The Silver Knight, a Lithuania Timeline

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a lot of blue...

...and green.
What does this mean? Please PM me if you're unwilling to discuss this on the thread itself.

Second attempt at re-reading since yesterday, finally managed to reach the end of this fantastic timeline. Question, though, what did Britain get in the peace?

Seems to me that world history seems to be going in much the same direction in this world. Disastrous WWI, looks to be a lead-up to a WWII with much foreshadowing with regard to that piano Purple Unitarian guy. Even before WWI I find that naming the New World "Vespuccia" seems to be a bit of a trope, but still very much appreciate the work put in of course. What happened to Sweden's colonial possessions. Not enough maps.

Previously it looks like technology seems to be sped up by a lot, with the Industrial Rev. starting in the late 18th century. Declaration of Lithuanian Empire, fabrication of documents claiming to Third Rome, with Ruthenians and Russians oppressed and taking the place of the Poles, echo of OTL's Russia. Concerning Lithuania's position as a revanchist belligerent in WWII it might also be taking the position of Nazi Germany here- I predict Lithuanian European Conquest, attempted genocide of Russians and Ruthenians, and eventual partitioning- maybe north-south to make it more unique. All in all, Lithuania is generally way more proactive in this TL which is kinda expected.

Admittedly, all this hinting at the future is mildly annoying. Some of the images also appear to be defunct; I could go back and compile a list of all the defective posts, if you'd like.
 
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What does this mean? Please PM me if you're unwilling to discuss this on the thread itself.

Second attempt at re-reading since yesterday, finally managed to reach the end of this fantastic timeline.

Admittedly, all this hinting at the future is mildly annoying. Some of the images also appear to be defunct; I could go back and compile a list of all the defective posts, if you'd like.
Yes, I've noticed that the pictures in older posts are defunct by now. I tried to fix them earlier, but to no avail. One day, when I have enough time, I'll sort through them and update them.

If you want, I can PM you on the hint, but it will be a spoiler for future events. Thank you for reading!
 
So, can I do a guest update on Lusang? I'd call it "Islands of Perpetual Brightness" due to it's origins as the last remnant of the Ming Dynasty.
 
Chapter 78: To Humiliate (1924-1925)
This is going to be a shorter, yet still important chapter.

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Part 78: To Humiliate (1924-1925)
In 1924, the government of Jan Žuk, having only recently been elected in Visegrad, brushed off some dust from a recent treaty and discovered an interesting set of negotiated terms that, somehow, was almost lost to time.

According to the terms of the Peace of Kiev, the Empire of Lithuania was obliged to pay upwards of 600 million Visegradian tolars as war reparations. The Russian War of Independence, Unitarian chaos in Eastern and Southern Europe, as well as the Republican revolution in Lithuania, all delayed Visegrad's plans to press for payment, however, until new successor governments, unaware of these plans, replaced the war government. Perhaps it would have been forgotten and left as a historical oddity, but Jan Žuk's government finally unveiled it, and in time.

The terms of paying Great European War reparations, set on being finished by 1927, were presented to the foreign ministry of the Republic of Lithuania in late 1924, and the government of Steponas Bizauskas was naturally shocked. Why wouldn't they be shocked? 600 million tolars was almost the entire budget of the government of Lithuania at the time, and this massive sum would have to be paid in a few years. There was no negotiating out of this, either - sure, the Lithuanians could try to press that they are not the successor state of the Empire of Lithuania and are thus not obliged to follow any of the agreements it made, but whether or not they were right, Visegrad had economic power, an army four times larger than Lithuania's and the backing of Germania.

Despite that, many elements within Lithuania still campaigned against giving in to the Westerners' will and declining to make any payment - even if it results in sanctions, embargo, or even war. To many, it was unbelievable that their dear Mother Lithuania, one of the mightiest nations in Europe a mere ten years ago, could be pushed around by nations it used to consider it's rivals. The politicians in the Prezidiumas thought differently and more rationally - despite fierce opposition from the Democratic Unitarians and the Revival Front, the United Christians and the Democratic-Republicans agreed to work together "for Lithuania's best interests" and push a bill accepting the terms of war reparation payment through the legislature.

In order to be able to pay war reparations, Bizauskas's government was forced to take up on severe austerity measures. Subsidies to agriculture and the farmers had to be cut, taxes to all classes were raised and a number of government programs were cancelled in order to make way for payment to Visegrad. Many of these measures were poorly thought out, and in addition to angering pretty much all strata in the Republic, it neutered the economy to the point where the period of prosperity Bizauskas's term enjoyed ended in a roaring halt.

As a result, paying war reparations to Visegrad was extremely unpopular, and thus it was the death knell to both the Democratic-Republicans and the United Christians. And it just so happened that the very next year was election year in Lithuania...

The established parties made way for the rise of Unitarian and Revivalist movements within the country. Each one of these radical parties had something to propose. The Democratic Unitarians, now led by the former priest Liudas Vasaris - perhaps one of the most interesting political figures in Lithuanian history - decried that the recent events show that the Lithuanian and Visegradian capitalist governments are in cahoots and desire to drain Lithuania of all it's wealth in order to destroy the unity of it's working class, while Augustinas Stankevičius's Revival Front spoke out against the weakness of Lithuanian democracy and declared that only a return to the strength of the past can bring Lithuania out of its' rut. The United Christians and Democratic-Unitarians tried to paint themselves as the saviors of Lithuania from a Visegradian intervention and an even worse set of reparations, but that didn't save them from severely falling in popularity.

This election was perhaps even more chaotic than the election of 1917.

And then...

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How could forcing a still-powerful state to pay you a vast amount of money on the basis of a historical document with unsure authenticity possibly go wrong?

I now know how people manage to delude themselves into supporting Nazi Germany.
 
The established parties made way for the rise of Unitarian and Revivalist movements within the country. Each one of these radical parties had something to propose. The Democratic Unitarians, now led by the former priest Liudas Vasaris - perhaps one of the most interesting political figures in Lithuanian history - decried that the recent events show that the Lithuanian and Visegradian capitalist governments are in cahoots and desire to drain Lithuania of all it's wealth in order to destroy the unity of it's working class, while Augustinas Stankevičius's Revival Front spoke out against the weakness of Lithuanian democracy and declared that only a return to the strength of the past can bring Lithuania out of its' rut. The United Christians and Democratic-Unitarians tried to paint themselves as the saviors of Lithuania from a Visegradian intervention and an even worse set of reparations, but that didn't save them from severely falling in popularity.

This election was perhaps even more chaotic than the election of 1917.

And then...

Things seem like they are about to come to a head in Lithuania.
 
Chapter 79: First Rule for Rulers (of Lithuania)
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Part 79: First Rule for Rulers (of Lithuania) (1925-1926)
For the first time in the history of the Republic of Lithuania, a Democrat was elected by a majority of the representatives in the Prezidiumas - and it was Liudas Vasaris, the leader of the Democratic Unitarian Party of Lithuania (Lietuvos demokratinių jūnitarų partija). He commanded a coalition of the blue-wing - his party, the Unitarian Party and the Byelorusskiy Soviet, a Ruthenian autonomist coalition.

Vasaris is undoubtedly one of the most interesting figures of the Republican period. Much of his life was tied to priesthood - by his parents' wishes, despite his heart belonging to literature and art, he was sent to the Krėva Theological Seminary in order to become an Orthodox priest, which he eventually did, after forcing himself through those six years, according to his letters and writings. For a few years, he served as an auxillary bishop in Zhitomir, but the beginning of the Great European War saw him and much of the church's staff flee. Instead of returning home to Lithuania, however, he fled to the West through the Constantinople sea route, eventually arriving in France, where he spent the next ten years embroiled in philological studies and meetings with the Unitarian movement. He attended the Third World Unitarian Congress as an observer and a member of the LUP, but later distanced himself from them due to their radicalism. Vasaris only returned to Lithuania in 1921, well after finishing studies, and soon renounced his calling as a priest, which caused a scandal across the religious Lithuanian society.

Still, despite that, he was picked as the leader of the Democratic Unitarian Party in the 1925 elections due to his charisma, youth and energetic outlook, and now he stands as the fourth Democrat of the Republic of Lithuania.

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Liudas Vasaris, Democrat of the Republic of Lithuania
Despite his religious background, Liudas Vasaris was a Democratic Unitarian by heart. He firmly believed that the current system of government and labor organization in the world is flawed, favoring the upper classes too much and causing social division, but it can be peacefully reformed by introducing labor reforms, enfranchisement and initiatives to amend social disparity. Upon his inaugural and ascension to become the fourth Democrat of Lithuania, he had his hands full with many problems within the country. The dilemma of paying reparations to Visegrad lingered above the head of the government, the economic recession caused by austerity measures had to be checked and repaired, and new problems arose during the election. Disorder was plaguing the streets - both the radical Unitarians and the extreme nationalists organized paramilitaries which used tactics of intimidation and racketeering to sway the normal citizens to their side. The unmentioned crisis with numerous ethnic minorities within Lithuania needed to be addressed, as well - after the fall of the Empire, the Lithuanians became the majority ethnicity in their country for the first time in many centuries, but that doesn't mean there weren't plenty of oppressed ethnic groups wishing to establish their own nation states.

Democrat Vasaris's solution to both the reparations and the recession was simple, and yet controversial - he restored much of the subsidies and government grants which were cut by the Bizauskas government, and instead opted to reduce the military budget. The Republican Army (Respublikos armija) was the direct successor of the Imperial Army of the late Empire of Lithuania, and it boasted one of the largest budgets in Europe by percentage of GDP - up to 4 percent by some accounts. Because of that, the army of Lithuania remained in top fighting shape and was armed with the most modern equipment available despite the domestic chaos. Why was that the case? Every Democrat before Vasaris feared the military, the "secret Hetmanate". Their loyalty was vital to the continued stability in the Lithuanian state.

The first year of Vasaris's term flew smoothly - the economic recession was contained, relations with Visegrad were restored and the Democratic Unitarians were already preparing a package of important labor and social reforms, including a minimum wage, shorter work days and voting reforms to grant more enfranchisement to the poor. However, Vasaris forgot one golden rule of ruling Lithuania since time immemorial.

Keep. The Army. Happy.

Reactionary and protectionist elements within Lithuania were worried with Vasaris's actions. Cutting the military budget, helping the poor, pardoning Unitarian prisoners and even collaborating with the LUP? Clearly, a secret Unitarian, a Turkish or Indian agent, elected to destroy Mother Lithuania and turn it into anarchy! In addition, much of the military was simply getting tired of republicanism. All these constantly changing and weak governments, all this political squabbling, all this danger of the wrong person getting elected. The slashing of the military budget presented a good "casus belli" to take charge and restore order. And so it began.

On October 22nd, 1926, landships and units began buzzing around Vilnius, both in day and night. Soldiers, carrying not the green and red Republican flag, but the purple-red Imperial banner, complete with the Vytis, began occupying important structures across the city - the Sengupta stations, telephone lines and the chancellery. Similar actions were being taken in other cities across the Republic. Often, they were followed by the activation of the Revival Front's Green Berets, Stankevičius's paramilitary force and bodyguards. They worked in tandem with the military. At 11 PM, landships and armored cars surrounded the Chamber of the Prezidiumas, formerly the Imperial Palace, as well as the humble palace of the Democrat. The Prezidiumas was in an ongoing night session, voting on a minor infrastructure project in Estonia, which was cut off by five soldiers, led by General Lukas Šinkevičius, marching into the chamber.

Three words were presented to the representatives: "Prezidiumas išsiskirsto" ("The Prezidiumas disperses"). The words were followed through.

Democratic Unitarians, Democratic-Republicans, LUP and numerous other parties and movements were forced to leave, while the United Christians and the Revival Front put their weight under the new military government, giving the coup some semblance of legitimacy. A Revival Front representative, Žygimantas Svaja, was officially elected as the new Democrat of Lithuania, but him, like the Prezidiumas or any other Republican institutions, became practically powerless - all the power was now vested in a junta of militarists and aligned politicians, the Council of Hetmans.

The public was informed about the military coup the day later. Šinkevičius was not cruel to the Democrat defeated in the coup, Liudas Vasaris was given a choice - stay in Lithuania and face likely arrest, or leave to "wherever his heart desires". Vasaris chose the latter and soon emigrated to France, where he became the head of numerous Lithuanian Unitarian exiles. However, the more radical Unitarians didn't get off lightly - 130 of them ended up court martialed.

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Latin alphabet version of the pamphlet distributed in Lithuanian cities after the October 22nd Coup, declaring the enactment of martial law across the country and commanding all citizens to go on their daily duties, lest they face court martial. It is signed by the "Temporary War Government", later renamed to the Council of Hetmans

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Lukas Šinkevičius, head of the Council of Hetmans
Lukas Šinkevičius was one of many Great European War veterans within the leadership of the Lithuanian military, and his main interests were vested in ending the chaos of the Lithuanian Republic and restoring the order of the past. His Council of Hetmans was composed of members of numbers of political parties, from the United Christians to the Revival Front, and presented itself as "non-partisan" and only desiring to restore stability to the state. Foreign reactions to the October 22nd Coup were passive - in fact, many Westerners were even surprised that the Republican period in Lithuania lasted that long. Some thought that this experiment would fall as soon as it began - the Lithuanians were an autocratic people, right? Used to the Ciesor.

Ten years. The Lithuanian Republic lasted ten years. But it was still a vital turn in the nation's history.

But for now... the military has stepped in to vanquish a government which they perceived as unstable and unable to deal with a neighbour to the West.

Where have I seen that before?..

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The world in 1926
 
Islands of Perpetual Brightness
Islands of Perpetual Brightness: The Empire of Lusang


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The Empire of Lusang was formed by Ming Loyalists fleeing the Shun Dynasty who fled to the islands which in another timeline would have been the Philippines. Zhu Xiuling, nephew of the last Ming Emperor on the mainland proclaimed himself the Hongguang Emperor but everyone knew the real power was Admiral Zheng Renshu, the commander of the Ming fleet which had carried the Ming Loyalists to Lusang and after the last Ming Emperor, the grandson of the Hongguang Emperor, Zhu Tao (theYongxing Emperor) died without male heirs in 1753, Zheng Jingyi proclaiming himself Emperor of a new dynasty, the Da Nan (or "Great South") Dynasty and he proclaimed himself to be the Yongmei (or "Eternal Virtue") Emperor from the capital city of Tong Duo (OTL Manila).


The Da Nan Dynasty of Lusang thrived in their new home with a unique mixed Sino-Tagalog culture developing. While Chinese remained the language of government in Lusang, a dialect of Tagalog containing many loan words from Chinese and written using a modified form of the Chinese script became the language of the average citizen of Lusang. Gradually, the Empire of Lusang expanded south, annexing petty statelets along the way until by 1805, Emperor Zheng Yi (the Hezhi Emperor), taking advantage of a succession struggle after the Sultan's death, invaded the Sultanate of Maguindanao and conquered it by 1808.


The Empire of Lusang's interactions with foreigners was complicated by French Cochin and Malacca and Dutch New Zealand encircling it in case of Nan Lusang deciding to piss either one off with the Zheng emperors of Lusang deciding on a policy of pro-French neutrality. During the late 19th century, Lusang made a somewhat successful effort in both industrialization and centralization with the Empire of Lusang becoming a regional power and a hub of trade and banking. The government of the Empire of Lusang was also able to centralize their government to some degree but the Moro nobles in the south continued to retain large amounts of autonomy. In 1886, Zheng Zexian became Emperor Wanzhe (or "Perfect Justice") of Lusang. He was tutored by European tutors brought in by his cosmopolitan father who influenced his governing style. While he had no intention of giving up many of his powers, he made some policies which introduced some elements of democracy in the Empire of Lusang. In 1888, he introduced elections for prefecture and city-level councils as a first step towards popular representation in the Empire's government. While many nobles grumbled about how they had to share power with commoners, the rising middle class of Lusang grabbed this opportunity to assert themselves. In 1896, he proposed a new constitution which would turn the Empire of Lusang into a (limited) constitutional monarchy with a bicameral legislature comprised of a 300-seat "House of Notables" comprised of a mixture of members appointed by prefecture governments or the Emperor for life and hereditary nobles and a "House of the People" comprised of 500 members elected by the people. The Emperor would retain substantial powers including command of the military, the right to appoint the Chief Minister, declare war, make peace, conclude treaties, dissolve the Lower House, and so forth. In addition, the Council of Ministers was to report directly to the Emperor and not to Lusang's legislature. Even after a failed coup by reactionary forces led by General Hao Xinyue, which aimed to place Zheng Zexian's younger brother Zheng Guanting, who was supportive of the reactionaries, on the throne of Lusang, the Wanzhe Constitution was implemented on July 5, 1897, the 11th anniversary of the Wanzhe Emperor's accession to the throne of the Empire of Lusang. While suffrage was limited initially to the nobility and the middle class, the elections were very competitive as the Xianfa Lianmeng (or "Constitutionalist Alliance"), a coalition of reformist nobles and moderate reformers among the middle class which ideologically could be described as moderate Protectionists, won 238 of the 500 seats in the "House of the People" in the elections held on October 25, 1897. Other major political parties in the first election were the Quanguo Minzuo Dang (or "National Democratic Party"), which was comprised of progressive members of the middle class and nobility and were the main Republican party in the Empire of Lusang with a platform of turning the Empire into a true constitutional monarchy with universal suffrage and a figurehead monarch, and won 152 of the 500 seats in the "House of the People" and the Baohu Zhuyi Lianmeng (or "Protectionist League"), which was comprised of conservatives in both the nobility and the middle class and had a platform of keeping things as they were, won 62 of the 500 seats in the "House of the People". The other seats were largely filled by the Moro National Council, a party dedicated to representing the interests of Moro people within the Empire of Lusang, which won 32 seats but the Minzhu Lianmeng Dang (or "Democratic Union Party"), a party which adhered to Democratic Unitarianism, won 6 seats in the "House of the People". The Xianfa Lianmeng formed a coalition with the Moro National Council with the respected elder statesman Shen Li becoming the first Chief Minister of the Empire of Lusang. Even with the Emperor maintaining large powers, the Wanzhe Constitution and the 1897 elections were still a step towards democracy in the Empire of Lusang.


The Wanzhe Emperor also reformed the military of the Empire of Lusang as the Lusangese military relied prior to his reforms on weapons purchased from France and the Netherlands with license-production of said weapons during the early 1890s being the start of a nascent Lusangese arms industry. The Lusangese navy became a formidable force at this time as well due to the Wanzhe Emperor's desire to build a major Lusangese navy as well. The Wanzhe Emperor's military reforms also included a major reorganization of the Lusangese military's structure in which the Lusangese military was reformed with incompetent (or reactionary) officers weeded out and new officer schools being formed for officers from the middle class to rise up in the ranks. In 1909, the Empire of Lusang built it's first Magenta, the Yongmei, named after the first emperor of the Nan dynasty but for the most part, the Lusangese navy was guided by Jeune Ecole naval thought with the Lusangese navy relying mainly on it's cruisers, which were small but powerful for their size. In addition, the Lusangese navy was one of the most enthusiastic adopters of submarine technology as well.


During the Great War, the Empire of Lusang was neutral but pro-Entente, motivated both by the proximity of French Cochin/Malacca and Dutch New Zealand and the fact that the Shun Dynasty was aligned with the BAC and so prospered as a neutral hub of trade and finance. By the time the Wanzhe Emperor was dead in 1922, the Empire of Lusang was now a major powerhouse in the world and a force to be reckoned with. His successor, Zheng Ruogang, who became the Yongjin (or "Eternal Progress") Emperor would continue his father's policies. One of his first actions was to colonize Aozhou (OTL New Guinea), which none of the other countries in the world would claim. Little did the colonists the Lusangese government sent in 1923 to alleviate population growth problems in Lusang know that Lusang and Britannia would soon be fighting each other soon due to disputes over Aozhou and Oceania but for now, the Empire of Lusang was at the height of it's golden age as universal suffrage was implemented in 1920 with the Suffrage Extension Act.
 
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