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    Vilnius in 1998

    During the 1990s and the early 2000s - symbolically, around the end of the second millennium - large political realignments began to take place across the entire planet. The feared end of the post-Great Asian War planetary order was knocking on the door.

    New, emerging powers were starting to raise their head in challenge to the European and Chinese partition of the world. Despite the wholesale destruction, nuclear bombardment and two decades of reconstruction, India could not be held down and kept quiet for long. The nation rebuilt itself and grew even further like a phoenix, its population and its gross domestic product reaching growth rates among the highest on the planet for decades on end. This could be explained in a number of factors. Though the Great Asian War heavily damaged it, it did not destroy the clockwork-like web of infrastructure connections, resource and production dependency, and population uniformity of the Unitarian era, making all attempts at decentralizing the Confederation superficial at best. The government in New Delhi swiftly managed to put its constituent states back in line. India had many other things going for it, too - a highly educated workforce, again thanks to the Unitarian period; plenty of resources and a history of seeking autarky; a strategic position next to the Suez Canal and in between Europe and China; the Indian postwar exodus returning and bringing their experience, knowledge and worldwide connections. Though the nation remained really poor when compared per capita and it lacked any power projection outside of its borders, ignoring India and its "peaceful rise" was no longer an option. The Indian people were not satisfied with this, however. To them, the Confederation period associated not with a bright future or with drastic economic growth, but with poverty, geopolitical humiliation, oligarchy, a lack of direction or sense of purpose. "We need a new Nijasure", you can constantly hear in Indian towns and villages. Few knew what that name actually meant, but they believed that it meant a strong, powerful India, which doesn't bow down to the Westerners and the Chinese, one where everyone knows their place, one where there are no powerful capitalist oligarchs or annoying children espousing Western ideas of peace, solidarity, Republicanism, so on and so forth. But the bones of the millions of victims of Unitarianism don't have a voice, unfortunately. And also unfortunately, this meant that populist leaders, saying exactly what the bitter Indians wanted to hear, but could not formulate on their own, skyrocketed in popularity. A minor recession in 2000 and 2001 brought the red-wing populist Aditya Choraghad from the republic of Bihar into power as the Democrat of the Confederation of India in the 2002 general election. Choraghad was a man who promised many things - to finally stop the surge after surge of poor immigrants from Central Asia, "stealing Indian jobs"; to turn the Indian Army from, as he himself formulated, "five men with sharpened sticks" to a real fighting force; to spit in the face of climate change regulations and reopen the coal mine networks in Bengal and Jharkhand; and, most importantly, to make India great again. While he hypnotized millions into near-delusion with his charm, charisma and fiery speaking skills, others, especially global spectators, denounced him as a dangerous populist and an authoritarian, not above corruption to gain and retain power, and, most importantly, a threat to the comfortable, predictable stability of the post-GAW order.

    Russia had been on the periphery of the European continent for centuries, and for all of that time, it was also treated as such. Before the Lithuanian conquests, it was a distant fuzzy border between "civilized" Europe and "tribal" Central Asian steppe, and after those conquests, it was merely a rebellious region of the Empire of Lithuania. Volga Russia wasn't even considered a European state - the continent ended with Don and Volga, and even though the Volgaks originated from Slavs, they were the same as Kazakhs, Georgians or Persians to Western Europeans, with their ownly saving grace being that they were a stable democracy. When the possibility of Russian and Ruthenian independence rose as more than just a pretext for doomed rebellions, during the Great European War, Visegradian officials weren't even sure how to approach it - you're telling us that some of those Lithuanians are different from others? The establishment of the independent states of Krajina and Russia, however, changed this dynamic - the three East Slavic states were eager to establish themselves as equal partners to the rest of Europe, and for a time, it appeared as if Europe was welcoming. This development, however, was cut short by the Russo-Lithuanian War and the parallel War of the Danube - with the center of Europe switching from France to Germania, Lithuania joining the German side and the East Slavic states declining the prospect of becoming EDC members, they turned towards each other, forming the Three Bogatyrs as a counterweight. Unlike the Commission, however, the Bogatyrs were a much more tightly knit alliance, with its ultimate goal being the unification of the three East Slavic nations - a goal which was, after a long and hard road of negotiations, worries and disagreements, achieved in 1981 with the foundation of the East Slavic Federation. Immediately after its birth, the ESF became the largest and most populated country in Europe, and this newly gained power instantly put it on a path of confrontation with the Germans, now the traditional head of the continent. The East Slavs had plenty of grievances with the current world order - the treatment of the Federation as a buffer between China and Europe and not as a power in its own right, continued German encroachments on their "sphere of influence" in Crimea and the Caucasus, and continued German support for Lithuania, a nation with plenty of East Slavic minorities within their borders. One hundred years ago, in 1905, nobody would have imagined that a country with a capital in Kiev could claim to be equal to Germania, France or China. Not that they would also believe Germania could be a single country or China a world power, but that's 100 years of change for you.

    A rising power few people mentioned until recently is Tawantinsuyu, more commonly known as the Inca Empire. In the Vespucias, it was by far the most populous nation, counting over 200 million citizens at the beginning of the third millennium, and this population resulted in fast and noticeable economic growth. A combination of a growing local industry fueled by vast local resource reserves as well as the rapidly growing cash cow of tourism served as its primary fuels, and this economic growth was followed not only by political reform, transforming the Inca into a somewhat modern, thought still fairly autocratic semi-constitutional monarchy, but also by geopolitical ambitions. The Inca are a nation who, as a few geopolitics experts suggested, are driven towards expansion by a constant and everpresent lack of space. The nation is pretty cramped for a country located almost solely in the Andes, after all. As such, the late 20th century saw it expand its influence towards Virginia, New France and the two Manuelas under the guise of the foundation of the South American Cooperation Network (SACN), as a tool to expand economic and diplomatic influence in the continent, and especially allowing Inca businessmen to purchase tracts of land in the wide plains of Virginia and the Manuelas. Obviously, this also meant clashing with the VFS, who saw themselves as the natural head of the New World, in the process. The long-standing Inca friendship with Mejico, an another native Vespucian nation, has to be mentioned as well, and in the United States, Southern and Central Vespucia thus form a fairly tight common voting bloc, strengthening their influence worldwide. One thing that needs to be noted, however, which holds Tawantinsuyu down, is the everpresent fear of nature striking back - this fear returned in the form of the 2001 Southeast Pacific earthquake, one of the deadliest natural disasters in the region's history, causing the deaths of 28 thousand people and leaving over a million without a home. The flow of tourism decreased exponentially, though has somewhat recovered in the recent years, and reconstruction works drained the empire's budget, even if international help relieved some of the worst destruction.

    Africa remained as the problem child of the planet in the beginning of the third millennium. It is the least developed and the poorest continent by a long mile, with some of its regions having not even reached the second phase of population growth yet. Only the north and the south was somewhat stable - the north held stable nation states such as Egypt, Tripolitania and the Union of East Africa, as well as integrated colonies like Argelia and Portuguese Morocco, while the south of the continent became independent as the Federation of Southern Africa in 1982 - while the west and especially the center remained undeveloped, held back by continued colonization and exploitation reminiscent of the 19th century. Despite officially claiming to be beacons of democracy and republicanism worldwide, France, Spain, the Netherlands and Portugal brushed their activities in Africa to the side, or at best, explained them as "constant provision of help to the Africans". All while Central and Western Africa remain as one of the poorest regions on the world, with prolific diseases, nonexistent or barely existent healthcare and education systems, constant tribal and national conflicts only stopped by the US if they get too large or end up in one side massacring the other, colonial-style exploitation, domination and puppetization of native kingdoms, so on and so forth... The last decades of the 20th century saw the rise of backlash against the colonial practices in Africa, many denouncing them as inhumane and demanding a solution, or at least a change of policy. Obviously, this was easy pickings for enemies of the West - India, the Inca, the Russians, even China loved the "and you're still colonizing Africans" card as a rebuttal to any Westerner complaints. The problem is, though... how do you solve Africa? You can't just wave a magic wand and make all of the continent's problems go away. The reconstruction of India was peanuts compared to the work the planet would have to do to solve the situation in Africa, and as a result, politicians across the world tried to ignore the issue as much as possible, leaving it for further generations - but that might not even be possible anymore, because...

    In 2005, climate researchers in Spain released the results of their 11 year study and concluded that nine of the eleven latest years were the hottest in the last 150 years. The concept of climate change was not something unique to the post-GAW period, but it was only at this era that it became a real headache to the planet and its inhabitants. Massive CO2 emissions from rapidly industrializing countries, especially India, which used coal as its primary source of fuel due to its proximity, were rapidly ramping up a greenhouse effect - perhaps you can tell why everyone was biting their fingernails upon hearing Choraghad's vow to return India to coal mining... Various aerosols (before they were banned in mass) started eroding the planet's ozone layer and exposing it to increased levels of ultraviolet radiation, while air, ground and water pollution was bringing numerous species to extinction every year. Climate change was still warming up, and yet the world could already feel its adverse effects. Again, Africa was the weak link. Overpopulation in the Sahel, combined with rising temperatures and ineffective agricultural technology, was drawing the entire continent close to a massive refugee crisis, and their closest target would be, of course, Europe. Inca logging companies in Tawantinsuyu, New France and the Manuelas are putting a severe dent in the Amazon rainforest - but try telling the Inca to stop that when you're a Western prime minister. Tibet has been ringing the alarm for decades - the glaciers in the Himalayas and the Tibetan plateau, which generate rivers feeding four billion people, have shrunk to historically unprecedented levels, and if global temperatures continue to rise, rivers such as Yangtze, Ganges, Indus and Mekong are in danger of losing water or even drying up. But try to get India and China to successfully negotiate on a common strategy on saving the glaciers when we know who's in charge of the former.

    And we didn't even get to mention Oceania and their ongoing nuclear weapons program...

    History never ends. It continues on, giving harder and harder challenges for man to face.

    And if man lowers his guard for even a second, history will consume him.

    bhandarkar-sarkar-mukesh-plays-sanjay-gandhi-madhur_1a73aa24-6587-11e7-95fb-ec6334583ea6.JPG


    Aditya Choraghad, Democrat of the Confederation of India (2002-)


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    Aftermath of the 2001 earthquake in Tawantinsuyu


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    The world in 2005

    Much like the world constantly changes, so does Lithuania.

    The last 700 years had brought much, so much so that it had been left unrecognizable, multiple times. An early feudal pagan state, raiding and conquering across Eastern Europe, turned into an unstable Orthodox eastern hegemon, turned into a prison of nations, one of the largest powers in Europe and an equal to France in deciding the order of the continent, turned into a defeated, broken, weakened republic, turned into a revanchist, extremist dictatorship, a dark page in the nation's history, turned into what it is today.

    The Second Republic of Lithuania is a nation carrying much baggage of the past while at the same time trying to discard it and carve a path of its own. It is a unique blend of an imperial past and a modern present. Only in Lithuania can you find Baroque church architecture, ordered by King Albertas Jogaila five centuries ago, next to a modern Information Technology Faculty of the University of Vilnius. Only in Lithuania you can have a neopagan Romuva movement organize and coordinate its meetings in Kaunas and Karaliaučius through Lithuanian-made internetwork technology. This blend reflects in its people, too. The Lithuanians are stereotypically seen as prideful, even when there is nothing to be proud of, and vain, yet also following an efficient, cold-blooded work ethic and schooling their more lax German, French of Italian colleagues.

    The decades of rule of the White Shroud Party came and went. A new generation, rising in the shadow of the Great Asian War, took on a much more progressive attitude, and 1978 was the first year when the party of Garšva had to work in opposition. The overarching situation in the country saw little changes, however. The most major of them being the rise of separatist movements in White Russia, Estonia and Latgalia, both demanding autonomy or outright independence, and all three ending up suppressed by any government in Vilnius. Nobody wanted to hear a word about giving up even an inch of Lithuanian territory. We have already lost our empire, do you really thing we want to cut ourselves down further?

    Oddly enough, Lithuanians are often seen as much more optimistic as many of their peers. Maybe it's because they are far from any geopolitical hotpoints or regions affected by climate change, and have been developing and growing well for the past fifty years. Maybe it's the constant presence of basketball and the constant medals in World Basketball Championships diverting them from thinking about the troubles. Maybe it's a history of military ethic and Revivalist totalitarianism preventing anyone from truly speaking out.

    Either way, they are optimistic. And that's not a bad thing. With a new millennium, optimism is good to set the mood. You cannot be distraught about orphans dying in Benin or populist rulers in India all the time. Someone has to think about all the uplifting news, too.

    Or, more simply, every team needs an optimist.

    c0iQcT3 - Copy.png


    "Europe according to Lithuanians", internetwork meme from 2005

    ---

    Hey there.

    You don't really need to know my name, we're chatting anonymously on the Internetwork, but I am from the Republic of Lithuania. Not a Lithuanian, though! I can proudly call myself a White Russian. My family has lived here, in the Minsk region, for centuries, and we have never abandoned our traditions.

    I may not tell you my name, but I can tell you something you can identify me with regardless. Ever since my history teacher in secondary school sparked an interest in this subject in me, I've been a fan of the concept of alternate history. I've read all kinds of books and stories set in alternate worlds! Žygimantas Gediminaitis's "Hole in the Wall" series, the entire bibliography of Francois Darlan, considered to be the father of modern alternate history, so on and so forth... That's what drew me to this site, called "althistoria", which presents itself as the ultimate congregation of alternate history writers from across the world. Of course, it's all in German language, and thus dominated by Germans, who fill up the majority of the server time with German election wikiboxes and German AH scenarios, but it's a very interesting site regardless! If you want to find me and talk to me, I took the name of my favorite ruler in my country's history as my nickname! Albertas I Jogaila may have been quite a tyrant, but he was so pretty, and competent...

    I've been a part of althistoria for over a year now, and after reading through some of the site's hall of fame (and hall of infamy, too, you can learn from the worst as well!), I have finally gathered enough courage to make a timeline of my own. What is it about?

    Well, I've decided to start with a field very close to my heart - medieval Eastern Europe. It's odd that Westerners seem to accept this as fact, but Lithuania's rise to become an empire and conquer all of Eastern Europe was not something predetermined! There were plenty of times when the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, as they called themselves back then, could have faltered in the face of the Teutonic Knights, or the Mongols, or even the Slavs themselves! Unfortunately, very few people are interested in hearing about alternate medieval Eastern Europe. It's like to them, Russia and Krajina only popped into existence after the Great European War...

    I decided to call my timeline "the Wounded Knight", as a symbolic hint at what's going to happen to Lithuania in my work, and I picked the Battle of Blue Waters in 1363 as my point of divergence. What if Algirdas and his armies were routed and defeated, and he himself killed, sending Lithuania to a civil war and starting its disintegration? Well, there's a lot to explain... and I'm learning new things as I write. For example, did you know that in this period, the most likely unifier of the Russian people was not Tver', but Moscow? Yes, that small town to the south of the Russian capital! In the 14th century, it was a rising power and even held the Metropolitan of Rus', but a Lithuanian invasion in 1368 stopped those ambitions. Well, all of that is completely different in my TL! Russia is unified by the 15th century, while Lithuania is smaller, weakened, it even accepted Catholicism instead of Orthodoxy, further worsening their stability! Doesn't that all sound super interesting to you? A world where Lithuania is not the supreme force in Eastern Europe!

    But... then why am I talking to you?

    Well, you see... not everyone is as excited for this prospect as I am.

    I've been getting a lot of negative messages in my TL for the last month, usually from the Lithuanian members of the board. They are telling me that my story is unrealistic and that I still need a lot to learn before tackling this implausible and ambitious. I'm trying to refute these claims - after all, a lot more unlikely things have happened in OTL! - but they just won't budge, and I'm starting to believe that some of their criticism might be right. After all, this is my first timeline and I took quite a few leaps of logic to get the outcome I wanted.

    So, what I am asking you is - could you help me out! My TL is usually on the first page of althistoria's AH subforum, could you dedicate some time to read my TL, give me some constructive criticism and help me become a better TL writer! Alternatively, could you give me some ideas on the direction the rest of the world should take? I've got an idea on how Russia will develop, and I've got some ideas on other countries, like having England lose the Ninety Years' War or to have the Ottomans succeed in conquering Hungary, but... maybe you have something else to propose?

    Oh!

    My TL is on the front page, look!


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    ---

    Thank you all.

    Thank you all for reading.

    Thank you all for being a part of my Lithuania.

    Thank you all for building this reality with me, together.

    Could you imagine that this was the first thread I ever posted on AH.com?

    Not only my first ever timeline, but also my first ever AH thread, mere months after I even signed up?

    And now, two years later, that same thread concludes. With 120 pages and over 2000 replies, with thousands of viewers, and with such a complex and detailed world.

    And now, it's over.

    Until we meet again.​
     
    God of Justice
  • This is not an epilogue post, just a guest post that I was holding on to. Every event featured here happens before the end of the 1960s, but it does lay the groundwork for some of my ideas on what a post-GAW world might look like, making it a... pre-epilogue? Anyways, it's got plenty of fun reminders of what TTL's world looked like a century or two ago. What halcyon days...

    -dZRHr-0nhy89s0eDJX8paMVRzUEzP-skUzkd0yvAk7R3OzXJtpSEMbpB6N4LPbLIQ3geyniWhviTTxA3iPcEb-lZroEnSFs3z6OppTl0MtBQPetiGcWB50x7TQJFOY3GzSKhEsm


    God of Justice: The Foundations of Modern Serbia

    Nationalist historians will proudly insist that the “titular ethnicities” of each Balkan state remained the majority of the population in their respective regions throughout the entirety of Ottoman rule, but their focus on raw percentages makes them unable to see šumu od drveta (“the forest for the trees,” as the regional proverb goes). While the people of Ottoman Rumeli (“the country of the Romans”) were diverse in language and culture, the more important thing to remember is the degree of their interconnectedness. Despite the stereotype of all Balkan Muslims being beys or ayans who lorded it over servile masses of Christian peasants, many Muslims were active and productive participants in agriculture, trade, culture, and urban life, and existed at all rungs of the socioeconomic ladder. The region’s Christians were more likely to identify by church affiliation rather than any concept of “ethnic identity”. Amidst them all, the Jews lived lives of quiet prosperity centered on great cultural hubs like Salonica, and the Romani lived a myriad lifestyles (though that of the nomadic traveler is perhaps the best-known to outsiders). The emergence of majority-Christian, territorially-bound South Slavic nation-states from the corpse of Rumeli was therefore never an inevitability or even particularly easy. The birth of Serbia in particular was the product of specific circumstances, which included the building of schools and hospitals as well as the displacement and murder of hundreds of thousands of people.

    In 1799, Buda’s consul in Sarajevo had forwarded copies of the edicts of Sultan Harun I, which provided for sweeping administrative reforms in the Balkan provinces. The refugees who trickled into southern Hungary and eastern Croatia from the 1810s onward told a different story. The reforms of the army, meant to chip away at the power of the Janissary corps, were never implemented by the Bosnian administration. The coalition of soldiers and landowners who governed the province had no interest in abolishing tax-farming or lowering land rents— instead, they forced the reaya (the tax-paying class of peasants) to cough up increasing amounts of wealth and participate in forced-labour projects. Rather than the new rights and protections promised by the Sultan, Christians faced only the bleakest of futures as the Janissaries ran amok, seizing land and tearing to bits the very security and peace they were supposed to protect. In 1827, they even assassinated Hüsrev Pasha, the governor of Bosnia, for attempting to place checks on their soldiers’ power.

    Sultan Harun could not protest overmuch at this— a conspiracy of the Janissaries in Thrace removed him from office in 1828. His absent-minded younger brother ruled thereafter as Abdülaziz I, and did nothing to rein in the actors who lurked behind his throne. The opponents of the Bosnian provincial oligarchy, aware that the Sultan was no longer sympathetic to their cause, considered increasingly drastic options. By 1833, the public anger in the Serb-majority villages surrounding Banja Luka had engulfed northeastern Bosnia. Suffering from the savage retaliations of the Bosnian provincial forces, which had the full backing of Constantinople, the directors of the revolt (a motley collection of Orthodox bishops, secular Serbian notables, and Muslim notables with fond memories of Hüsrev Pasha) sent a messenger to Buda.

    f74p2JiiTK-7r1UnVpkcwDXTr1sjM61IhZjMqP6nKj3MnHZJDYA5q82AdWO2v_nzz4kG0MSEN8rQh_b5mTaw0Y16nOqoitmTac1G4aOaciIWKwc7mqL5GBitmDDhW1axNSmRbQdy

    Ladislaus II, King of Visegrad from 1824 to 1848.

    The monarchs of Visegrad after the German Revolutionary Wars were not “Luxemburgs” in the traditional sense. The main line of the Luxemburg dynasty ended with Sigismund II, who capped off two years of wholesale military and political collapse in the Three Kingdoms by dying without heirs in his provisional capital at Lublin. The French and Lithuanian delegates at the Paris Congress therefore selected Franciszek I, a cousin of Sigismund who headed the Luxemburg-Łańcut cadet branch (headquartered in Łańcut Castle and adjoining estates in Poland) of the ruling dynasty, as the new king.

    Franciszek ruled for 13 years, but they were uneasy ones— he never became fluent in Hungarian, and accordingly never escaped the Buda elites’ perception of him as a Polish immigrant. Upon his death in 1789, the task of rebuilding the kingdom’s political infrastructure was taken up by his son Matthias IV. The transfer of power to King Matthias “the Mad” V in 1815, however, was an enormous setback for the House of Luxemburg-Łańcut. While the King shut himself in his palace and refused to touch anyone for fear that he would turn to glass and shatter, the Convention of Three Nations steadily accrued power— its Chairman, Count Zsigmond Tisza, became the de facto head of government. King Ladislaus II, son and successor of the Mad King, was acutely aware of the crisis that his House faced. On the one hand, the institution of monarchy was the foundation of the nation— the institutions which tied Hungary, Bohemia, and Poland together all derived their legitimacy from the King. However, the popularity of the monarchy had declined as a result of the elder Matthias’s authoritarian tendencies and the younger Matthias’s incompetence. To ensure that the people— and especially the growing middle classes— felt obligated to preserve the status quo, the monarchy (and, by extension, the broader Visegradian system) needed some kind of victory that would prove their ability to set and achieve goals, adapt to change, and resist foreign aggression.

    Events in the Ottoman Empire paved the path to that victory. Visegrad’s literate (and illiterate) public were aghast at the newspapers' lurid descriptions of the “Bosnian Terrors” perpetrated by the Janissaries during the summer of 1833. The different factions of the government lost no time in responding to the popular sentiment that Visegrad, by virtue of its strength and advanced political culture, was duty-bound to stop such atrocities from happening in its own backyard. In a joint session of the royal court and the Convention, royalist politicians and a collection of major political parties produced the December Charter, in which the Convention pledged political and financial support for any of King Ladislaus’s initiatives with regard to the Bosnian question. Once the crisis was resolved, the King would consent to the immediate formation of a Constitutional Congress that formally apportioned powers between King and Convention and ended the see-saw shifts of power that had occurred during the reigns of the two Matthiases. With this support, a special committee chaired by the King sent an ultimatum to Sultan Abdülaziz, demanding that he rein in his military and grant Bosnia financial and political autonomy. The Sultan’s refusal of that ultimatum triggered the Bosnian War of 1834. All that really needs to known about the war is that Visegrad had, since the time of Franciszek I, committed to memory the lessons taught by the Revolutionary German Army and stayed abreast of military developments in the years since. The Ottomans, who had not yet suffered any significant reversals in Europe, saw little need to reform their military. Old thinking and old weapons clashed with newer variants of both, and the latter won. Three months after the declaration of war, Constantinople consented to the Visegradian annexation of Bosnia.

    Militarily, the integration of Bosnia proved little trouble— many of the leading members of the local Janissary elite were dead, and the power of the survivors had been broken by the war. Politically, however, it threatened to derail the Constitutional Congress of June 1834. Since its conquest, Bosnia had been governed as a military district, but how would its status change after the introduction of civilian rule? Would it be made into a fourth Visegradian kingdom? Would it become a province of Hungary, thus making the senior member of the federation even more powerful? What precedent would this set for future annexations of territory? In the end, the Congressmen determined that Bosnia should, following medieval precedent, become a Banate of Hungary. Like the Banate of Croatia, Bosnia would have its own local sabor (“assembly”), which would rule in coordination with a ban (“governor”) appointed by the Hungarian National Diet in Pest. The status of Pest as a “Hungarian” capital distinct from the federal capital of Buda was also confirmed by the Constitutional Congress, whose Bohemian and Polish delegates successfully pushed for national diets in their own kingdoms. The most significant effect of the Congress on a national scale was the transfer of the King’s powers to propose new legislation, declare war, and conclude treaties to the Convention. Agreeing to these conditions, Ladislaus believed, was the only way to ensure the long-term popularity (and thus survival) of the monarchy. In a sense, he was right— the goodwill which the House of Luxemburg-Łańcut built up during the 1800s let it outlive Visegrad itself, and become the ruling house of modern Hungary.

    With the Convention over and normalcy restored, civilians (though not necessarily natives) gradually assumed responsibility for Bosnia’s day-to-day administration. The third Ban of Bosnia, however, was not a Hungarian like his predecessors. Rodoljub Vulović, an Orthodox noble from Trebinje, had first become known to the Visegradians through his active military cooperation with the invading armies of 1834. Appointed as Ban in 1846, Vulović carefully balanced tradition and change in Bosnia for the next twelve years. The Muslims of central and western Bosnia were assured that Visegrad would henceforth protect them from forceful conversion to Christianity and from violence against their persons and private property. However, the traditional feudal rights of the landowners were, as in the rest of Visegrad, abolished. The nobles of Bosnia were now legally indistinct from landowners of common origins, and like commoners they now depended on their entrepreneurship— their ability to extract produce from their lands and bring it to market— to retain or rebuild their wealth. Some failed at playing this game, some succeeded, and some chose not to play at all. Instead, they sold off their lands and invested in the urban infrastructural, financial, and educational projects commissioned by the Visegradian state and its contractors.

    Vulović’s main gift to the Serbs, however, was ecclesiastical reform. The Ottomans had abolished the Serbian Patriarchate of Peć in the 1750s. For the next century, the various metropolitanates and eparchies of the Serbian lands were subordinate to the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, which was dominated by Greeks and frequently collaborated with the Ottoman government. When the Serbs were loyal to the Ottoman government, this did not pose much of an issue— but as the Orthodox faithful of Bosnia became rebels, refugees and then Visegradian citizens, the question of where to turn for moral and cultural guidance became quite pressing. With this in mind, Vulović recommended to Buda that Dragan Nastić, the popular Metropolitan of Zvornik, be rewarded for his efforts to encourage local support for Visegradian rule and laws. On January 7, 1850, Ladislaus’s successor Joseph II approved the election of Dodik as the “Patriarch of Zvornik” by an assembly of Bosnian Orthodox bishops hosted in the Ban’s Court in Sarajevo. The new church proved influential in the creation of an ideal of Serbian nationhood on both sides of the Visegradian-Ottoman border.

    bTmNVUkY-walCzYX01yYguEocd7iZTIOKyGJkGtsV8t5RPiFAawQmSxfgjFvocJwK0GahrnCLxBrVrL0kh2UxBbuSQ4HlxdroON8-aI5CebxKG_4LQfc3sLeZag89KwFOaPkbnMX

    During their swift advance through Bosnia and their suppression of the brief resistance movement that followed, the Visegradians killed or imprisoned thousands of landless soldiers pressed into service by their traditional Janissary commanders. Those commanders were dispossessed of their followers and their property, and forced to leave Bosnia at gunpoint. The humiliation of Rumeli’s power-brokers did not end there— the Wallachian War of 1834 saw Lithuania gobble up the majority-Romanian lands north of the Danube. If the Ottomans hadn’t held back the Lithuanians at the riverine fortress city of Nikopol, the Lithuanians might even have advanced into Bulgaria. Although Nikopol was a victory for the Ottomans, around 25,000 Ottomans were wounded and 15,000 died that day. Among that number were the famed Janissary commanders Nuri Cebeci and Gazi Kapıkulu, who had carved out nearly-independent personal fiefdoms in eastern Bulgaria and Thrace, respectively. The final hammer-blow came not from the north, but from the south. The First Greek War of Independence nearly drove the Ottomans from the Balkans. While the klephts and rebels came down from the mountains and seized the towns and valleys, the Patriarch of Constantinople refused to condemn the uprising. Demoralized by the setbacks against Visegrad and Lithuania, the Ottoman armies lost crucial battles at Nafplio and Piraeus over the course of 1835. If the Greeks expected help from European governments, however, they were sorely mistaken. As splits within the Greek rebel leadership slowly widened over the course of 1836, the Ottomans regained ground. Still, the war lasted until 1840. By its end, most of the Muslim population in the formerly rebel-held zones (around 20,000 in total) had been killed or expelled to other provinces within the empire. Most of those who were expelled had no intention of returning.

    In this chaotic time, Sultan Abdülaziz may, if nothing else, be praised for his loyalty to those who put him on his throne. As the political and military bosses of Rumeli trekked or sailed to Constantinople, the Sultan ignored their failures and gave them refuge, and permitted them to rebuild their shattered military corps. Rather than attempting any form of radical or even moderate change, the Sultan and his clique seem to have simply not considered enacting any reforms, fearing (justifiably) that reforming the empire’s entrenched institutions would simply create more enemies for the monarchy and erode its already-flagging authority. By committing to this timid course of action, however, Abdülaziz made the very enemies he’d sought to avoid. Sultan Harun had died in exile in Baghdad in 1836, but his ghost seemed to haunt the Empire still.

    The Asakir-i Emniyet (“Soldiers of Security”), a force of military police that kept order in the bustling capital, was originally created in Harun’s time. Drawn from the Janissary corps and trained according to European models by imported officers well-versed in post-Schwarzburg technology and strategy, the Emniyet had been intended as the core of a new army that would gradually assimilate the functions and members of the Janissaries. It was this provocation more than any other which compelled the Janissaries to install Abdülaziz in the first place, but the new Sultan did not abolish the Emniyet. Instead, he restricted its jurisdiction to Constantinople alone, with the intention of keeping it around as a police force. The organization’s mission to keep public order, however, was imperiled by the stream of incoming Janissaries. Unruly and armed gangs of them began roaming the streets almost as soon as they had settled down, looking for new opportunities and old scores to settle. The ulema, or Muslim intelligentsia, of the city also disliked the corruption, arrogance, and thinly veiled impiety of the new arrivals. In this, they were joined by the civilian population, whose sojourns throughout the city had become much more dangerous since the arrival of the eşkıyalar (“bandits, thugs”).

    At first, the political clique who had held Abdülaziz’s hand throughout his reign didn’t think much of his son Yunus, and approved the boy’s status as heir apparent. Almost immediately after succeeding his father in 1846, however, Yunus I proved to be a fatal threat. In imperial rescripts and letters to reformist governors in Anatolia and western Persia, Yunus wrote of the need to “act calmly and with firm purpose for the good of the Sublime State” and not fall prey to “those wolves who would convince us that they are tame dogs.” Within Constantinople, Yunus sought to engineer conflicts with the elite of his father’s time wherever possible by snubbing Janissaries for ministerial appointments and refusing to silence civilian critics of their activities in the city. Events came to a head when the respected and elderly cleric Ahmet Resneli was found dead in his home in the Kasımpaşa quarter in July 1849, killed by an unknown assailant. After going through the motions of investigation, the Emniyet found a witness willing to point the finger at Küçük Ali, a former Grand Vizier of the Empire during the middle of Abdülaziz’s reign who had been criticized by Resneli for refusing to give sadaqah, or voluntary charity, to civilian refugees from the wars in the Balkans. Yunus promptly and publicly denounced Küçük Ali and called for him to be tried in court for his crimes. Incensed by this brazen assault on one of their own, the Janissaries attempted to overthrow Yunus as they had overthrown his uncle Harun— and found that they couldn’t. They had no significant support from any sector of the city’s population, and faced significant opposition from the Emniyet and Yunus’s personal guard. The imperial bureaucracy had undergone a generational shift, and now consisted of large numbers of officials who had grown up during the disasters of the 1830s and wondered if things could have gone differently if Harun’s reforms had been allowed to proceed. With all avenues to power closed off and all sympathy burned away by their treasonous attempt at revolt, the would-be putschists surrendered over the course of August, or were smoked out of their hiding-holes in September. The finishing touch came with the promulgation of the Fermân-ı Yıldız(“Edict of the Star,” named in reference to the imperial gardens of Yıldız Palace) in January 1850, which formally abolished the Janissary corps and provided for the establishment of a new and modern army and imperial guard.

    The subsequent “Star Period” (Yıldız Devri) gave the empire new life. To fill the vacuum created by the elimination of the Janissaries as arbiters of political and military power in the provinces, the Sultan and his reformist Grand Vizier Cemal Pasha spearheaded a reorganization of provincial administration. The 1854 “Law of the Provinces” created new administrative councils in every province, which would rule in coordination with the state-appointed governor. The composition of the councils was based on a partially electoral process— those portions of the population who had the franchise were presented with a list of candidates vetted by Istanbul, and then allowed to strike off names from the list. Prerequisites for voting included being male, being over 30, and not being a citizen in a foreign country or an employee of a foreign government. The partial regularization of provincial administration and accompanying checks on the previously unrestrained power of local elites were important components of the Ottoman pursuit of the rule of law. Under the theoretical leadership of Ibrahim Efendi, Grand Mufti of the Empire, a team of bureaucrats and legal experts acting in a mostly autonomous manner compiled the secular and Islamic laws of the country into a uniform code of civil laws known simply as the Mecelle (“legal code”). While the more rebellious Janissary corps had been dissolved entirely, with their commanders arrested or killed, loyalist corps and soldiers formed the backbone of the reformed Ottoman Army, which was meant to unify the defensive and offensive capabilities of the nation. A number of its officers consisted of former leaders of the Emniyet (which subsequently lost its military functions and evolved into a civil police force) and foreigners employed by the Porte. A number of these foreigners were French, and over the course of the late 50s the Ottomans struck up a fruitful rapport with Paris. Though moves to open up Ottoman markets to French goods were unpopular in the short term, Sultan Yunus’s government gained vital military and economic assistance as well as an ally that could keep Visegrad and Lithuania at bay. French academics also helped set up the Encumen-i Daniş (Academy of Sciences) in Istanbul, whose primary aim was to train teachers and create textbooks that could be used in future schools and universities.

    Despite his active support for reform efforts, Yunus was no progressive. In 1857, a dispute arose between the Sultan and Cemal Pasha over the purchase of arms from Visegrad. The Sultan believed that Visegrad was overcharging the Ottomans for products which could be bought more cheaply from France. Meanwhile, Cemal Pasha argued that the Ottomans could afford to spend the money, and that establishing strong relations with multiple European governments was diplomatically more sensible than relying solely on France for assistance. The dispute seems to have contributed to a breakdown in relations between the two men, and a year later Yunus dismissed Cemal Pasha from the post of Grand Vizier and appointed Rıza Reşid, a Persian protege of Cemal’s who had written an editorial in praise of the Paris System in a Constantinople newspaper some years prior. Rather than allowing political disputes to play out in an democratic or remotely open arena, the Sultan seemed intent on resolving them behind closed doors and through his own increasingly absolute power. This approach to conflict resolution soon impacted the mindset of the combatants. Though the Cemiyet-i İslahat (“Committee for Reform”) set up by Fuad Keçeci, another protege of Cemal Pasha and rival of Rıza Reşid, seemed to be a political party, it was really just a patronage machine which connected the younger sons of provincial notables to posts in the state bureaucracy, and low-ranking bureaucrats to more important positions. Once in place, the members of the Cemiyet were to secure the favor of the sultan and his associates and engineer the demotion or expulsion of Reşid’s partisans. “Party politics” was less concerned with resolving differences of opinion between clashing agendas (Keçeci and Reşid agreed on most matters of basic policy) than with struggles for paramount leadership, in which one party attempted to turn the sultan against the other. In the process, both parties recognized the legitimacy of Sultan Yunus’s considerable power. Not all political factions, however, adopted this strategy. While Keçeci and Reşid fought things out in full view of the state, other organizations adopted a more secretive existence, quietly gaining followers in the military and bureaucracy.

    Yunus’s son and successor Harun II, who acceded to the throne in 1860, seemed intent on outdoing his father in reformism and absolutism. Within two years of taking office, he had revised the imperial budget to transfer massive sums of money from the military to the secular educational system. However, Harun II also made an end of widespread hopes for a democratic “Ottoman Convention” by having the theorist and philosopher Vartan Melkonian, who coined the phrase “Ottoman Convention” while teaching political science at Damascus University, exiled to the Persian Dasht-e Kavir. Over the late 1860s and early 70s, Harun II made sweeping domestic and foreign policy proposals and appointed to state ministries anyone talented enough to make them a reality. Worried about France’s initiatives of colonial infiltration in the Indian Ocean (preparations for the annexations of the Khmer kingdom and Ethiopia were well underway by this time) and immensely skeptical of Paris’s stated motives in regard to its Ottoman “partner,” Harun II and his Ministers of Development and Foreign Affairs consistently snubbed the French by refusing to meet their diplomats or handing contracts for railroads to rivals like Visegrad or even South Germania. The timing of this breakdown in relations, however, was quite inopportune. Colonial competition between the European powers was heating up in Africa, and every participant knew that if a choice territory was not secured immediately it might potentially be gobbled up by rivals. Jean-Isidore Harispe, then the Director of France, had been swept into power by a nationalist coalition of parties who felt that France’s longstanding preoccupation with maintaining the Paris System held it back from achieving its destiny as a world-spanning “empire of liberty.” For such a man, every country in the world was either with France or against it— and since Harun II had made his stance so clear, he must therefore suffer the consequences.

    Despite declaring their respect for Ottoman borders in the 1871 Conference of Rome, the French secretly contacted Şevket Pasha, the governor of Egypt. Şevket was a younger brother of Harun II who had been tossed out of Constantinople for criticizing the Sultan’s decision to defund the army. During his “exile,” however, Şevket remained busy— he established partnerships with those generals and officers who had been inspired by his courageous stand on behalf of the military, and with prominent power-brokers like the Egyptian-Circassian Baghana family (which is still referred to in modern Egypt as the “family of pashas,” for the sheer number of high-ranking officials it produced). On the advice of Hugo Jaures, the French consul in Cairo, Şevket steadily antagonized his brother by independently hiring French military experts and taking out loans from Dutch banks without consulting with imperial officials. When Harun II moved to arrest him, Şevket declared himself to be the true Sultan of the Empire. His short but successful war against Harun ended with the conquest of Palestine in 1877, after which the French urged their Egyptian ally to stop fighting and seek peace lest other powers intervene on the side of Constantinople. The French-brokered Conference of Damascus left Şevket within theoretical Ottoman sovereignty as the Yardımcı Padişah (“helper-sultan, vice-sultan”) of Egypt and Palestine, but it was quite clear to all that Egypt was now an entity distinct from the Ottoman Empire (a guarded border ran between the Ottoman and Egyptian possessions in the Levant) and closely affiliated with France, which took possession of the Isthmus of Suez. Not until after the Great European War did the dynasty established by Shawkat al-Awwal (“Şevket the First,” in Arabic) achieve recognition of its independence from the defunct Ottoman Empire and formally renegotiate its quasi-protectorate status within the French empire on the basis of equal partnership between sovereign states [1].

    The Cairo Affair of 1875 was the beginning of the end for the Yıldız Devri. Most of the French advisers in the Ottoman Army had been expelled from the Empire over the course of the war against Şevket, and native officers were given more responsibility over their own units. This did not, however, engender any feelings of warmth toward Harun II. Not since the 1830s had the Ottomans faced so terrible a defeat, and the army blamed the pernicious influence of the sultan. He had, after all, intervened numerous times during the war effort and made military decisions against the better judgement of the experts in that particular field. Furthermore, his policy of permitting the existence of factions in the officer corps and playing them off each other in the style of his father Yunus had backfired tremendously. The “Egyptian faction” of the officer corps, composed mostly of the younger sons of old Mamluk families and ambitious new-money Arabs, had developed a distinct identity in the 1860s and defected along with their subordinates to Şevket’s side when war broke out. Though these defectors spoke in their letters to Harun of a sincere wish to avoid “taking up arms against our beloved and sacred home,” most of them were also motivated by the need to prevent the confiscation of their property in Egypt by demonstrating loyalty to the new masters of that country. Those officers who remained loyal to Constantinople felt that the empire was too disunited, and that its people needed to be given a stake in its governance.

    On 26 November 1878, a military coup organized by the shadowy Tahrik-i İnkılap (“Revolutionary Movement”) forced Harun II to publicly promise an Ottoman constitution. Amid widespread public enthusiasm that was fanned by the Ottoman press (which no longer had to face the censorship and restrictions that Yunus and Harun placed on it), the various provincial administrative councils elected delegates to an Ottoman Convention, which committed itself to drafting the new constitution. The resulting document drew heavily from the ideas of Vartan Melkonian in mandating that the members of the lower house of the Convention be chosen by indirect elections. Voters the in provinces would elect a college of electors, who then elected the delegates from that province to the Convention. The qualifications for being a delegate were the same as the requirements for being a voter in the provincial elections, but with the added requirement that every delegate be able to fluently speak and write Turkish (which would be the official language of the Convention’s proceedings). The number of electors and deputies from each province would be based on its percentage of the empire’s population— to the disappointment of minority leaders, no religious or ethnic group would be entitled to a quota of deputies. Melkonian’s plans, however, also included a theoretical “upper house” of the Convention, whose members would be appointed by the sultan. When asked to nominate his delegates, however, Harun stated that he did not recognize the legitimacy of the Convention and abdicated the next day in favor of his politically unambitious son Murad VI. The Convention accordingly remained a unicameral body, and the party which occupied a majority of its seats reserved the right to nominate the Grand Vizier.

    For the first years of its existence, the Convention appeared to be the most effective and democratic body of governance the Ottomans had ever known. Catering to the public’s appetite for political liberalization and economic prosperity, the Convention pushed through economic deregulation, imported industrial machinery from France as a way of signaling Constantinople’s willingness to return to the productive friendship of the early Star Period, and made further efforts to reform provincial government and protect minorities from institutional injustice. Over the late 1880s, however, the Convention lost its luster and its effectiveness. By this time, the two main political parties were the Tahrik-i İnkılap, headed by Grand Vizier and former General Esad Seyhan, and the Cemiyet-i İslahat, headed by an aging Fuad Keçeci. Both parties were what could be considered “vested interests,” and had both grown used to controlling the state through means legal and illegal. As the competition for seats in the Convention grew more intense, the Tahrik accused the Cemiyet of reactionary obstructionism while the Cemiyet stirred up conservative sentiment by insinuating that the secularists of the Tahrik, having humbled the sultan, would soon abolish the Caliphate itself. In the meantime, anti-Tahrik factions in the army and amid the ministers who ran the state machinery gradually withdrew their support from the Convention. In 1893, Murad VI died, and his elder son Abdülmecid III acceded to the throne.

    In 1895, the new Sultan moved to nominate members to the defunct upper house of the Convention. The Convention’s leaders refused, claiming that Harun II and Murad had both conceded to the upper house’s permanent non-existence. In response, Abdülmecid ordered the dissolution the Convention, and his brother Mehmed (who had earlier been promoted to head of the Muhaberat, the Ottoman internal security service created by Harun) dealt with any public figures who complained overmuch at this. Thereafter, the two brothers presided over the “Post-Convention Era,” in which the Ottoman state reclaimed all the high-handedness of the Star Period’s government and none of its successes. The complex process by which Abdülmecid and Mehmed (better known as Mehmed V) led the Ottoman Empire into its final and fatal disaster is explained better in other publications which make it their focus. Accordingly, it will not be covered in further detail here.

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    Building destroyed by bomb blast (Belgrade, 1899).

    With the defeats of the 1830s, Belgrade was left as the northernmost city in the Ottoman Empire. Its military role remained largely the same as before— it was the largest of the Ottoman fortresses on the Danube, a shield which protected Macedonia, Albania, and Epirus— but as the imperial elite struggled to come to terms with the extent of their humiliation, Belgrade assumed a political and cultural significance. It was Belgrad-ı Müntasır (“Belgrade the Victorious”), the site at which the Ottoman defenders barely managed to prevent Visegrad from overrunning the lands east and south of Bosnia. It was Belgrad-ı Zaruret (“Belgrade the Indispensable”), without which the Ottoman presence in Europe, and perhaps the empire itself, would be untenable. Though the betrayal of the Greeks convinced some members of Abdülaziz’s clique that the Balkan Christians deserved to be met only with fire and sword, the accession of Sultan Yunus let cooler heads prevail. Recognizing the demands of the Serb population for an institution that would protect their interests and serve as an intermediary between them and the Sultan, Yunus’s government, with the approval of the Patriarch of Constantinople, restored the Serb Patriarchate and placed its seat in Belgrade. The re-emergence of a Serbian church, in which all levels of the hierarchy spoke the language of the common people, facilitated a cultural revival. Rather than competing with the Patriarchate of Zvornik, the Ottoman Serbian Church undertook exchanges of religious texts, icons, and experts. The resulting sense of kinship between Slavs on both sides of the border proved impactful in the long term.

    Other era-defining changes included the regularization of provincial administration, codification of law, and the creation of new schools and new local police forces based on Constantinople’s Emniyet. The reforms limited the ability of local notables to openly declare war on each other, and thereby eliminated the need for mobs or bandits to take public security in their own hands. Amid this climate of relative security and prosperity, the Serbian professional class emerged. The sons of artisans and smallholders, educated in the schools run by the churches, attended the developing institutions of higher learning in the imperial capital and then returned home, where their professional skills were in high demand. During the Convention Era, the discussion clubs and salons run by these professionals and their associates became Serbia’s first modern political parties, and participated in elections for the provincial assemblies. Lacking any real presence outside of the Serb-majority provinces, these parties were usually a very small minority within the National Convention. Convention members belonging to them typically caucused with the Tahrik against the Cemiyet.

    Despite these changes, however, Serbian society— as in the rest of Rumeli— retained strong feudal characteristics which perpetuated the power of a small, traditionally landowning elite. The great mass of the region’s inhabitants— Christian and Muslim— lived in the countryside. The influence of large landowners, village headmen, and other rural elites allowed them to easily secure a place in the provincial councils created during Yunus’s reign. Local notables also dominated the provincial electoral colleges, and opportunistically elected only members of whichever party was strongest within the Convention at the time. By consistently allying themselves with the stronger party, the elites hoped to continue functioning as intermediaries between their people and an approving national government. However, this often came at the expense of native Serbian political parties which sought to challenge the status quo. The failure of enlightened absolutism and democratic rule to address social stratification and entrenched privilege was noted by the growing numbers of politically conscious Serb commoners, but even during the nadir of the Convention era many still believed in the viability of the Ottoman system and Serbia’s place in it. After all, cultural diffusion between Turk and Serb had been extensive. The journals of Serbs traveling to Istanbul during this period are quick to note the familiarity of the food and the language (a vast amount of Serbian words, from pendžer (“window”) to džep (“pocket”) were borrowed from Turkish vocabulary).

    The 1895 royalist coup, however, destroyed this fragile sense of belonging. As the Muhaberat’s raids netted the leaders within both of the once-dominant parties or forced them to flee, Serb thinkers and activists began to feel that good governance within the Ottoman system departed as quickly as it arrived. Popular treatises on the need for a national revolution, written by political exiles in Bosnia and distributed illicitly in Serbia, claimed that the Balkan people would find long-lasting peace and prosperity when they left the Turks’ grip. The legacy of this disquiet was the rapid growth of the Council of Troops for Popular War (Oдбор трупа за популарни рат, Odbor Trupa Za Popularni Rat). Founded in 1882, OTPR (or Otpor [2], as it was more commonly called) was initially no more than a group of bandits, localized to the environs of Novi Pazar and lacking any more popular support than similar organizations before them. The repression of Abdülmecid’s rule, however, gave it a raison d’etre. Joined by radicalized students, educators, workers, peasants, combative immigrants from Bosnia and even more bandits, Otpor evolved into a united front for the guerrilla forces around the country. Its fighters lived off contributions of supplies, intelligence, and recruits from rural villages, and raided Ottoman arsenals for armaments. The organization as a whole developed a reputation for taking the side of the common tenant of smallholder in confrontations with the landed elite. Starting in 1899, it drew the ire of the Muhaberat and the Ottoman army by destroying buildings of military importance in Belgrade with hastily manufactured explosives. It appeared to sympathetic civilians that the era of the hajduks, the bandits who had protected the hard-driven Serbs from warlord and landlord, had arrived once more.

    Despite its rapid rise, Otpor did not enjoy long-term success until the beginning of the Great European War. The rebel leadership, which moved around Novi Pazar and Niš, had very little influence their own movement. The cheta, or small band of fighters, remained the basic decision-making unit despite the inexperience of most cheta leaders. Taing advantage of these flaws, the Ottomans nearly swept the Serbian insurgents off the map between 1905 and 1910. Driven to the south and west, the remnants of Otpor grew dependent on military and financial support from Visegrad, which had sought to enlist the Serbs for its own purposes since the creation of the Patriarchate of Zvornik. Though the Visegradians pledged to stop supporting the “criminals and brigands” if Constantinople refused to involve itself in European affairs, the İki Şehzadeler (“Two Princes,” a common shorthand for the governing duo of Abdülmecid and Mehmed) weren’t interested in the offer. They would win no friends in the capital by meekly taking handouts from the infidels, and so resolved to take a strong stance against problems domestic and foreign. Lacking any real strength of their own, the Ottomans drifted toward France and Lithuania. Neither ally, however, was able to stop Visegrad from shredding the defenses of the Balkans, with only the tiniest sliver of Thracian land remaining in Ottoman hands by 1914. All-Greek and all-Bulgarian national congresses, conducted under Visegradian protection, made declarations of independence. The status of Serbia, however, remained an open question. Though Otpor remained outside the Visegradian chain of command, fought alongside the United Kingdom’ troops as an “allied army,” and declared the existence of a “Serbian Republic” upon its capture of Belgrade, it was tremendously dependent financially on Buda’s beneficence. Furthermore, acrimonious and public disagreements between the leaders of the nascent Republic fatally weakened the public’s confidence in the rebels’ ability to govern. Acknowledging that pan-Slavism was starting to eclipse Serbian nationalism in popularity, the rebel central committee pledged its support for the Visegradian plan to create a “Kingdom of Slavonia.”

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    Bekrija Market (Belgrade, 1930). Constructed in 1925 atop the ruins of a levelled slum once populated by rural migrants, the Market was one of many “renewal” projects pursued by the Slavonian government.

    The Kingdom of Slavonia, fourth and final member of the Visegradian ensemble, consisted of three constituent banates: Croatia, Bosnia, and Serbia. Each governed itself through a local sabor headed by a locally-elected ban, which shared power with the all-Kingdom Diet at Zagreb. This arrangement provided for unity, autonomy, and stability, and while the Serb-nationalist Otpor leadership received credit for helping make it happen it was the pan-Slavists that received most of the public’s approval. Having traditionally shunned Otpor’s strategy of civil conflict, the pan-Slavists were also a natural ally for Visegrad, which preferred that everybody put their guns down now that the war was over. Working through the institutions of the Serbian Sabor and the Slavonian Assembly, pan-Slavist Serbs and their Croat and Bosnian counterparts successfully implemented reforms in the education system and civil service, improvements in infrastructure, and the creation of a regular and professional police force. Even the churches joined the pan-Slavic mood— the unification of the Patriarchates of Zvornik and Belgrade into the Orthodox Church of Slavonia was met with much fanfare. The mid-1920s debate over land reform, however, put a stop to this run of successes.

    Redistributing land to smallholders throughout Serbia was, in the abstract, quite sensible— when more families had the ability to independently support themselves and pay more of their new wealth in taxes, both state and public stood to benefit. In the Balkans, however, the question of land distribution was linked almost inseparably with the question of religion. In January 1918, the government of the new Duchy of Bulgaria— barely two years old by this point— announced an ambitious plan for the colonization of the urban and rural areas of the new nation’s southeast with Orthodox Bulgarian families. However, the majority of Thrace’s population was composed of ethnic Turks and Bulgarian Muslims, and they rightly saw the Bulgarian plan as an attempt to rob them of their property without rightful compensation. Protests in the city of Adrianople, which had become a refuge for Muslims driven out of the countryside by the Great War, were met with troop deployments from Tarnovo, reportedly with the express approval of Duke Vatslav of Bulgaria (formerly known as Wenceslaus, nephew of Visegrad’s King Ferenc III). The resulting violence, which spread throughout the province of Thrace over the next two years, compelled around 60,000 Muslims to voluntarily or involuntarily emigrate from Bulgaria by 1920 and even more in the years after that. Proposals for land reform were floated in the Greek Convention after Bulgaria’s twin policy of suppression and deportation began to quell the Thracian violence in 1921. However, Duke Albertos (formerly Albert, cousin of Ferenc III) personal interventions and lobbying of legislators ensured that the Greek reform law of 1922 included guarantees that Muslim and Christian peasant cooperatives would remain untouched and that estate-holders targeted by the reform would, regardless of religion, be entitled to proper compensation even if procuring the funds for compensation required the Greek government to take out loans from foreign banks. A later law provided for the executive cabinet of the Convention, led by the Chairman, to contain a “Deputy for the Muslims” and a “Deputy for the Jews,” both drawn from their respective religious communities. Though the ruling “Progress Party” considered the Duke’s moves as a exemplar of wise, impartial, and far-seeing statecraft that sought to steer the people clear of ethnic and religious hatred, Greece’s populist republicans, including Chairman Grigoris Karaiskos, were quick to call for constitutional constraints on “ducal tyranny.” Amid this instability, many sought to follow the example set by thousands of Bosnians in the mid-1800s and migrate to the Ottoman Empire, but the June Revolution and the creation of the Union made the Ottoman Empire a defunct entity. With nowhere else to go, around 500,000 Muslims settled in Bosnia, seemingly the last place in Europe where Muslims could count on protection from the authorities, over the course of the 1920s. The rest of the emigrants— around 800,000 in total— moved to Egypt instead, where they influenced the direction of the developing Ummatist movement.

    In Serbia, a simplified version of the Bosnian government’s protections for Muslims, which provided for freedom of religion and disallowed any confiscation of land from any Muslim landowner, big or small, who had pledged loyalty to the Visegradian state, had been in force since the creation of the kingdom of Slavonia. The debate on the revision of these protections split the pan-Slavists in the Sabor into three rough groups. The blue-wingers argued that the estate-owners were obstacles to progress, and that land reform which targeted large landowners regardless of their religion while allowing smallholders of all creeds to retain their lands would drive Serbian society closer to Weber’s ideals. The “extreme Reds” argued that the ancestors of Serbia’s Muslims had all acquired their lands through theft and that it would be no great injustice for them to be dispossessed by the “stealing back” of land by Christians. The “moderate Reds,” who constituted the original core of the pan-Slavist movement, argued for the retention of the previous protections and the abandonment of land reform, on the basis that large landowners would be more capable than smallholders of investing in methods of modern agriculture and boosting productivity. While the moderates eventually won this debate, the consistent support they received from the Slavonian Diet made them appear to be pawns of higher powers. This attitude was reinforced when the moderate-Red Serbian members of the Diet approved an 1928 amendment to the Slavonian constitution which gave Zagreb the power to regulate commerce between Croatia, Bosnia, and Serbia. Intra-Slavonian tariffs on trade became illegal, allowing Croatian industry to keep dominating the manufacturing sector at the expense of Serbian entrepreneurs. With the onset of the Deluge in the 1930s, the “pan-Slavists” had ceased to be an identifiable political group. The blue-wingers joined a series of similar groups to form the Slavonian Revolutionary Alliance, which in turn became a subsidiary of Gregor Samsa’s Unitarian Congress of Visegrad in 1934. The reconfiguration of the red wing, however, brought an unlikely set of actors to national prominence.

    The old Otpor central committee had disbanded in 1920 after failing to beat the pan-Slavists on the field or at the polls. Even among its former members, few missed it. The general sentiment among the former junior officers of the movement was that their seniors had, through their incompetence and arrogance, betrayed the Serbian nation and subjected it to political and economic subordination to other peoples. While the pan-Slavists usurped the glory of national rebirth, the fighters of the cities and countryside were patted on the back for being “good soldiers” and told to find another line of work [3]. Though isolated members of this group ran for and won local offices and seats in the Serbian Sabor in the 1920s, their major contribution to Serbian politics was the publication of memoirs about their experience and the establishment of youth clubs and veterans’ organizations emphasizing physical fitness, academic and professional success, and a sense of civic pride “for the good of the nation.” Organizations affiliated with this “Second Generation” of Serb nationalists (a term used to distinguish them from the “First Generation” that had left Serbia with its incomplete independence) sought out rural migrants to cities, and helped them seek jobs and resolve labor disputes with employers. While quite Protectionist in their religious outlook and eager to force partnerships with the Orthodox Church, they disapproved of the extremist-Red faction, whose attitude encouraged violent disorder and placed barriers in the path of development. Rather than pick on the Muslims, the Second Generation instead aimed at the Croats, who they claimed were “petty imperialists” bent on using the concept of Slav unity for their own purposes. The overall goal of this agitation, in the words of activist and author Miloš Teodosić, was “the creation of representative groups from the sectors of Serb society… [which] will constitute a corporate body committed to Serb nationhood.” While his writings contain many references to this “corporate representation,” Teodosić and many other Second Generation figures seem to have been skeptical at best of democracy— an attitude which endured in their successors.

    In time, the Second Generation’s cultural campaign paid dividends in increased popularity for their members and exposure for their ideas— by 1935, a majority of seats in the Serbian Sabor were held by men who professed themselves to be part of the Second Generation or influenced by it. The capture a Slavonian banate by a strongly nationalist party alarmed the men of authority in Zagreb and Buda. A showdown between the various levels of authority, however, never had the chance to occur.

    eudHrDbFkPn4_6PbXTQaH5d8D-skUH9KUal2COqfg5GbQbW3SYbAqAcuAJOzTyTuSHy310IXU2CGdXxI9798CNR27NzH_yHpr0Q7IiUh0Ij-OrlzA34AQQxElYW5kN7lHXN5T3Bm

    A badge made during the War of the Danube. The crown (Visegrad, order, and tradition) and the double-headed eagle (the Serbian people and their national rebirth) represent the causes which the men and women of the anti-Unitarian resistance fought for unto death (skull and crossbones).

    The Hungarian and Bohemian Diets were quickly dissolved by the Unitarians after the Fall of Buda; the Polish Diet had declared itself fully sovereign in April 1939, and ruled with the protection and assistance of Generals Bolek and Lolek. The Slavonian Diet was therefore the only one of the four national assemblies to remain intact and loyal to the King, and was also the first of the pre-Revolution Visegradian institutions to relocate to Germania— not that it had much choice, as the invasion of the CUS from the north and the Union from the south made fleeing to any location within the former Visegrad impossible. Members from all three of the banates’ assemblies also made it to safety, escorted by members of the Slavonian national guard. None of this, however, prevented the Diet from re-enacting the collapse of the Convention of Three Nations in miniature. Though it theoretically remained in session as the official representative of the Slavonian people, the members of the Diet were more concerned with the fates of their respective homelands than in the legislative agenda of a federation which now only existed on paper, and whose main backers were now either dead, missing, or demoralized. Accordingly, power shifted to the sabors, whose members (augmented by defectors from the Diet) had the numbers, the talent, and the motive to begin direct negotiations with German politicians and military figures.

    This was especially true for the Serbian Sabor, headed by Ban Marko Dimović. A former independence fighter from the Great European War, Dimović had helped set up an association for unemployed veterans in Kraljevo in the early 1920s. Transitioning from community activism to politics, he was elected for term after term in the Sabor for almost an entire decade by building a reputation of pragmatic willingness to cross factional divides and implement common-sense policy. As part of the nationalist takeover of the Sabor in the mid-1930s, the public elected Dimović for two terms as Ban in 1931 and 1936. Now in exile from his homeland, fighting an enemy more dangerous than the Ottomans had ever been, Dimović led the Sabor in its efforts to mobilize the Serbian exiles in Germania and assist the growing resistance movements in the Balkans.

    Even before Dimović’s government-in-exile had any military strength or political legitimacy, its presence helped shape the Serbian resistance. The policemen, soldiers, and activists left in Unitarian-occupied Serbia had little trouble in finding fighters. The population’s literacy rate was almost three times what it had been in 1910, the activities of the Second Generation had brought an interest in politics to even the most secluded hamlets, and the Unitarians made thousands of new enemies with every passing week. However, the question which defined this phase of the struggle was not whether to fight, but what to fight for and who to fight with. Was the struggle merely supposed to drive out the invaders and restore the status quo, or did it aim for political as well as military goals? If the struggle did have political aims, what were they? Would people believe enough in this political program enough to fight for it, or to challenge the views of fellow rebels with different aims? The Sengupta broadcasts of the Serbian government-in-exile dispelled this directionlessness. They granted any civilian or militant living in occupied territory and in possession of a receiver access to news on Germania’s titanic war effort and Unitarian defeats in the north, south, and center. Most importantly, the knowledge that a Serbian government was out there— that it was headed by a competent and popular national leader, armed with a voice that the Unitarians couldn’t suppress, and working every day for the sake of their people under occupation— helped glue the resistance together. Common allegiance to Teča Marko (“Uncle Marko”) helped bridge divides of personality and ideology between mutually distrustful rebel leaders, enabling the resistance to pull off increasingly audacious operations after the spring of 1941.

    Channel Serbia” also figured in the rise to prominence of Jovan Zečević, one of the few major clergymen to have successfully escapes the clutches of the Unitarians. Formerly an extremist-Red bishop in the city of Tuzla, Zečević steadily moderated his views on Muslims in the 30s and drifted toward the Second Generation, but continued to espouse the view that Orthodox Christianity was essential to life as a Serb. In his broadcasts to the occupied territories, Zečević spoke of the need for participants in the revolutionary struggle to not “throw out their morals along with their shackles,” and to encourage discipline in themselves through self-criticism. This message was quite timely, as Orthodoxy and the struggle in Serbia were rapidly moving toward symbiosis. The churches provided shelter and counseling, and the rebels protected churches from Unitarian squads attempting to enforce Denationalization. The activist trajectory of the Serbian church continued even as the resistance itself wound down— in May 1944, an assembly of bishops, which initially gathered in Vienna to celebrate the liberation of Belgrade, elected Zečević to fill the vacant seat of Patriarch of the Slavonian Orthodox Church. The first act of the new Patriarch Jovan III was to honor Augustina Sternberg, who had been strong enough to direct Germania through the traumatic war and courageous enough to personally visit Belgrade after its liberation. The second was to replace "Slavonian" with "Serbian" in the Church's title.

    With increasing success came a few superficial changes. The Serbian Sabor changed its name to the Serbian Convention after it became clear that Germania didn’t intend to restore Visegrad, and Marko Dimović adopted the title of Democrat shortly after the Schönbrunn Declaration. What few observers failed to note, was that Dimović was not in good health. In the 1920s and early 30s he’d been known for working like a well-oiled machine, and perhaps even for working too efficiently. In the years after his 57th birthday in 1942, Dimović’s mind wandered; at times, he seemed to have no clear idea of what he was supposed to be doing. The servants at his Vienna household would later tell of his sudden mood swings and his tendency to ask that they complete tasks which they had already completed. His typical cleanliness and punctuality slowly dissolved as well. The complete truth about Dimović [4] was concealed as much as possible from the world— the fiction of a strong Serbia needed to be preserved. Even the Serbian Sabor was typically informed that Dimović sudden absences or erratic behavior was due to “exhaustion” and “lack of sleep.” The chief conspirator in this ruse was Novislav Đajić, Dimović’s bodyguard and secretary. With the cooperation of the other members of the Ban’s household, Đajić made himself the sole route of access to Dimović, granting appointments with his employer to men that he trusted (a group that did not include Patriarch Jovan) and denying them to men that he didn’t. Đajić’s de facto status as Dimović’s chief assistant, closest confidant, main envoy to the Sabor, and possible heir was confirmed when Dimović nominated Đajić as his Deputy Democrat in 1944.

    syBKKYuuBIG-Dq9lLJG-Z_-0Ir413QTspamd4-5wrESsTesTF4mna7CkVJdZo9IbINzD0i19bWPA_tx5xpjLaZRdPdlgrqZmRW3mMl1mExsnFypHxqXkB82yctjWveI8nSBzXiJt

    Marko Dimović (left), and Novislav Đajić (right).

    The German occupation authorities in Serbia theoretically presided over the first all-Serbian government since 1939 (the CUS and the Union had split the country down the middle, taking the south and north respectively) but decentralized and autonomous structures governed most day-to-day affairs between 1944 and 1948. Although the Serbian resistance had shared a unity of purpose, most of the larger armies retained separate commands and regarded each other as allied but distinct forces. The interregional influence of powerful commanders like Novak Bulatović (the strongman of of the Raška and Šumadija districts in central Serbia) or Ana Kostić (the “Tungsten Woman” of the eastern city of Niš) never transitioned into firm control of the movement on a national level. By choice or necessity, most militants accepted the authority of the Germans and swore allegiance to the Serbian government-in-exile, which returned to Belgrade on January 1, 1946.

    The first years of the Second Serbian Republic saw the reconstruction of the shattered bureaucracy and emergency service networks, cession of power by militants to civilian administrators in districts surrounding around the capital, vast enlargement of national territory through the referendums conducted by the Germans, economic rebirth fueled by the demand for reconstruction and German development aid, and an orderly election in which Dimović won a second term. The 1949 “Večernik Papers,” however, broke sharply with this line of successes. The papers in question, provided by an anonymous member of the Convention and published by the Serbian newspaper Večernik (“Bringing news to the Serbs, above ground or underground,” as its tagline claimed), revealed that certain circles within the government had been embezzling German foreign aid. The exposure of the plot led to the first (and last) overt conflict between the theoretical apex of the government and the man who actually controlled it— while Đajić vehemently denied the veracity of the Papers and demanded that they be retracted, Dimović paid an unexpected visit to the Belgrade Sengupta station. Without the prior knowledge or cooperation of any other major government figure, Dimović promised that “I don’t really know much about what happened, and I’m sorry… terribly sorry for that. But whatever happened, the Serbian people deserve to know.” However, no investigation was ever actually initiated, and Dimović soon disappeared from public view completely as his health worsened. In January 1951, Democrat Marko Dimović died in the same hospital where he had spent the previous eight months. Novislav Đajić, who had already served as Acting Democrat for the same amount of time, was selected by the Convention to serve out the remainder of Dimović’s six-year term.

    Dimović’s reputation had taken quite a tarnishing due to the corruption which occurred under his watch, but the Đajić years soon proved that Teča Marko had had almost nothing to do with it. Rather, the suspicion of the people shifted to Đajić, whose authoritarian governing style appeared to be informed by more than just a simple need for control. By avoiding major reforms or new programs in the name of “encouraging stability,” Đajić made sure the government had no need for a massive influx of employees. This allowed his circle to screen applicants for public-sector jobs more thoroughly, and weed out potentially “subversive” elements. The definition of “subversive,” however, did not include Serbs who had formerly served the Unitarians. Instead, the new “Republican Guard” was a virtual haven for low-ranking national traitors, who had blended in among the masses while more prominent figures within the old Slavonian Revolutionary Alliance were tried by German courts for collaboration with the enemy. While the creation of the Guard in 1949 was not unexpected— after all, the government needed a military force that would be exclusively loyal to it, and not to the former militant commanders— it would become a thoroughly reviled institution by 1952. By then, its primary purposes seems to have become protecting Đajić and his allies and covering up this powerful group’s misconduct. Many years later, a cache of discovered memoranda and letters revealed the extent of the web of patronage and obligation that Đajić built around himself. He convinced his former partners in the embezzlement ring to contribute to the Republican Guard’s budget by arguing that the Guard was the only thing protecting them from the consequences of their actions. The role of the Guard in insulating former Unitarian enforcers and hired guns from justice also appears to have been quite deliberate.

    While the 1949 election had been almost a formality, the 1955 election was the most contentious in Serbian history. The main opposition candidate was Milan Ivanović, a retired member of the Convention who revealed in the early stages of his campaign that he was the whistleblower who released the Večernik Papers. Patriarch Jovan III threw in his lot with Ivanović, proclaiming that Đajić had allowed himself to veer far off the Christian path, and failed to critically review his own conduct. Considering the value which the anti-Unitarian struggle had placed on personal discipline and devotion, the Patriarch’s accusations essentially implied that Đajić had betrayed the revolutionary ethos. Đajić, for his part, responded— and perhaps a bit too strongly. He was at first content to hit back at Ivanović by accusing him of the same “factionalism” which had made the First Serbian Republic unviable, and accuse the Patriarch of trying to make a “pet Democrat” of Ivanović and threaten the safety of the Muslims who had not already moved to Bosnia. By October, however, Đajić had resorted to using the Republican Guard to intercept paper bound for Večernik’s presses to keep its editors from marshaling the campaign against him. When Patriarch Jovan spoke out against this measure on the 20th of October, the Guard arrested him two days later. The response to this latest outrage was immediate and sweeping.

    Đajić had called his opponent a rabble-rouser "whose presence is not required in a still-unstable country," but the Patriarch was capable of rousing more than just rabble. On the first of November, thousands of Serbians from all walks of life filled up Belgrade’s Prince Lazar Square, blocking the roads running into the square with barricades. A rash of strikes crippled industry in the capital and in the new territories annexed after the German-sponsored referenda, and civilian demonstrations against the Republican Guard grew increasingly organized after the first week. Thousands of compatriots from the provinces joined in until Đajić ordered the Republican Guard to shut down the trains. In doing so, he sealed his fate.

    The Serbian Army, whose leadership was dominated by former militants, had initially approved of Đajić because of the belief that there was no better choice. By 1955, the situation had changed. With the resumption of civilian rule over Serbia’s subnational divisions, soldiers and commanders had lost the ability to “live off the land,” and became dependent on the military hierarchy to provide them with resources and salaries. The ranks of the old guard were also thinned by “civilianization,” in which militant commanders willingly sought out jobs in the civil or foreign services or were ordered to do so by Belgrade, and those who remained in military service had an easier time of reaching a consensus on key issues, which included (but were not limited to) an official policy of hostility toward the Republican Guard. All this meant that the Army of 1955 was more centralized, self-confident, and dissatisfied with the status quo than any previous military force of modern Serbia. The order to stop the trains, which exceeded the range of options permitted to the Democrat by the constitution and undercut the authority of the Army, lit the powder keg. Holding high portraits of Patriarch Jovan, the 26th Serbian Rifles convinced the demonstrators in Prince Lazar Square to take down the barricades and let other Army units pass through the city uninterrupted. In the space of three days, most of the Republican Guard units had been compelled to lay down their arms. On the 10th of November, Đajić’s family disappeared from Serbia along with a large portion of the Democratic Palace’s movable property. The next months would see the deposed First Family turn up in Hungary and France before they departed for Mejico, never to return.

    A council of officers led by General Novak Bulatović formed a provisional government in the aftermath of Đajić’s flight, but this was perhaps not the same thing as “seizing power.” One had the sense that the most powerful man in Serbia did not occupy an office, but rather a Republican Guard detention center. And as he walked free of his prison, through crowds of thousands who had been ready to suffer even death on his behalf, people wondered: What kind of man was Jovan Zečević? How had a movement so large grown so quickly around him? And now that he was free of his cage, what did he want to do next? Whatever he demanded, would anyone refuse him?

    Citing Milan Ivanović’s personal involvement in the corruption detailed by the Večernik Papers, the provisional government declared him unfit for office and suspended the elections. After three months, General Bulatović declared that the powers granted to the Democrat in the constitution were far too sweeping, and that elections would remain suspended until the creation of a new constitution, at which point the well-intentioned but ultimately irredeemable Second Republic would give way to a more perfect Third. The ensuing Constitutional Congress lasted for three months, featuring a mix of soldiers, clergymen, lawyers, professors, and student activists. In June 1956, General Bulatović announced that the provisional military government would disband and that Petar Popović, a professor with no political experience outside his time in the Constitutional Congress, would serve as Acting Democrat until elections in 1961. Many of the powers previously vested in the office of the Democrat, however, were transferred to the newly-created post of Premier, which assumed a number of rights ranging from issuing decrees with the force of law to dismissing the Democrat and calling new elections.

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    Jovan Zečević, 41st Patriarch of the Serbian Church and first Premier of the Third Serbian Republic.

    Germany, and Europe in general, had been far too distracted by the Great Asian War and its (literal and figurative) fallout to respond adequately to the Serbian Revolution of 1956 or the events leading up to it. Even if they had not been distracted, it’s unlikely that they would have done anything to support the unpopular and ineffective Đajić. Furthermore, the new authorities in Belgrade were cooperative enough. The Third Serbian Republic was interested in maintaining the European Defense Commission, and sent a contingent to troops to aid West Turkey in the Two Weeks’ War of 1958.

    By 1960, however, it became quite apparent that Serbia’s turn to theocracy under Patriarch Jovan's guidance would continue whether it was convenient to the interests of foreigners or not. The arduous decades had left the Serbs distrustful of secular authority. The period of democratic rule under Visegrad devolved into rule by the lobbyist and the political machine, in which the nation, regardless of what it voted for, was subject to economic and political forces outside its control. The Unitarian occupiers were failures in every sense, and their radical atheism hardly helped matters. The short period of secular nationalist rule under the Second Republic showed some promise but even this was ruined by the innate corruptibility of modern government, which insisted that it was an advocate of the people but answered to no higher authority than itself.

    The Third Republic, however, gave state institutions a higher authority— the Premier— that wasn’t just an abstract and easily abusable concept like “the people.” The belief that a man of the Church could be trusted with such a role (in 1959, a constitutional amendment formally made the Premiership synonymous with the Patriarchate) seemed more natural than one might imagine.

    HDpDdhrIPfKlTnog2UQeN01ziKD_9c7Eo8MPdgHo7n5poSXbUtOJHkCdUW6hhtL2y38Kh7Cr1AO3704puxBmogWJEl3YQwDvaP9zAEC819kRcOY1DClGHPZY7412qV379bdsA4lQ

    Rough diagram of the power structure in the Third Serbian Republic.

    Since the earliest times, allegiance to some form of Eastern Orthodox worship had been a symbolic characteristic of Serbian nationhood. That devotion accrued practical political significance during the ecclesiastical experiments of Visegrad and the Ottomans, in which the recognition of the Serbs as a nation separate from the other peoples of Rumeli came with the creation of autonomous church structures. Patriarch Jovan’s positive contributions during the period of war and national reconstruction ranged from the more well-known activities discussed earlier to equally consequential acts like keeping the faith alive in the refugee camps in Germany, collecting and preserving old texts salvaged from the ruins of monasteries and private collections, and heading the ecclesiastical committee to nominate new church officials to replace those who had died in the war or collaborated with the Unitarians. The reputation of trustworthiness and tirelessness that the Patriarch and his allies in the Church built up among the public allowed them to not just challenge political norms, but scrap them altogether.

    The transformation of Serbia into a Functionalist state strangely led to an increase in popular participation in politics. The 1958 elections for the Convention revealed much about the future composition of that institution. Some of the new lawmakers were former political prisoners, who had served time in Unitarian prisons, the disbanded Republican Guard’s detention centers, or both. Some were men of modest means, from families without any sort of economic or social clout. Most would never have been elected in previous decades, won their seats by riding the popular tide of revolutionary sentiment, and were generally loyal to the Premier. This pattern of non-elite groups following the church into power became a characteristic of the 20th century’s “revolutionary theocracies,” [5] which promised to leave behind the failed example of Britannia and create something new.


    [1] Part of this process involved the French selling their Suez Canal Company to the Egyptian government during the final days of the Great European War, as a way of generating some much-needed revenue and keeping the Baltic-Adriatic Coalition’s hands off of the Canal during the upcoming Paris Peace Conference.

    [2] The acronym means “resistance” in Serbian.

    [3] Many didn’t find another line of work. Enlisting in the Visegradian Army, many former Serbian fighters found themselves dispatched to the newly-created Balkan states as military trainers. This experience with working in theoretically sovereign states while their own homeland remained as a constituent province of a constituent kingdom within a supranational federation compelled many to return home when their terms of service were over and participate in politics.

    [4] He has Alzheimer’s, or whatever Alzheimer’s is called TTL.

    [5] something something Persia something something JeK
     
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    Sword of Islam
  • Strange history​


    Hello there! My name is Adrian Bachmeier, I‘m a history student from Germania and this is my blog. I was always interested in strange events that happened during the history of the world, so I decided to share my findings with all of you! I hope you enjoy my blog! Criticism always welcome!


    The Sword of Islam​

    2004.5.14

    While undoubtedly many of you who are well versed in history of Eastern Europe probably know of the unique relations between the revivalist regime of Lithuania and the Jewish inhabitants of the state, only a few, those who have undoubtedly researched the subject are avare of similarly strong ties between the revivalist movement and the Lipka Tatars also known as Lithuanian Tatars.

    The connections between the Turkic Muslim inhabitants of Lithuania and the revivalist movement date back to it‘s very begging. Many Lipka Tatars were veterans of the Great European war and had served quite substantial casualties with some sources claiming that over a third of the male population had perished in the conflict. And on top of experiencing massive losses of life, they had to live with the fact that Lithuania lost and the old order, (to which the Lipka Tatars were extremely loyal as can be seen from the countless times they were used in breaking various rebellions, which earned them the nickname „Ciesorius‘ bloody hounds“) was no more.

    Such conditions meant that many Lipkas were drawn by radical ideologies, especially revivalism. After all, many of them despised Eastern Slavs at this point, due to both discrimination faced by the members of the minority group in Russia and the „Stab in the back“ idea being massively popular between the Tatar veterans a.k.a most of the Lithuanian Turkic male population and their families. (This idea, proclaiming that the Lithuanian Empire would have won the war if it hadn't been betrayed and „stabbed in the back“ by Slavs and other minorities, was something which was used extensively by many to justify everything negative that had happened during and after the Great European war.) And with this idea being massively used by the Revivalists in gathering support it was no wonder that many of these ex-soldiers and ex-officers joined the extremist movement with the first opportunity they got.

    All of this information might have raised some questions to most of the readers, probably relating to how such connections between the Lithuanian revivalists under Augustinas Stankevičius and Lipka Tatars might seem contradictory to the claims of Lithuanian superiority over other ethnicities living in the state. However, one must note that the Revivalist idea of the Sarmatian origin of the Lithuanians and other Eastern European ethnicities was based on belief that all of these nationalities originated from the same source and thus they must be reunited into a singular group through Lithuanian dominance. This meant that they could easily exclude both Jews and Tatars from both their rhetoric and other aspects of ideology as neither of these groups were originally from Europe. That‘s not even mentioning how both Litvaks and Lipkas, due to their loyalty to Lithuania during it‘s history, were usually regarded as allies of the Sarmatian race.

    The positive opinion of the revanchist regime can be seen in both the speeches delivered by the Vadas, in many of which he referred to the Lipka Tatars as “The third pillar of Lithuania”(The other two being, of course, Lithuanians and Jews), and the massive amount of finances that were directed towards improving the situation of the Lipkas in Lithuania. Many mosques were restored and many more were built, Koranic schools were established and there was even a mass expansions and renovation of the "High School of Islamic Culture" not far from Vilnius. There was also an increase of funding towards schools located in places where there was a greater concentration of Tatars. With this funding the quality the quality of Tatar language and culture (Yes they had classes for their own culture. I know how weird it sounds.) classes were greatly improved.

    And this is not even mentioning the funding that was directed towards the various forms of Turkic and Muslim art and culture. (This funding however was nothing compared to the massive sums that were given to similar programs for the Litvaks and of course Lithuanians) It was this funding, in fact, that had caused the mass resurgence of the at the time slowly disappearing due to assimilation Turkic language and culture. This was such a massive change in fact, that some Lithuanian and Lipka historians have claimed that without this so called “Lipka cultural rebirth” the Tatars would have completely assimilated into Lithuanians in a century.

    Of course, while some of this funding was assigned simply as a sign of good will, and quite a substantial amount was diverted by both Muffi Jalal ad-Din and Alfrid Kasimov, (both of whom were representatives of the Lipka Tatars and their interests in the Revivalist government) there was also a political reason for it, as the revivalist regime hoped that their extremely positive policy towards the Turkic inhabitants of Lithuania would result in the support of the quite substantial and discriminated Tatar minorities within Russia and Krajina.
    Jakub_Szynkiewicz.png

    Muffi Jalal ad-Din
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    Alfrid Kasimov​

    All of these policies and plans led to a quite interesting event which occurred on June 18th 1934. On this day, in an elaborate ceremony in which tens of thousands of people gathered, Jalad ad-Din gave Augustinas Stankevičius the symbol of Lipka Tatar loyalty – the so called “Sword of Islam” and proclaimed that the Vadas is “The defender and friend of all Muslims and Tatars of Eastern Europe”. The photographs of this sword were later used quite a substantial amount in Revivalist propaganda in occupied Krajinian and Russian territories, however the sword itself was rarely carried by Stankevičius due to its substantial size and weight and was usually kept within a glass box either within the quarters belonging to Stankevičius or various government buildings. (You can see the weapon today if you visit the “Museum of Lipka Tatar history and culture” in Vilnius)
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    In this picture you can see the leader of the Revivalist regime of Lithuania - Augustinas Stankevičius posing in Lipka Tatar uniform with the "Sword of Islam" in his right hand.​

    This event and the previous policies proved themselves effective during the Revivalist invasions into Eastern Slavic territories, where many of the members belonging to the Lipka Tatar minority swiftly joined the Lithuanian army. However neither Crimean, neither Volga Tatars joined the Lithuanians in any greater capacity. While it is known that Volga Tatars didn’t help the Revivalists due to the fact that Turkics comprised a massive amount of the population of Volga Russia, not to mention that they weren’t actively discriminated, I haven’t found a solid reason for why the Crimeans, who were discriminated by the Krajinian government, didn’t join the Lithuanians though. It’s usually assumed that it was because the Crimean Khanate wasn’t, for some reason, participating in this war, and thus the Crimeans, a group whose representatives several times proclaimed their wish to be part of the Crimean Khanate, and thus didn’t want to be part of the Lithuanian state. (Of course there is probably another reasoning, but there are still a lot of unknown information about both the actions of both the Revivalists and Crimean government, so we don’t know it yet. Though hopefully with the liberalisation of the Crimean regime and all the secret documents that are being revealed every couple years we will probably know more in the future)

    Anyway, that‘s almost everything about the relationship between the Lipka Tatars and the Revivalist government of Lithuania. As a few last things I would like to mention that Lipkas, just like the Jews remained loyal to the Vadas and his government up until it fell. There was also a substantial migration of Lipka Tatars from Russia and Krajina to Lithuania after the war, increasing the percentage of Turkics in Lithuania from 0,3% to 0,45%, later reaching the modern 0,5% due to the continuation of some Revivalist policies even in the Republic of Lithuania.

    I hope this was an interesting read for you!

    Edit: I would like to thank Albertas Jogaila for both giving a perspective of someone who lives in the Republic of Lithuania and recommending an amazing alternative history timeline. So firstly, some interesting facts on the modern Lipka Tatars. One of which surprised me the most out of them was the fact that a substantial number of Muslim Turkics of Lithuania are supporters of various neo-revivalist movements. There are also apparently a lot of ethnic tension between Lipka Tatars and Lithuanian Slavs, not even mentioning the less than stellar opinions that both Tatars and Russians have towards each other.

    Now moving on to the timeline that Jan recommended. It‘s called „Europe of Silver and Iron“, and it‘s quite an interesting read. The point of divergence is that the Crimean Khanate and their ally Circassia don‘t remain neutral during the Revivalist wars with Krajina, Russia and Volga Russia, instead joining the Revivalists during the invasion of Krajina. It‘s quite a dark story, with the so called „Pact of Steel“ emerging victorious over the Eastern Slavs. Also Crimea and Circassia become extremist earlier on. I don‘t want to spoil anything else, so I‘ll just leave the link here for you to read it yourself: https://www.alternatehistory.com/forum/threads/europe-of-silver-and-iron.
     
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    The Black Griffon
  • The Black Griffon - the savior of Crimea or beast of Tartary?
    Gintas Vecerkauskas
    www.10min.lt
    2004-09-16


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    One of the last photos of Timur Giray


    While the previous century was a time of controversial figures, few became as controversial in modern day as the recently deceased member of the royal family of the Crimean Khanate and one of the most capable military leaders of the state - Timur Giray. While many do consider him a hero, especially those who can relate the struggles of their own country with the one of Crimea, and Crimeans themselves consider Timur to be a sort of a national hero, the new information that became available after his death has led to many opposing such a decision. Usually debates about such topics don’t become as widespread as this one is now, but the either lucky or unlucky coincidence (depending on where you stand on the Crimean situation) that this data became available right after several other incidents concerning the peninsular Khanate, resulted in the massive controversy we are experiencing now.

    Timur Giray, also known as the Black Griffon, for reasons which will be explained later, was, and still is quite the mysterious figure. Born in 1929, the first and the only illegitimate son of Iskandar Giray (who at the time was 16 years old) he spent his first few years, as his father was abroad, in less than stellar conditions as while the young khan had ordered his son to be taken care of properly, many of his relatives felt outright disdain towards young Timur, which resulted in the child suffering from abuse quite often. It is speculated that this abuse, suffered at such a young age (Timur was only 5 when his father returned to Crimea permanently in 1934 after the democratic-unitarian government was couped by the military) led to various mental diseases from which the Crimean general suffered later in life.

    After the return of his father, the conditions in which Timur lived did improve, though while the child didn’t suffer physical abuse anymore, he was still often mentally abused. This only worsened as his father married Ayla Babouk, a Circassian noblewoman whose family originally came from Anatolia, but were forced to flee due to Unitarian take over. While Ayla herself didn’t really care about Timur and was somewhat polite when she had to talk with the child, her family members who had moved with her were of different mindsets. They seemed to consider Timur a potential threat to their own plans, as while he was a bastard and therefore illegitimate, there was still a possibility that Iskandar would choose him as a successor, therefore while they weren’t brave enough to try assassinating the child or doing physical harm to him, they didn’t have problems with showing outright disdain and hate.

    The fact that Timur didn’t show any signs of mental damage until the Crimea War is a surprising one. In fact it seems, at least from various descriptions from what few friends he had during his youth, that during his teenage years the young Giray was, or at least was acting like, a normal, mentally stable human being. He reached above average results in various subjects and when he was 16 he enrolled in the Crimean Military academy. During his years there he didn’t show any signs of mental instability either. Rather it turned out that Timur was quite the capable military leader and tank commander. In fact some of his tutors described him as the perfect leader for an armored force.

    While his education wasn’t finished at that point the young Giray took part in the Crimean War from the very beginning. Official Crimean documents only describe the countless engagements from which Timur emerged triumphant and the various medals that he earned due to these apparently perfect offensives, and later on, defenses. There are of course also quite detailed descriptions of young Girays swift ascend through military ranks.

    If these texts are to be believed, not even once during neither the advance, not retreat of the Crimean and Circassian armies had Timur suffered a defeat against the Krajinians. And without any official Krajinian accounts stating otherwise, it seems that this almost impossible claim, is in fact, true.(It were these maneuvers, mostly offensive which earned him the nickname “Black Griffon” due to his aggressive and extremely bold actions). He is also believed to be the officer responsible for holding back the advance the east Slavic forces during their attempts to break through the Crimean defensive lines at the Iskandar line. The only actual defeats that Timur Giray suffered were the attempted breakthroughs through the Russian and Krajinian defensive lines after the forces of the Khanate were pushed back to the Crimean peninsula. And even then it wasn’t due to any strategic mistakes, but rather the fault of weak armaments of the Griffin tanks.

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    Timur Giray in 1950

    Timur’s later service to his homeland wasn’t as impressive as his victories in the Crimean war, but were quite important to the future of the Khanate. He was part of the team of military commanders who helped in the creation of heavier Crimean tank models and the “Hyppogriff” series of mobile artillery. And that’s not even mentioning his decades long work in the Crimean military academy, teaching entire generations of officers.



    Now, with all this information presented to you, you might be questioning, especially if you haven’t participated in any of the debates of why considering Timur Giray a national hero is amoral, you might be questioning why is this individual considered evil?

    Well, this is where the data that became available after the near collapse of the Crimean political order comes in. It was this information, both official documents and testimonies from various people who through their lives had prolonged contact with the general, that quite contradicted how Timur Giray was usually portrayed by the Crimean media, not to mention that it extremely muddied his image.

    It’s these various texts that reveal quite a bit about what type of person the Black Griffon truly was. One of most notable facts about Timur Giray, one that must have caught many by surprise, were his mental instabilities, his extreme cruelty and his narcissism. Of course, none of these could ever be observed during any of the public meetings or appearances, as it seems that the general was quite capable at creating a facade of normality. However, during the times when nobody besides the very closest to him people were present he would reveal his true colors.

    The interviews with his widow and children paint quite the negative picture of Timur. For example everyone would remark about how the Giray never seemed to truly value them as people, only caring of them in ways that he could use them to create a great legacy for himself. It also seems that while he was a victim of abuse in his childhood himself, Timur wasn’t beyond using it to punish his wife and children for what we perceived as wrong actions taken by them. That’s not even mentioning the apparent mood-swings that he would seemingly experience out of nowhere. One of his daughters remarked that he could flip in seconds, one moment paying no care to what his offspring are doing, even acting somewhat kind and reasonable, and the other he would begin beating them, taken over by some sort of unexplained rage.

    Of course, Timur Giray wouldn’t be the first figure, considered as a national hero that was abusive and cruel to those close to them. And this isn’t really the reason why the debate over calling the general a Crimean national hero are so widespread and intense. Rather, the reason are his actions and crimes committed during the Crimean War.

    The information in the reports from various commanding officers and soldiers paint quite the disturbing picture of what Giray did during the invasion of Krajina. It seems that this military campaign was the event during which the extreme brutality and cruelty of Timur was first documented. Most notable of these was his horrible and inhumane treatment of captured Krajinian soldiers. While many on both sides weren’t saints in how they treated captured soldiers, this was nothing in comparison to the actions of Giray. He seemed to consider the captured Slavic soldiers as “playthings” at best. During the few moments of free time that he had, he would gruesomely torture his prisoners and later execute them by either stabbing them with a bayonet, or shooting them with a pistol. At least 150 Ruthenians were maimed and killed by the Black Griffon during the invasion of Krajina. No reason or explanation was given by Timur for his actions. The individuals tortured and killed weren’t in the position to posses any valuable information and even if they did, Crimeans seemed to already have sources for such information.

    Some have suggested that this was an attempt at spreading terror and fear in enemy ranks. This wouldn’t make any sense however, as there were no survivors, who could spread the word of Crimean atrocities between the Krajinians and all the mutilated bodies were disposed as efficiently and swiftly as possible with none being discovered, as evidenced by the fact that the only sources which describe these actions were Crimean documents. Moreover, these actions were undertaken by only Timur himself, at least to this extent and to this barbarity, which in turn means that it couldn’t have been part of any logical strategy.

    And while yes, many generals and other military leaders have caused far more deaths than Timur Giray ever could, this is not what caused these quite widespread debates. Rather, as mentioned previously in the article, and as we all probably know, its his status as a Crimean national hero. Many consider that the Black Griffon is a war criminal, clearly undeserving the label that has been attached to him, while others believe that while he had indeed done some horrible things, his positive input into Crimean society and its advancement far outweighs his crimes.


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    One of the mass protests in Kiev this year. These protests were sparked by the permission from the East Slavic government to build a statue dedicated to the memory of Timur Giray in Mariupol, one of the most populous cities of Tartary autonomous region.

    Ultimately, the decision on what is Timur Giray to you and which side of the argument to support is your own. This article, after all is only supposed to inform you about the Black Griffon, but not convince you to choose a certain side.
     
    A White Snowstorm
  • A White Snowstorm: The Life and Legacy of Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss






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    The Logo of Weiss Industries


    Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss is widely considered one of the most successful business leaders of the late-20th century as she was the head of Weiss Industries from the mid-1950s until her death in 2003. She helped turn Weiss Industries into one of the major companies of the world during her long tenure as head of Weiss Industries.


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    Image of Siglinde ”Schnee” Weiss



    Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss was born on March 25, 1930 in Mainz, Germania to Jacques Weiss, head of Weiss Industries and one of the richest people in the Kingdom of Germania from his innovative car-making methods before moving on to other methods. While she was born to one of the wealthiest people in the Kingdom of Germania, her childhood was far from idyllic as her father was hard on her. During the War of the Danube, Weiss Industries thrived due to lucrative contracts Jacques Weiss had with the German government, which were helped by how Jacques Weiss had donated and supported Augustina Sternberg’s campaign for the Centralist Party in the 1930s, making him a close confidant of Augustina Sternberg.


    In 1948, Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss enrolled in Beacon Academy, which was located in Hamburg, Germania, and widely considered to be amongst the best universities in the world, where she met her life-long friend (and future Chancellor of China from 1994 to 2002) Yang Xiao Long and she helped develop Yang Xiao Long’s Yangist ideology. At Beacon, she developed a reputation as fairly serious about her work and calm as well. During her years at Beacon, she “warmed up” to her friends, who provided her a refuge from the hard expectations of her father.


    When she graduated from Beacon Academy in 1952, Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss was happier than at any other point earlier in her life due to how she had made many friends at Beacon. In 1955, Jacques Schnee died from a heart attack brought on by the strain of working too hard, leaving his 25-year old daughter as head of Weiss Industries and one of the richest people on the world, with a net worth of 2.1 billion thalers (in 2005 thalers).


    During the Great Asian War, Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss made a huge profit from the Great Asian War with Weiss Industry factories being where the workhorse of the German landship force, the “August Schnee”, during the Great Asian War were manufactured as it had been designed by Weiss Industries. In addition, many of the trucks and other AFVs used by the German military (and later, the various militaries of the EDC) in the Great Asian War were produced in factories bearing the snowflake symbol of Weiss Industries. It was also during this time that Weiss Industries started diversifying into the legendary conglomerate it is today as it acquired interests in aviation, purchasing Bayern in 1958, and the nascent field of electronics.


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    The August Schnee, the workhorse of the German Landship Force during the Great Asian War.


    In addition to producing many of the weapons which helped win the Great Asian War for the United States, Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss arguably helped win the war with her innovations in the production systems in Weiss Industries factories, which increased efficiency by replacing men which had been conscripted with women and other such innovations. She gained a reputation as an organizational genius during this period as Weiss Industries became a massive industrial giant during this time. Her reforms in business organization and how production was to be organized would to some degree or another be adopted by the various major companies which helped in the war effort in both Germania and in other countries.


    By the end of the Great Asian War, Weiss Industries was stronger than ever before with assets in various fields like construction, carmaking, shipbuilding, the nascent electronics industry, aerospace, retail, and so forth.


    In personal affairs, Siglinde Weiss had fallen in love with Sascha Plessner with the two marrying in 1957 and having three children. She had two daughters, Isabelle and Jacqueline, who were born in 1959 and 1963 respectively, and Gunther, born in 1961.


    After the Great Asian War, Weiss Industries was amongst the first companies to take advantage of the collapse of the Unified Indian State and the subsequent occupation of India as Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss’s company heavily invested in the subcontinent, with many factories being set up by Weiss Industries there. In addition, Siglinde “Schnee”Weiss heavily invested in the nascent computer industry as well with Weiss Industries developing one of the first video game consoles in 1973. It was The Spark and it would be far more successful than anyone in Weiss Industries had expected as it sold about 40 million copies.



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    The Spark, Weiss Industries’ first console


    In addition to this, Weiss Industries was also a major player in the automobile industry with Weiss cars being amongst the most popular in the world during the 1960s and 70s. Two iconic cars of the 1960s and 1970s would be the Aurora and the Scorpion, which were produced by Weiss Industries but were quite different as the Aurora was a small and practical car while the Scorpion was a fast sports car.


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    The Aurora and the Scorpion, two iconic cars of Weiss Industries in the 60s and 70s


    In addition to this, Weiss Industries would be heavily invested in motorsport with Weiss Industries running a team in the International Championship of Motorsport starting in 1961 with their prescence in the ICM continuing to the present-day. One of the most iconic Weiss racecars would be the Weiss W-18, which dominated the 1980 season with its revolutionary combination of turbo engines and ground effects. With their combination of vast manufacturer wealth and in-house engine, the Weiss Racing Team has been a prominent force in the ICM ever since it restarted after the Great Asian War.


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    An image of the Weiss W-18 during the 1980 season



    In the field of aerospace, Weiss Industries, or more accurately, it’s Bayern subsidiary, would be a pioneer in jetliner technology with Bayern producing the Bayern 500 in 1969. The Bayern 500 would be followed by the Bayern 525, the world’s biggest airliner until 2003 as well.


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    The Bayern 500 airliner



    Overall, the 1960s and 1970s saw Weiss Industries go from strength to strength in the aftermath of the Great Asian War with Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss being considering the richest person in the world for a time in the 1970s. However, the 1980s would see some setbacks for the massive conglomorate which was Weiss Industries.


    In the 1980s, Weiss Industries would have to cope with the Financial Crash of 1982, triggered by the crash of the Ningbo Stock Exchange. It would bring down many companies and even some of the massive industrial conglomorates would face trouble from the crash. Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss would have to drastically reorganize Weiss Industries in the aftermath of this crash due to how it was affected by the crash. In addition to this, the German government of Harry Kellner was dedicated to breaking the power of certain massive companies. This would lead to various legal battles between the government and Weiss Industries for most of the decade. However, Weiss Industries would narrowly survive said setbacks and continue to thrive until the 1990s.


    Not all was well with Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss’ personal life as well as her only son would die in a hang glider accident in 1986 and her husband would die a year later from lung cancer brought on by smoking too many cigarettes. After the death of her son, Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss would groom her two daughters to succeed her with Isabelle placed in charge of Weiss Electronics and Jacqueline placed in charge of Weiss Automobile.

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    Isabelle and Jacqueline Plessner-Weiss


    In the 1990s, Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss and her company would recover from the losses of the 1980s and rebound to become one of the major companies of the Information Age. A major innovation that Weiss Industries would have during this period was their entry into the mobile phone market. They would also be well-known for their development of memory chips and its general advances in electronics with Weiss Industries being a major player in the television scene with innovations like HD TV and flat-screen TV being major innovations by Weiss Industries. In addition, Weiss Technology would produce some of the best video games and consoles in the world with a sub-segment of Weiss Technology being dedicated to grand strategy games


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    A cellphone from Weiss Industries during the mid/late-1990s


    All of this would result in Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss having a net worth of 90 billion thalers by 2000, making her the 2nd richest person in the world at that time. On her 70th birthday, Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss formally retired from Weiss Industries, tranfering the position of Chairwoman of the Company to her older daughter Isabelle and the post of CEO to her younger daughter Isabelle. In addition, she promoted her grandchildren to prominent posts in subsidiary companies of Weiss Industries with Isabelle’s daughter Sofia becoming head of Weiss Automobiles. Isabelle’s son Stefan was named head of Weiss Construction while Isabelle’s younger daughter Anne was named head of Weiss Shipping. As for Jacqueline’s children, Andrea was named head of Bayern Aerospace while Ronald was named head of Weiss Technology and Philip named head of Weiss EntertainMedia


    Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss would die at the age of 73 in her sleep on October 5, 2003. In her will, she would give Isabelle 2/3rds of her wealth and Jacqueline 1/3rds of her wealth with said will detailing precisely what of Siglinde’s personal assets would go to them. This division of wealth made Isabelle the 6th wealthiest person in the world while Jacqueline became the 15th wealthiest person in the world.


    After Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss retired and died, her company would continue with it’s reputation of innovation with DB being it’s main competitor in the field of technology. While Weiss Industries might lead in the fields of smartphones (which they invented in 1999) and consoles, DB would master PCs with the dominant operating system for computers being a DB design along with one of the dominant Internetwork browsing system. However, Weiss Industries would be more diversified with assets in various fields


    Ultimately, Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss would be amongst the most prominent business leaders of the 20th century with her company being very prominent in the development of modern Germania and the world. Her legacy is in the technology she helped develop and in the company she turned into a powerhouse.
     
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    The Finest of Them All
  • The Finest of Them All: A Profile of Weiss Industries





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    The Symbol of Weiss Industries (also the Weiss Family Emblem)




    “The finest of them all.”

    -Prominent advertisement slogan of Weiss Industries​


    Perhaps the largest company in the world with revenues of up to 600 billion thalers, assets worth up to 550-600 billion thalers, over a million employees (mainly from their fastfood sub-company (these stats don’t include franchises)), and a market valuation of just under 900 billion thalers, Weiss Industries has been ranked amongst the top 10 companies by Entrepreneur Weekly Magazine for the past decade as well. However, how did it arise and what is it like behind all those cars, games, phones, planes, and other products with their snowflake emblem.


    The legendary Weiss Industries corporation was founded in 1900 by Nicholas Weiss in Mainz to make and sell automobiles with the Weiss “Liberty” car being first developed in 1905 and with a break due to the Great European War, would be manufactured until 1927 due to its cheap manufacture and Nicholas Weiss utilizing the concept of an assembly line for manufacturing them with up to 20 million being built. Nicholas Weiss headed the company throughout the Great European War as well, evacuating the factories of the company to Saxony to avoid the factories from being captured by the French. It was during this time that Weiss Industries became well-known for manufacturing cheap trucks and even the first Maximilian Schwarzburg landships using the same model that the Liberty automobiles were manufactured both pre and post-war.




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    A truck built by Weiss Industries during the Great European War


    By the end of the Great European War, Weiss Industries was thriving and had taken the first step towards becoming the massive titan it would become one day as the first Sengupta built by Weiss Industries was built in 1914 and the unification of Germania led to Weiss Industries setting up its first shipyard in Hamburg in 1919. During the Era of Good Feelings, the company thrived and grew as it acquired interests in the construction and retail industries during the 1920s but Nicholas Weiss would be forced to retire due to ill health in 1927, leaving control of the company to his son-in-law Jacques, who would take the Weiss name after marrying Willow Weiss a year earlier.


    Due to the French Flu, Jacques Weiss would carry out a notorious action which would forever mark his legacy to preserve the company. He would rely heavily on cheap labor and slashed wages to ensure his company’s survival due to the economic crisis. He was also a devious businessman who knew how to use political connections to his advantage with him having many contacts with the rising Centralist Party and its leader Augustina Sternberg. After Augustina Sternberg became leader of the Kingdom of Germania when the Centralist Party won the 1934 elections, Jacques Weiss became highly connected with the German government and so won lucrative contracts with the German military and government. This would result in many German landships being built during the War of the Danube being built by Weiss Industries and the main German landships being designed by Weiss Industries. However, Jacques Weiss would be infamous for his covert ties to the Revivalists as his company continued doing business with Revivalist Lithuania until late 1941. Even today, the East Slavic Federation is one of the main countries where Weiss Industries products are relatively uncommon as a result of Jacques Weiss continuing to do business with Revivalist Lithuania through dummy businesses for so long.


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    The Charlemagne Landship, a Weiss Industries design which entered service during the middle phase of the War of the Danube


    Despite how Jacques Weiss was closely connected to the German government, his relations with General Bertolt Brecht was cold at best. This was the result of how he infamously argued with General Brecht over landship design in March 1940. Other arguments would be triggered during Operation Barbarossa and Operation Schwarzburg as General Brecht was unhappy with Jacques Weiss regarding how quality of the Charlemagne landships was poor as they often broke down, which General Brecht confronted Jacques Weiss over with infamous comments regarding the labor practices Jacques Weiss being given by General Brecht.


    After the War of the Danube and the fall of Revivalist Lithuania, Weiss Industries was amongst the first companies to invest in post-Revivalist Lithuania as well, owing perhaps to how Jacques Weiss had continued to deal with Revivalist Lithuania until 1941. Weiss Industries started strengthening their motion vitagraphy and newspaper subsidiary, Weiss EntertainMedia, which was amongst the first companies to develop a TV channel as well. In addition, Jacques Weiss set up The Melting Pot, a cheap fastfood restaurant which would prove to be very popular, selling food on the same model that cars were made in his factories.


    However, not all was well in the industrial titan Jacques Weiss had made as wages for his workers were generally low and working standards were poor. The controversial business practices that Weiss Industries had during his tenure included using connections to the German government to help the company grow in size and drive the competition into bankrupcy and making underhanded deals with dictatorships. These increased his profits and made him extremely wealthy as well.


    As Jacques Weiss grew older, succession became a problem as he had two daughters and a son. While his older daughter Elsa was more interested in politics (she would become German Prime Minister from 1977 to 1982, 1988 to 1991, and from 1993 to 1995 as head of the centrist Progressive Party), both his younger daughter Siglinde and his son Waldemar wanted to take over the Weiss Industries corporate empire. These two siblings would be very different as Siglinde was educated at Beacon Academy where she made many friends with the famous writer Ruby Rose Branwen, musician and minority rights activist Blake Belladonna, and future Chancellor Yang Xiao Long being her closest friends there while Waldermar Weiss was educated in Vienna University and was well-known for having sociopathic tendencies there with few friends. After an outburst Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss gave at the Weiss Industries Christmas Gala, Jacques planned to disinherit her. However, he would die before he could reveal his plans and alter his will from a stroke on February 4, 1955. Despite this, a legal fight would ensue between Siglinde and Waldemar Weiss over control of the company due to the conflicting copies of Jacques Weiss’ will. Said legal fight would conclude with a court judgement on November of that year that Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss was the legal heiress to Weiss Industries. Her first action as head of the company, a position she would hold for almost 50 years, was to increase wages of workers and improve labor conditions. However, a negative side-effect of this was that anger over this (even though Siglinde tried to patch up relations with him with him becoming Chief Financial Officer of the company) was why Waldemar Weiss was recruited to become an Aankhein agent in December 1955 as he was approached by a man who claimed to be an Indian tourist visiting Germania but in reality was an Aankhein agent.


    During the Great Asian War, as previously mentioned, Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss strengthened the company with the purchase of Bayern Aerospace, which enabled Weiss Industries to become one of the largest companies in the world. However, Waldemar Weiss would prove to be a massive thorn on Siglinde’s side as he would be infamous for transmitting parts of the blueprints of the P-51 to the Indians along with logs of Weiss Industries production until his arrest (and subsequent execution for espionage) in March 1959.


    Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss would also use the Great Asian War as a chance to reorganize the Board of Directors, famously remarking to them on the first board meeting after the US declared war on the Unified Indian State that "You don't have a clue! None of you do! You're all just standing around, talking about nothing: worrying about your hair, your money, your stupid problems that don't mean anything!" Said statement would be given after the Board of Directors meeting gave an overly conservative estimate of how long it would take for Weiss Industries factories to shift to a war footing (they estimated it would take until mid/late-1959). As a result, of the 20 members of the Board of Directors at the start of the Great Asian War, only 9 would remain in the Board by January 1959 and after the arrest and execution of Waldemar Weiss for espionage, only seven would remain and they were all loyal allies of Siglinde Weiss. The new Board of Directors was comprised of technocrats who, to Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss, would be better suited to running the war effort for Weiss Industries with Markus Simmel being the best-known of these “new men”


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    Markus Simmel, second-in-command of Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss during the Great Asian War


    Markus Simmel would define the image of the replacement Directors that Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss had selected for her Board of Directors. He was an outsider to the company and had not been connected to Jacques Weiss in any way, having just joined the company in 1956 as he had been hired by Siglinde Weiss on that year as Chief Human Resources Officer and by 1958, he was Chief Operating Officer of Weiss Industries. Together, the two would increase production to the levels needed for supporting the war effort that Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss gave at the first Board Meeting three months ahead of schedule (she gave it at December 1958 but output reached said levels on September 1958) through usage of experts to manage the fields necessary for the war effort, giving factories more autonomy/”self-responsibility”, increasing the number of shifts in factories, bringing in more women as workers to replace men conscripted to the front, a strict attention to detail, a more efficient allocation of resources, and other innovations which increased productivity. Said innovations would be adopted by other major companies shifting to wartime production and by official government bodies of all the major powers making up the United States.


    In addition, her methods to increase production in Weiss Industries would draw her to the attention of the government of Volker Braun as she would be named head of the “Ministry of Armaments”and the “Board on War Production” by Volker Braun on December 1, 1958. As Minister of Armaments and Chairwoman of the Board on War Production, she would introduce her reforms that she had implemented in Weiss Industries onto the entire German war economy, which, to some historians, sped the Great Asian War’s conclusion by up to a year via how war production was streamlined under her supervision.


    After the end of the Great Asian War, Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss would leave the Volker Braun cabinet but would use her connections to Volker Braun to acquire factories and electronics taken from the former Unified Indian State. Her connections would also enable her company to be amongst the first to take up roots in occupied India with Weiss Industries factories being set up in the Deccan even before the end of 1960. In addition, many Indian technological experts were hired by Weiss Industries due to their skills by Weiss Industries. Weiss Industries was arguably amongst the companies which benefited the most from the defeat of India as it allowed them to become the massive conglomerate that it has developed into in the modern day due to how much Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss had used her connections to have her company be amongst those who were the first to benefit from the defeat of India.


    However, despite this, one must not ignore the role of the “new men” that Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss brought in to run the company as they were men and women who promoted innovation in the company they were brought in to run and were often also engineers as well. Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss’ policies regarding wooing talent also promoted technological innovation as inventors, engineers, and software designers hired by Weiss Industries were given leeway on personal projects of theirs (20-25% of employees time is alloted to such side-projects) with some of Weiss Industries’ greatest innovations like the Spark console starting out as side-projects by Weiss Industries employees who had been given time by Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss to indulge their pet projects. Siglinde Weiss also was well-known for how she used high wages and personal bonds to keep employees to her company loyal to her in particular.


    By the end of the 20th Century, Weiss Industries had become one of the largest industrial conglomerates in the world due to a mixture of competent business decisions, risk-taking, efficient administration which emphasized merit of managers, some political connections, and sheer luck. Despite the bumpy road of the 1980s caused by the Ningbo Stock Exchange Crash and Harry Kellner’s attempts to break-up the massive conglomerate due to allegations that it was “stiffling competion”, Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss had been able to steer Weiss Industries through the Information Revolution and the rise of the Internetwork and come out as one of the pioneers of such technology along with video games. However, she did not neglect the company’s traditional field of automobile manufacturing as Weiss Industries developed a reputation for fielding popular cars which were cheap, functional, and practical, which extended even to their luxury and sports cars, which were more reliable and cheaper than rival companies.


    Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss had taken Weiss Industries from a middle-sized company to an industrial titan but the company has had to cope without her after her death in 2003 and even without her, the company has prospered under her two daughters, who she had placed in charge of the company after her death. In addition, Seraphina Plessner-Weiss, her granddaughter through Gunther Plessner-Weiss, has shown lots of promise as an administrator and developer and by 2005, was now Chief Operating Officer of Weiss Industries.


    As for the current state of Weiss Industries products, they are often considered to be amongst the best in the world due to the emphasis on a combination quality, affordability, and consumer confidence that Weiss Industries has placed over the years for their products. From cars to smartphones to airplanes and to video games, the snowflake logo of Weiss Industries has been associated with quality, accessability, and reliability over the years as well.


    In the field of video games, Weiss Industries (or more accurately, Weiss Technology/EntertainMedia) is one of the biggest video game companies in the world, producing The Dreamscape series of consoles and developing some of the most popular video games in the world. One of their most popular game franchises is “Battle Complex”, which is a first-person shooter series focusing on “story arcs”in the major conflicts of the 20th Century with Battle Complex 4, released in 2004, with its focus on the Great Asian War from the POVs of German, Indian, Chinese, French, Vespuccian, and Italian soldiers being very popular with DLCs adding “story arcs” from the POV of Hungarian, Korean, Nusantaran, Aceh, Lusangese, and British soldiers fighting in the Great Asian War. Another popular game series created is Twilight Invasion, a sci-fi RPG game from the POV of Commander Neumark and detailing how he/she struggles to unite a galaxy oblivious of the threat facing it. Another major game that Weiss Industries created is After the End, which features an alternate history where the Great Asian War didn’t occur but a nuclear war occured later, causing “The End”. Aside from that, Weiss Industries is well-known for its lines of strategy and simulation games. Their most famous strategy games are their series grand strategy games, which include The World of the Ancients (focusing on the rise and fall of Rome), A Game of Thrones (which is set in medieval Afro-Eurasia from Iceland in the west to Hokkaido in the east and from Scandinavia in the north to Nusantara and the Swahili coast of Africa in the south), The Age of Exploration (focusing on the Early Modern Age from 1450 to 1800), Industry and Revolution (which is set from 1800 to 1930 and is focused on the Industrial Age), and Darkest Hour (which is set from 1930 to 1965). Darkest Hour III (2003) is famous for its “Frankreich” mod, featuring an Entente victory in the Great European War and its aftermath. Weiss Industries is also well-known for tabletop games with Galaxy Aflame, a dystopian sci-fi tabletop game which is set in the distant future and features the increasingly unstable Galactic Imperial Commonwealth struggling to hang on as alien invaders attack it from all sides and new menaces threaten it, being the most popular and inspiring a TV series and some very popular motion-vitagraphs by Weiss EntertainMedia


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    The Dreamscape 4, released in 2004



    In the field of smartphones, Weiss Industries is very famous for their smartphones, which they were the first to develope with the Synergy series of smartphones being amongst the most iconic smartphones in the world. As a result of Weiss Industries’ reputation, an estimated 24.1% of all smartphones in the world as of 2005 are smartphones developed and made by Weiss Industries.


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    The latest model of Synergy smartphones (c.2005)



    Due to Weiss Industries owning Bayern Aerospace, it has one of the main shares of airliners in the world as Weiss/Bayern airliners comprise 48.3% of the global market for airliners in a “duopoly” with Chinese airliner manufacturer Fengzheng. While the Bayern 500, the Bayern 525, and the Bayern 575, Weiss Industries is best-known for building the only supersonic airliners in the world, the Bayern “Swiftbolt”. It was introduced in 1978 and has been in use ever since with 150 being built in total. 70 of them are for airlines and 80 are for personal/business use with the very first Swiftbolt being built for the personal use of Siglinde "Schnee" Weiss as a private jet.

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    Artwork of the Bayern “Swiftbolt” supersonic airliner

    However, despite all this, Weiss Industries has not neglected their traditional field of automobiles as Weiss Industries has a market share of 8.8% of all automobiles sold worldwide. In recent years, Weiss Industries has had a reputation as a leader in the field of environmentally-friendly automobiles as all cars produced after 1998 have had the ability to use biodiesel or ethanol while newWeiss Industries cars have all switched to hybrid engines since 2002. Two of the most iconic hybrid cars developed by Weiss Industries have been the Trailblazer and the Falcon, both introduced in the same year.



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    The Trailblazer and the Falcon, Weiss Industries’ new hybrid cars.


    In other fields like restaurants, Weiss Industries would also be amongst the most prominent companies with many remarking at how omnipresent Weiss Industries apparently is due to its massive prescence in many fields of everyday life. Weiss EntertainMedia is amongst the largest entertainment and media companies in the world with Weiss EntertainMedia owning several superhero franchises along with “Universal Cinemas”, one of the main motion-vitagraphy studios in the world. In addition, they own the “International News Channel”. The INC is amongst the most popular cable channels in the world. Other networks they own include “The Motion Vitagraphy Channel”, which is also famous for its hit in-house TV serieses as well with The Circumvental War being one of their hit TV serieses. Weiss Industries also has partial ownership of the social-networking site SocIntNet (Social InterNetwork)


    The administration of Weiss Industries is fairly complicated as while ownership of the company is centralized under the control of the descendants of long-time CEO and Chairwoman Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss, the sub-companies of Weiss Industries maintain a degree of autonomy to do business in what way they could as long as they don’t interfere with policies set by the “Cabal”, as the Board of Directors is often known, of Siglinde’s descendants, personal friends, and the managers selected for their competence. A web of responsiblities and interlocking shareholdings are other factors which keeps the company together as well.


    As for the personal wealth of the Weiss family, it is reported that the Weiss family, owing to the huge wealth they have accumulated, have a total worth of over 125 (some say up to 160) billion thalers with the wealth being divided up amongst the Weiss family members. Jacqueline is the richest member of the Weiss family and even then, she only has 60 billion thalers of wealth. The Weiss family’s wealth has been invested heavily in a large degree of mansions with the Weiss family being reported to have over two dozen mansions ,seven yachts (including the world’s biggest yacht), and modified airliners as private planes. However, the Weiss family is well-known as well for their philanthropic enterprises where they’ve donated billions of thalers to charity.


    A future vision for Weiss Industries was illustrated by its long-time head before her death as she penned “Project Dust” as part of her will. Project Dust was inspired by how as a young student at Beacon Academy, she was a fan of the writings of Zygimantas Gediminaitis along with her close friends. Project Dust consisted of a long-term plan to increase humanity’s space prescence through a privately-funded Moon mission “by 2025” and said plan envisions Weiss Industries to have spearheaded a manned mission to Mars “by 2050” and for asteroid mining, moon bases, manned landings on the moons of Jupiter and Saturn, and even a semi-permanent Martian outpost to be a reality by the end of the century. In addition, plans for an AI and virtual reality were also articulated in Project Dust with AI and virtual reality development in Weiss Industries being very quick in the past few years.


    However, controversy regarding Weiss Industries remains as reports indicate that Weiss Industries secretly gave the Crimean Yarı sektörler company things needed to make high-quality electronics and how Weiss Industries guards in various poor/unstable areas to protect facilities there are often seen with Crimean-esque weaponry. In addition, many people feel Weiss Industries is too powerful with its size and degree of influence.


    Despite all this, with a system which promotes the acquisition and loyalty of talent and their quick promotion, it seems that Weiss Industries would retain its spot as one of the largest companies in the world for the concievable future with Siglinde “Schnee” Weiss’ descendants in charge, especially with the potential Seraphina has shown lately.
     
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    Big Brother is Watching You
  • Big Brother is Watching You: The Unitarian Republic of Oceania


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    The Flag of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania


    The Unitarian Republic of Oceania is the last remnant of the Unitarian Commonwealth and one of the most repressive dictatorships in the world. Human rights activists have constantly decried the “Unitarian Republic” for its brutal suppression of human rights which has led to Oceania being consistently being rated as the lowest country in the world in terms of press freedom and in level of democracy with not even the theocratic regime in Persia, despite their abysmal human rights record, reaching Oceania’s levels of oppression or repression of civil liberties. Despite its Unitarian origins, Oceania has devolved into a pseudo-monarchial system under the Stassen Dynasty. However, how did this nightmare arise and what factors led to Oceania’s descent into insanity?


    The Unitarian Republic of Oceania once showed promise as Harold Stassen referred to his country as a “Unitarian Republic” and referred to himself as the “Democrat” of Oceania. His policies on religion were initially relatively moderate compared to the radical state atheism of the Union, the Unified Indian State, or the Confederation of Unitarian States as religious organizations were initially allowed to exist as long as they didn’t intefere in politics. In addition, Stassen’s regime initially was also notionally a multi-party state as the Unitarian Party of Oceania was notionally in a coalition with various minor “non-Unitarian” parties in a “National Unity Coalition” where the Unitarian Party of Oceania was the “leading party”.


    However, this initial “honeymoon” and moderation would pass due to the Great Asian War. The Great Asian War would heavily shape modern Oceania for the worse as the Unitarian Republic fought a brutal, if largely inconclusive and low-intensity, naval war with the United States which resulted in the loss of New Guinea/Aozhou to Lusang. In addition, the Great Asian War resulted in the Unitarian Republic of Oceania becoming the last remnant of the Unitarian Commonwealth with the destruction of the Unified Indian State and the fall of Aceh, Burma, and the Union of the Mekong. This would lay the foundations for the fortress mentality and the radicalization of the Unitarian Republic which would transform it into the nightmare which is today.


    In addition, the Great Asian War would be the crucible which would forge nationalism in the Unitarian Republic as the peoples of Oceania were united in the cause in which they fought for the defense of the Unitarian Republic. This would be warped in later years by the regime of Harold Stassen to strengthen his totalitarian control over the Unitarian Republic of Oceania.


    July 11, 1960 would mark the end of the Great Asian War and the beginning of the post-war world as a cease-fire was signed between the Unitarian Republic of Oceania and the United States. That day would be pivotal in Oceanian history as Harold Stassen, effective dictator of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania, would use the fortress mentality which prevailed amongst the Oceanian elite as the Unitarian Republic of Oceania was the last member of the Unitarian Commonwealth “left standing” to consolidate his power over the Unitarian Republic.


    While much of the world celebrated the fall of the Unified Indian State and discussed how to restruct (and partition) India, the Unitarian regime in Oceania saw a series of purges which tore through any and all potential opponents of Harold Stassen. First of the victims were those who had fought against Harold Stassen during Oceania’s Unitarian revolution against British rule and the civil war which followed. Once this was completed in May 1961, Harold Stassen then turned on the minor non-Unitarian parties ostensibly in coalition with him, which were forcibly merged into the Unitarian Party of Oceania. Anyone who opposed the mergers, like Max Swanson, head of the Progressive League, the largest of the minor parties, and a major academic, or Andrea Vincent, the head of the People’s Democratic Party and a prominent scientist, was executed after a show trial where they were accused of being “traitors to the revolution”, planning to assassinate senior government officials, and conspiring with foreign powers (namely the Kingdom of Britannia, the Republic of France, the Empire of Lusang, the Kingdom of Germania, the Nusantaran Confederation, and the Empire of the Great Shun) to subvert the Unitarian Republic of Oceania. As the minor non-Unitarian parties drew their base from blue-leaning intelligentsia which were symphatetic to but skeptical of Unitarianism, the purges helped neuter said intelligentsia politically.


    The second round of purges would go after rival party leaders and the military high command, deemed by Harold Stassen to be potential power bases for a coup d’etat against his rule. These purges would follow the same modus operandi as his elimination of the minor non-Unitarian parties as they would be tried and executed for treason against the Oceanian government and conspiring with foreign powers. The first of these public show trials would be the “Trial of the Anti-Unitarian Officers’ Clique”, which took place from November 21, 1961 to December 5, 1961, where 19 senior military officers including Admiral Alexander Kirkland, Major General Cameron Cooper and General Christopher Foster, who were the main heroes of the Oceanian military during the Great Asian War were tried on suspicion of plotting a coup against the Oceanian government. All nineteen confessed to the charges placed against them before being found guilty and executed for their supposed “crimes”, which would stun the world.

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    Admiral Alexander Kirkland, Major General Cameroon Cooper, and General Christopher Foster, who were executed in Harold Stassen’s purges


    However, all of this would pale in comparison with Harold Stassen’s purge of the party leadership which occured between mid-1962 and early-1964. Out of the members of Harold Stassen’s government, about a third of them would be tried, imprisoned, and/or executed in his purge with 7 out of the 23 members of his wartime cabinet and 72 of the 208 members of the National Council of the Unitarian Party of Oceania being victims of the purge which followed. Out of the surviving members of said government, 9 ministers and 76 members of the NCUP had either been sent to remote posts or forced to retire early, and they were the lucky ones. The world was exposed to the spectacle of prominent leaders, of the Oceanian Revolution confessing to “betraying the revolution”, spying for foreign powers, and plotting to overthrow Harold Stassen during several rounds of show trials before their execution for “counter-revolutionary activity”. The most prominent of these trials would be the ones for Foreign Minister Lucas Ball, who signed the peace agreement betwen the United States and Oceania, and Anthony Jackson, Chairman of the Unitarian Party of Oceania, along with 22 lesser figures within Oceania’s leadership, which occured between October 2, 1963 and October 12, 1963.

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    Foreign Minister Lucas Ball and Chairman Anthony Jackson


    While the fate of the Oceanian elite drew the most international attention from foreign media, it is important to remember that Stassen’s purges tore through all sectors of Oceania’s society with impunity. Religious groups, which had been more or less left alone as long as they didn’t intervene in politics, were eliminated with their leaders either executed or sent to prison camps in Oceania’s deserts. Ethnic minorities, namely Native Oceanians and the Gorgonesians [1], were also a major target of Stassen’s purges, with their culture suppressed by the Oceanian government and what passed for an intelligentsia amongst these two ethnic groups being purged by the Oceanian government. On the other hand, the Maori were largely left alone and even formed a major segment of Stassen’s elites. A major factor in this could be how one of Harold Stassen’s closest friends (and amongst the few ministers who weren’t purged), Amonga Tame, came from the Maori ethnic group. By the time the purges had subsided in 1967, up to three hundred thousand people were dead and another half-million were in prison camps in the Outback.

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    Amonga Tame, close friend and ally of Harold Stassen


    Aside from political purges, Harold Stassen’s regime turned to indoctrination and propaganda to consolidate Stassen’s rule over the Unitarian Republic of Oceania. A major part of this was a quasi-religion (or “cult of personality”) around Harold Stassen where he was proclaimed as the “Big Brother” of Oceania’s people. The Oceanian people were bombarded with propaganda about how Stassen was the savior of the Oceanian nation and its benevolent “Big Brother” even as his brutal policies ripped through Oceanian society with 1 in 15 Oceanians at one point or another falling victim to Harold Stassen’s purges. This cult of personality would be all-pervasive in the Unitarian Republic as all citizens of the Unitarian Republic were required to have images of Harold Stassen at their homes and were bombarded from waking up to going to sleep with propaganda lionizing Harold Stassen. By the end of his purge, Harold Stassen had full control over the citizens of the Unitarian Republic and his control over society would only grow with his reorganization of Oceanian society and government.


    In the 1969 Party Congress of the Unitarian Party of Oceania, held in the city of New Plymonth [2] between March 5 and March 12, Harold Stassen announced the reorganization of the Unitarian Party of Oceania into an “inner circle” of leaders to guide the Oceanian people towards Unitarianism and an “outer circle” which would carry out the day-to-day work of supervising the Oceanian people. In the future, this system would form the basis of a de facto aristocracy which would rule the “Unitarian Republic”. He also announced that the new television technology would be used to “make sure that the vanguards of Unitarianism don’t backtrack” through the development of what he called “telescreens”. Said “telescreens”, in addition to making sure that party members stay in line, would allow them to get entertainment as well. In addition, the head of the UPO’s Dunley [3] branch and a former singer and actress, one Rose Andrews, proposed several radical proposals in the Congress.

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    Rose Andrews, Head of the Dunley branch of the Unitarian Party of Oceania. Her proposals would alter Oceanian society in various ways


    Her first proposal was to reorganize the police force in the Unitarian Republic into a single force entitled the Internal Security Force with a special section for tackling dissent entitled the “Thought Police”. This Thought Police would use modern surveillance technology, drugs, and disappearances to eliminate enemies of the Unitarian Republic.


    Next, she proposed that a system of “bread and circuses” be set up. Said system would consist of two parts. The first part would involve the distribution of state-produced entertainment like movies, songs, novels, and cheap newspapers through machines to keep the ordinary citizens of Oceania content and entertained. The second part would be the infamous “Patriotic Entertainment” system. This system would involve the distribution of “patriotic entertainment” meant to demonize the Unitarian Republic of Oceania’s enemies through daily short movies which the people of Oceania would be required to watch where Oceania’s enemies (with China, Britannia, Lusang, and France given special emphasis) would be demonized, whipping the peoples of the Unitarian Republic into a patriotic fervor against their enemies, along with a week-long annual “Festival of Oceania”. Said festival would include parades, speeches, lectures, the creation of new slogans and patriotic songs, and other measures designed to build up support for the regime.


    Another proposal Rose Andrews made at the Party Congress was for the very thoughts of Oceania’s citizens to be made grounds for potential elimination through the creation of new segments in the Oceanian penal code dealing with “Mental Crimes”.


    In addition, Rose Andrews proposed that a new system of thinking based on recent psychological breakthroughs made in recent years be implemented. This system of thinking would be called “flexible thinking” and was the brainchild of Tom Wright and Thomas Elliot, two of the finest psychologists in the Unitarian Republic of Oceania. Both of them proposed conditioning and drugs could allow people to accept contradictory thoughts, switch perceptions of the world either at will or in accordance to stimuli, and generally think more flexibly, being able to adapt to the situation at hand.


    Her final proposal would be to make Unitarian the only language taught in the schools of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania. She proposed this idea on the basis that it would help strengthen Oceania’s national identity by giving them an independent language of their own and deter international attempts at undermining the Unitarian Republic of Oceania.


    At the end of the party conference, all proposals given by Rose Andrews were formally approved by the Unitarian Party of Oceania with near-unanimous support. Their implementation over the next few years (though full implementation would have to wait until the early 1980s) would render Oceanian society near-unrecognizable to an observer from the era prior to the Great Asian War. In addition, during the party congress and its aftermath, Harold Stassen infamously raised several of his children with his wife Julia, who was prominent behind the scenes in the politics of the Unitarian Republic, to prominent posts with Henry Stassen named as Foreign Minister along with how Evelyn Stassen became Governor of Lockhart [4], the island off the coast of Oceania, Alexander Stassen became the first head of the Internal Security Force, Richard Stassen became head of the “Blue Guards”, the paramilitary forces of the Unitarian Party and a “parallel army” to the regular military, and Katherine Stassen became Governor of Gorgonesia.

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    Julia Stassen, wife of Harold Stassen and a major figure behind the scenes in the Unitarian Republic.


    While the concept of the Unitarian Party of Oceania being divided into an “inner circle” of senior officials and an “outer circle” of bureaucrats and low-level officials was not meant as such, they would devolve in later years into an informal aristocracy ruling over Oceania. A major factor in how the Unitarian Party of Oceania devolved into a de facto aristocracy ruling over the Unitarian Republic of Oceania was how membership in the “inner circle” of the Unitarian Party of Oceania was necessary for all officials above a certain level as enacted after the 1969 Party Congress.


    As Harold Stassen’s health declined from 1970 onwards, questions were raised over the succession to the Unitarian Republic as Harold Stassen had not named a clear successor at this point and his children were all ambitious and desired the leadership of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania after Harold Stassen’s death. Even before the death of Harold Stassen, political analysts were already seeing signs of turmoil in the Unitarian Republic of Oceania and apparent signs of a low-level power struggle.


    On April 7, 1975, Harold Stassen, first Democrat of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania, died from complications from a botched surgery on April 3 at the age of 67. In the aftermath of Harold Stassen’s death, the doctors which performed the botched surgery were executed on charges of murdering Harold Stassen by the Oceanian government after a show trial.


    After Harold Stassen’s state funeral and entombment in the Mausoleum of the People in Saint Anselm [5], a power struggle ensued as Julia Stassen was elected Acting Democrat of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania. However, everyone knew that the 65 year old Julia Stassen was merely the interim figure and a “placeholder” as her children, along with the late Democrat’s niece Isabel and nephew Vincent, were out for the post as Democrat and full control over the Unitarian Republic.


    In the power struggle which followed, Henry Stassen initially looked to be the potential successor to Harold Stassen and became Democrat of Oceania for a short period between October 13, 1975 and May 2, 1976. On May 2, 1976, he was assassinated by a lone gunman while giving a speech in Randwaide [6] and while never proven, the assassin is widely suspected to have been an agent of the Thought Police. A few weeks later, Evelyn Stassen died from a mysterious plane crash where her plane broke up shortly after take-off, killing all 36 passengers and crew onboard the plane. At this point, Isabel Stassen formed a coalition with Richard in a bid to stop Alexander Stassen from assuming power in the Unitarian Republic of Oceania.


    However, Alexander Stassen would prove to be more ruthless than his rivals and would, over the next few months co-op (in the case of Katherine and Vincent) or eliminate (in the case of Isabel and Richard) his main rivals to become the head of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania as Democrat on October 15, 1977. Katherine Stassen was co-opted to serve as Chairwoman of the Unitarian Party of Oceania while Vincent was made Foreign Minister.

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    Alexander Stassen, Democrat of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania from 1977.


    While Katherine and Vincent were rewarded with comfy posts and relative positions of power within the Unitarian Republic, Richard and Isabel would be less fortunate as they ended up being tried and executed for subverting the Unitarian Republic of Oceania through “factionalism” and “betraying the revolution” after a quick trial which occured in two days during January 1978. All these presaged the brutal rule of Alexander Stassen which saw Oceania’s brutal totalitarianism increase in ferocity and its control over the masses.


    After the executions of Richard and Isabel, Alexander Stassen would carry out a brutal round of purges against the supporters of Isabel and Richard, leading to the deaths or imprisonment of 50,000-100,000 people, many of which had the sole “crime” of being closely associated with either Isabel or Richard Stassen. This vicious purge would be conducted in some cases via children brainwashed from birth by the Oceanian government’s education system ratting out their family members to the Thought Police. Once they had been arrested, the victims of Alex’s purge would be brutally tortured in the buildings of the Thought Police/Internal Security Force (under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Internal Security) with a room in the basements of said facilities being particularly infamous for subjecting victims to their worst nightmares to break them.


    Another major portion of Alexander Stassen’s purges would be how the alteration of historical records, already present in the period of his father Harold Stassen and in the Unitarian regimes of Turkey, India, and Japan, was transformed into an artform through Oceania’s Ministry of Information. Those who were victims of Alexander Stassen’s purges were demonized as “enemies of Oceania” whereas a few months earlier, their achievements were being touted in propaganda. The government of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania went as far as to rewrite the history books of the Oceanic Civil War and the Great Asian War to fit the official propaganda line of the Oceanian government.


    In 1980, Alexander Stassen formalized the de facto aristocracy which had existed in the Unitarian Republic of Oceania since the creation of the “inner circle” by making membership in the “inner circle” of the Unitarian Party of Oceania hereditary. The members of the “inner circle” would comprise only 2.5% of an Oceanian population (while the “outer circle” was comprised of 7.5% of Oceania’s population) of 21 million (as of 1980) but they would rule the country (and live) like kings. Unlike the vast majority of the Oceanian population, they had wealth, imported luxuries, and news and entertaiment which weren’t nonsense spouted by the Ministry of Information.


    Alexander Stassen would also take the cult created by Harold Stassen around himself to new levels as he was proclaimed to be the savior of Oceania from the forces of imperialism, capitalism, and feudalism who continues to protect Oceania from beyond the grave. Such a cult developed many aspects of a formal religion during this period, which many attribute to the influence of British Purtianism on Oceanian culture, complete with pilgrimages to Harold Stassen’s birthplace.


    In addition, Alexander Stassen’s foreign policy was generally more belligerant than that of his largely isolationist father. Under him, Oceania’s navy started an expansion drive which would result in Oceania having a navy with five aircraft carriers and four “missile Magentas” [7] by the end of the decade. In addition, naval skirmishes with Lusang and harassment of foreign fishermen would increase during the years of Alexander Stassen’s rule over Oceania.


    Alexander Stassen’s regime generally saw Oceania go “from bad to worse” in terms of repression and warping of the principles of Unitarian ideology. In addition, he was notorious for ratcheting up pro-natalism policies by previous Oceanian governments, making it a priority for the Oceanian population to reach 35 million by the end of the century through any means possible.


    However, Alexander Stassen’s belligerant policies and utter insanity would be his downfall. In 1984, he released plans to “cut the privileges of the inner circle” to “create a New Sparta” and began plotting how to manipulate the powers of the world so they would launch a global conflict which Oceania could take advantage thereof. Oceania’s chemical weapons arsenal would also increase as Oceanian scientists would work on developing more lethal and deadly chemical weapons. Biological weapons were also being developed en masse by the Oceanian military as well.


    All this planning regarding a “Spartan state” and manipulating the world powers into fighting a global conflict would lead to the downfall of Alexander Stassen as the “Blue Aristocracy” of the Unitarian Party of Oceania were unwilling to lose their privileges or allow Alexander Stassen to manipulate the world powers to trigger a global conflict.


    A conspiracy arose around Katherine Stassen to overthrow Alexander Stassen as the leader of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania in a quick palace coup. The conspiracy knew the risks were high and that if they were defeated, they would inevitably be purged by Alexander Stassen, who would reach new heights of brutality. Despite these risks, the coup plotters launched their coup on January 25, 1986 as Alexander Stassen woke up to the sound of landships storming through the streets of Saint Anselm. Over the next few hours, fierce street-to-street fighting ensued in Saint Anselm as the paramilitary forces of the Internal Security Force and the Blue Guards fought the regular army and and some international commentators felt that Oceania was on the verge of a civil war.


    However, as the regular military was largely on the side of the coup plotters, the result of the coup was a foregone conclusion and by the end of the day, the coup plotters had marched into the Palace of Unitarianism. Alexander Stassen, it is reported, charged into the forces with three loyal bodyguards before being killed by the forces which had stormed the palace.


    In the aftermath of the fall of Alexander Stassen, Katherine Stassen was immediately named Democrat of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania. Her first action was to scrap the more insane policies of her brother and predecessor as “Democrat” of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania.

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    Katherine Stassen, third Democrat of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania


    In addition, her government eschewed the belligerant militarism of Alexander Stassen, instead focusing on achieving full autarky for the Unitarian Republic of Oceania. In pursuit of this, the Oceanian government was a pioneer in the field of solar energy, owing to the fact the deserts of Oceania were a prime location for solar panels. Programs to exploit Oceania’s vast potential shale oil reserves, which were reported to be about 58 billion barrels, and natural gas reserves were pushed into overdrive by the Oceanian government. Another part of this drive for autarky was the creation of vast coal liquefaction plants owing to Oceania’s massive reserves of coal. The fact the Unitarian Republic of Oceania had near-total self-sufficiency with the only imports being luxuries for the elite would be a major factor in why it would be so hard for sanctions to take an effect to effect.


    Another manifestation of the Unitarian Republic’s fortress mentality would be the network of bunkers built into the mountains of Oceania and Terra Ultima and the massive coastal fortifications built around the shores of both Oceania and Terra Ultima. These fortifications were designed to make the Unitarian Republic an unbreakable fortress if it was ever invaded.


    While many see Oceania’s nuclear program as another act of an insane dictatorship which had distorted Unitarianism into something which would disgust Weber, Kubilay, Nijasure, Aras, Samsa, and even Koves and Nagai, there is a twisted logic behind the Oceanian nuclear program (along with how Oceania has one of the world’s most extensive biological and chemical weapons programs). This logic is rooted in the fortress mentality the Oceanian government has developed ever since the end of the Great Asian War, which has imbued the Oceanian leadership with a sense that if they don’t develop weapons of mass destruction of their own and a powerful military, they would be invaded by foreign powers.


    The Oceanian nuclear weapons program began development in the 1980s, taking advantage of Oceania’s vast uranium deposits, the largest in the world. This vast uranium stockpile would allow Oceania to develop large-scale nuclear reactors, which helped boost Oceania’s autarky. In addition, the Oceanian government used uranium exports as a means to provide the regime with a degree of cash to pay for the luxuries imported for the benefit of the elites. World powers started to suspect the Oceanian regime was using their vast nuclear program for military purposes in the early 1990s. This was so as spy planes were detecting that uranium enrichment facilities were springing up in the outback at breakneck speed. Chancellor Yang Xiao Long of China (who had been elected a few months earlier) and German Prime Minister Elsa Weiss met in the Vilnius Summit in September 1994, which was most famous for how Chancellor Yang Xiao Long’s agenda of developing a “Modern Silk Road” to link east and west was introduced to the world but also included the first agreement to impose sanctions for “Oceania’s illegal nuclear program”. While negotiations carried on in an attempt to curtail Oceania’s nuclear program and additional sanctions would be implemented against the Unitarian Republic, these would be ineffective in stopping Oceania’s nuclear program with Oceania detonating its first nuclear weapon in 2003. Currently, Oceania has ten nuclear weapons but it is important to note that Oceania has had missiles tipped with either nerve gas or “supergerms” for years before Oceania developed nuclear weapons.


    Meanwhile, in the realm of Oceanian politics, Katherine Stassen would die at the age of 65 from breast cancer on May 5, 1995 (some suspect the rapid deterioration in her condition in the weeks leading up to her death meant she was poisoned) and be entombed beside her father Harold. This would spark another power struggle in Oceania’s political sphere amongst the Stassens and the rest of the “Blue Aristocracy” which was the “inner circle” as a segment of the “inner circle”, led by Samuel Thomson, would try to impose a new ruling family on the “Unitarian Republic”. A series of coups and counter-coups threatened the stability of the Unitarian Republic until the 42-year old Marcus Stassen, head of the paramilitary Blue Guards and nephew of Katherine Stassen through Vincent Stassen, seized power in the Unitarian Republic of Oceania on February 16, 1996 and was “elected” Democrat the next day.

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    Marcus Stassen, 4th Democrat of Oceania


    Marcus Stassen would open his rule over Oceania with a new round of purges of the supporters of the conspiracy to overthrow the Stassen family and install a new “dynasty” in its place. As part of blocking out democratic ideas from penetrating Oceania, the Internetwork and cellphones were banned from use outside of the “inner circle” and certain members of the “outer circle” of the Unitarian Party of Oceania. Dissidents who flee Oceania are often hunted by assassins, causing fear amongst defectors from the Unitarian Republic, and the Thought Police, which is recruited from the higher ups of the “outer circle” and the lower “inner circle” keeps a constant watch on subversive thoughts from entering Oceania.


    Marcus Stassen would also win over the loyalty of the “inner circle” by furthering their privileges over the unfortunate peoples of Oceania, which furthered the comparisons foreign media and observers made of the Oceanian model to medieval feudalism as a small elite lorded over a great mass. Nowadays, a member of the “inner circle” could rape or murder a non-party member if he or she has a “valid excuse”, which is woefully easy to find.


    However, Marcus Stassen’s rule over the Unitarian Republic would prove short-lived as he would die on November 4, 2003 at the age of 49 from a car accident. Despite the young age of his daughter Ingrid (she was just 26), her accession to the “throne” of the Unitarian Republic was the first to be carried out relatively bloodlessly and quietly.

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    Ingrid Stassen, current Democrat of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania.


    Currently, Ingrid Stassen is the leader of the Unitarian Republic of Oceania but with her young age, who knows whether her rule of the Unitarian Republic would last long? However, even so, she has shown a distinct willingness to consolidate her power and purge her enemies with a notable example being the execution of Ramsey Bolton, head of the Internal Security Force, with some reports indicating he was executed by being fed to 120 dogs. As for foreign policy under Ingrid Stassen, she has moved away from the isolationism of her predecessors to some degree, with her state visit to New Delhi in February 2005 to meet with Aditya Chograhad being the first an Oceanian head of state has made since the 1950s. However, the level of skirmishes with Lusang, France, and Nusantara and harassment of foreign fishermen has also increased during the rule of Ingrid Stassen.

    [1] TTL's name for Melanasian people (taken from this post by @LostInNewDelhi)
    [2] OTL Melbourne
    [3] OTL Auckland
    [4] OTL Tasmania
    [5] OTL Brisbane
    [6] OTL Perth
    [7] Think a bigger version of the Kirov-class BCGN for a basic idea on what they're like
     
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