The Sea People

It's not sure when Zarathustra lived, so there's the question whether Mazdaism could influence the Jews as early as 150 After Exodus. But let's assume for the sake of TTL that it was before or around 1000 BC (what some people think).


Yes, c.1000BC doesn’t really give Zoroaster’s philosophy time to make much of an impact on anything – which is why I had his teaching filter into Avramite society via traders. I was careful (I think) not to make it too large of an influence, it did spawn the Followers of Mazda branch of Avramites, but not much else. Other than the Followers there isn’t much of a concept of Good vs. Evil – Avramites look at it more of Enlightened vs. Unenlightened. Hmm, perhaps that sounds a little too defensive – it’s not meant to be, just trying to give you my reasoning behind that addition to the TL. Anyway, I hope it wasn’t too much of an uncertainty factor to have made the TL too implausible for you.



I note that king Yizhaq's new laws are very similar to the ten commandments.


I hope not too conveniently so.



IOTL Joppe was the old name for Yaffa, which is very close to Tel Aviv.


Did I put Joppe/Yaffa in the wrong spot on one of the maps?



You could have mentioned in the TL that Carthage was founded at the shores of the Black Sea, not where we think it'd be, the moment you mention Carthage.


Ah, oops – yes, I see how that would have helped.



Couldn't the Cetherians go on and reconquer Philistia?


The Cetherians certainly wanted to go on to repopulate Philistia. They made two attempts but both failed and then other events took a more practical precedence over such far reaching claims. But don’t worry, the “righteous claim” to the Homeland still lives on in the hearts of many an Avramite.



"Izevel, a name which has come to mean a woman of virtue" :D How ironic. :)

I rather liked this little twist.



It'd be nice if we had a map showing the names of the cities mentioned. Just in general.


When I draw up the map with the next segment I’ll make sure to label some of the key locations. I was thinking about: Cether, Nazrat, Carthage, Yehuda, Cyrene, Tartessos – were there any other places you or anyone wanted pointed out?



Thanks for reading. :D
 
The years under Dathan, Melek Kol’malkuwim (884AE – 910AE):

(Melek Kol’malkuwim: King of All Kingdoms; Mekoma: shortened version of Melek Kol’malkuwim)


Dathan was the grandson to King Ami – the son of Ami’s daughter Elisheva and her husband Shelomo. Dathan was named king in the last days of Ami’s life. The youth was untested in both public affairs and battle but with the betrayal of Avram and Gal Ami was left with little choice for an heir.

Dathan, however, was eager to have his name etched into the monuments alongside the other Gidonim. He has been described as brash even reckless in his pursuit to do more and be better remembered than his grandfather, great grandfather, and great-great grandfather.

In 886 Dathan took his first steps to immorality. He called his cousins Avram and Gal to a meeting in order to end the 10 years of bloodshed. The meeting was a trap – Avram, as well as 10 personal guards, was killed but Gal managed to escape. He fled back to Tartessos but found there was little time to prepare his army for a full-scale attack as, while Dathan kept Avram and Gal occupied with the meeting (and the chaos of springing the trap), Dathan’s army had been ordered to advance on Tartessos.

Cassander of Taras settles on peace with the Celts in 886AE. His faith in peace however must have been weak for he spent the next 9 years of his reign fortifying his borders and building ships. He is hailed by the Tarasian peoples as the first true leader to unite the Hellenic city-states as one – although he is never named a god his name is invoked as if he were one.

In 887 the rebellion of Avram and Gal ended with the defeat of the Tartessian navy and the capture of Tartessos. It was, in part, an empty victory as many of Avram and Gal’s supporters were able to escape – including Gal.

Dathan conducted a thorough search for his cousin – as well as any followers – but was able to net few and none of them were Gal. He suspected that Gal had fled to either Cyrene, Yehuda, or somewhere on Sciles and his letters to Archon Philippos grew in ever increasing irritation with each passing year that Gal remained alive.

It is from these correspondences that we get the name Gidona which the vast kingdom the Gidonim had founded comes to be called. Letters to Archon Philippos often opened with “Dathan of Gid’on’s blood, King of all his family had wrought…” or “King of All Kingdoms, Blood of Gid’on…” and Philippos responded in kind with “Dathan of Gidon…” and “King of the Gidons…”

Dathan continued to build up his navy – a project that had started under his grandfather – and in 890AE he made yet another attempt to secure his name in history. Although thought of by the Avramites as worthless but for its minerals Dathan nonetheless set out to conquer the Tin Islands. It was here that he discovered the whereabouts of many of Avram and Gal’s supporters, if not the location of Gal himself. The resistance bands that built up against Dathan’s invasion were often rallied around standards bearing the name of Avram and Gal.

In 893 Dathan returned to his capital leaving the war to his generals.

In 895 Dathan began to reassert trade dominance – a position that Cyrene had favored since the decline of the Avramite kingdoms (it wasn’t long before conflicts began to surface).

There was also at this time pressure from the Pharisees of Qirya Kahan on Mekoma Dathan. They made many attempts to convince him that God had blessed his family with might and reason and it was his duty to give back to the Lord by using that strength for good by retaking the Homeland (a high holy goal for the Pharisees and those who stilled called themselves Cetherians). As his attempts to conquer the Tin Islands had advance little since 893 Dathan was eager to entertain the idea of going down in history as the Avramite King who brought his people back to the Homeland.

It was in 895 that King Cassander died leaving his kingdom to his son Areus. Cassander was out patrolling in an area that had been recently raided by a Celtic warband when it is said he was struck by lightning and died. Areus traveled to where his father had been struck down and founded the city of Cassanderon – a holy city where many a warrior will make an annual pilgrimage in the springs to come.

By 898 angry letters were again being exchanged between the Mekoma of Gidona and the Archon of Cyrenia (each cited acts of piracy and the gang wars being fought in nearly every port where Cyrenians and Gidonians frequented).

Around the year 900AE Avramism spreads to the lands of the Pars, the Bactrians, and the Indus (based on small Avramite temples constructed in the cities of Lothal and Dholavira around the year 910AE). This fact however goes unnoticed in the Avramite centers of Mediterranean.

In 902 Dathan sent a letter to the new Archon of Cyrenia, “We must expand or die. Withdraw your trade interests in Taras and the other cities of the Peninsula and return to us the cities of Da’ud”. War would follow this declaration.

In 904 a Cyrenian army landed in Gidona and, with the help of Celtic tribes, cut a wide swath of destruction through the Avramite lands.

It wasn’t until 907 that the Cyrenian army was routed. Attempts by Dathan to land an army in the heartland of Cyrenia fail though the colonies and cities of Bulyya and Sciles suffer greatly.

Dathan died in 910AE (267BC) passing the crown to his eager son Yosef (so eager in fact that it is suspected that Dathan’s sudden death was not natural).
 
Map c.910AE (c.267BC)

Let me know if there was anything else that needed to be pointed out.

c.910AE copy.png
 
The years under Yosef, Melek Kol’malkuwim (910AE – 917AE):

The war with Cyrenia had thus far been devastating for Gidona. The invasion force of 904-907 had laid waste to many a farm. The treasury had significantly been dwindled – forcing many a soldier to go unpaid. The fleet of ships that had been built and rebuilt by his father and grandfather had been reduced to 600 ships. Cyrenia still held sway over trade with the Tarasians and the controlled the cities of Da’ud.

With the death of his father and a virtual stalemate with Cyrenia since 908 Josef decided to concentrate on breaking the back of the Cyrenian-Celtic alliance. Josef would bribe and do battle with the tribes of the Cimbri-Ambron through the years 910 and 911.

By the end of 912 the war had fallen into a lull and Josef found that a weary, unpaid, demoralized, and idle army was as dangerous as a wounded lion. Josef was as ambitious as any of the Gidonim and it was in this year that he proposed a very ambitious plan to his troops. He would lead them to the conquest of the Homeland or forfeit his life and the crown. And so it was that in 912 the Long March commenced – paying the Lugodunon, the Boianna, and the Tauriscians for passage. Along the way he made an alliance with the Macedonians (who coveted more land) and the Tarasians who along with having many Avramite nobles also hated the Cyrenians a little more than they feared them.

Josef gave his life-long friend Lot of the family Amora the title of Azar and had him rule the kingdom in Josef’s name – the Amorites were a long standing noble family (whom had, among their deeds, supported Gid’on).

By 914AE, aboard Macedonian ships and traveling largely at night, Josef and the bulk of his army landed in Philistia.

With the distracting attacks of the Macedonians, the Tarasians, and the Gidonan fleet Josef is able to defeat the Cyrenian forces within Philistia and in 915 captures Joppa.

In the days after the fall of Joppa Josef took his army and traveled to the ruins of Mash’ab and Tel Aviv to pray at the roots of his people. Whatever Josef’s reasons for this the action it inspired and invigorated his troops like no other speech or deed could.

In 916 Josef takes Ekron almost without a fight on his way to capture Jerusalem and Jericho.

In 917 (260BC) at the battle for Jerusalem Josef is killed although his army carries the day and captures the city (he also dies before hearing about the outcome of the battle for Jericho, which his forces also win though two months later).
 
I imagine this Gidonian army no matter how well they do will eventually be crushed as they are surrounded by Cyrenian forces. They are far from their base and completely dependent on 'allied' ships for support. With their king dead and no real way home...I don't foresee them lasting long.

Honestly it seems almost a Battle of the Bulge scenario for Gidon.
 
I agree. However, having had Josef attach the Homeland, which I felt made sense, I must say that I’m not entirely sure of what to do with the wayward army now. I hadn’t thought about Xenophon’s March but the crusader states did come to mind – some of those lasted for…about a hundred years, if I remember right.

I’ll need to do some thinking - to the library!
 
I agree. However, having had Josef attach the Homeland, which I felt made sense, I must say that I’m not entirely sure of what to do with the wayward army now. I hadn’t thought about Xenophon’s March but the crusader states did come to mind – some of those lasted for…about a hundred years, if I remember right.

I’ll need to do some thinking - to the library!

Well the Crusader states had the advantage that at the time the Levant was fractured between many different groups competing against each other. Here though (at least according to your map) the Cyrenes control that territory and that of nearby territory too. Also reinforcements are unlikely.

While Xenophon's march is an apt example they are a really long way from home let alone there nearest ally (Macedonia) and it is one thing to be an ally with someone (especially when it is only they are hiring you for ships and you are doing a land grab on the distracted target) and letting them march an army through your territory (that's even if they get that far).

I foresee more along ballads being sung in Gidon of Josef and his 'Lost Army' of their heroics in temporarily freeing the homeland but dying gloriously for God. A truly stunning story when placed to music no doubt.
 
You know, even though Josef’s situation reminded me of the crusader states I actually know very little about the specifics of the crusader period so your information helps a lot. And yes, although Josef’s army is in analogous situation to Xenophon’s March they are, as you say, a long way from home or ally.

I must say I was trying to figure out how to make the March work as that army comprises the majority of Gidona’s fighting force.

So, thanks to the two of you for the insight and an interesting suggestion.

Any thoughts on Tylis/Gatae/Galatia? You might have guessed I’m not sure which would be the more appropriate name. I was thinking about just tossing it up and writing in a statement that said something like… “…As they are called by the Helens, Galatia; or by the Carthaginians, Gatae; or as Gidona refer to them by their great city, Tylis…”

cheers.
 
I must say I was trying to figure out how to make the March work as that army comprises the majority of Gidona’s fighting force.

You're welcome.

Well IMO an actual march is just not going to work. However if Tyre is still a large port the army (under new leadership) might capture ships and successfully flee. But that is such a long shot as to be almost unbelievable as a march.

IMO Josef made a really bad call going there and now Gidon (and its doomed army) is going to pay for it but Rome suffered some bad defeats and rebounded so can Gidon. They might have to lie low for a while and let Cyrene strut as the big dog that it is...but big dogs sometimes stumble and fall...if you take my meaning.
 
The years under Lot, Melek Kol’malkuwim (912, 918AE – 928AE):


In 918AE Lot assumed the title of Melek Kol’malkuwim. There had been no word from or about Josef for nearly two years and it was presumed his great attempt at immortality had failed.

Archon Kamarieris, who refused to see any emissary not sent by the actual Mekoma of Gidona, now spoke with Lot. At this time Lot was told Josef and his army had been slain. Although negotiations would stretch on for nearly two years eventually Lot was able to secure peace.

Although Josef died in 917 the gains he was able to make in Philistia were held by his generals until 921AE – although there were rumors and stories the actual truth of the fate of Josef’s army was never known to those in Gidona.

In 921 Kamarieris agrees to peace with Taras and Macedonia. Later this year Josef’s army is defeated first at the Battle of Beth-barah and again at the Battle of Sur (trying to capture ships with which to make their escape) – those that survived are said to have made the attempt to cross into Carthaginia.

The war with Cyrene was devastating for Gidona and had Kamarieris known the full extent of the Gidonan failure surely there would not have been peace. But the fact that peace was granted is a testament to Mekoma Lot’s ability as a statesman. For Gidona little was gained and a lot was left unfinished by the war – trade would continue to be disrupted by Cyrenian domination of the sea, the treasury was diminished, many ships had been sunk, and the bulk of the experienced army had died. For the Tarasians they gained some political clout as well as some reparations and a better trading stance with Cyrene. Macedonia managed the best; with Cyrene largely distracted by Taras and Gidona the Macedonians were able to defeat a number of Cyrene garrisons which by the war’s end had Archon Kamarieris abandoning the Danube region of his empire. Macedonia moved to claim these lands and promptly went to war with a people they call the Galatians but which are more properly named Tylisans (they are called the Gatae by Carthage and lands further east). For Cyrene there was some financial loss to the war, a number of ships (though not nearly as many as Gidona had lost), and some territory – though for many a Cyrenian what was hurt the most was their pride and it is not something they will soon forget.

In 921 while Kamarieris was settling peace with Macedonians and the Tarasians (and Josef’s army was finally being defeated) Mekoma Lot had an eye to properly administering to his kingdom (though the Gidonim were empire builders they were not administrators). The burden of leadership, he decided, was too much for one man and disbanded the cumbersome army of ministers the Gidonim used to rule the lands and instead appointed an Azar (as he had been named by Josef) to help rule. An Azar was sent to each province where they would administer for the Mekoma. In Josef’s absence the Pharisees had blustered much, posturing with unfounded verve based on their belief that they had enlightened the heart of Josef to do God’s work. In truth, Josef’s attempt to claim the Homeland had more to do with his own work than God’s.

Lot moved quickly to subvert any attempt to overshadow his authority. Arrests were many, both the corrupt and the overly pious were subject to many of these incarcerations and stonings.

Perhaps to help maintain the established boundaries between the holy and the secular Mekoma Lot wrote his own history which was finished in 925AE wherein he praises the Pharisees for their efforts to hold the kingdom together during the waning years of Cetheria and also where he promoted every deed, no matter how small, that his own family had accomplished in bringing about the restoration of the Avramite kingdom.

Lot’s history is considered to be one of the most inaccurate works of antiquity. However, there are several small grains of truth and worthwhile information within the tomb, some of which are:

It is here that the Followers of Mazda are first referred to as the “Lost Tribe”. Everything else mentioned about them is complete fiction. Though to Lot’s credit it is important to note that there is little information on these Avramites. They have no (or very little) recorded history and believe it is sacrilege to write down the words of Avraham. And, as a people, they are difficult to have regular contact with as they have moved well beyond the Homeland, spreading east away from the Euphrates, north into the cold and the pines, and south down the coast of Africa.

It is here we learn of a significant aspect of Gidonan social structure. Though not spelled out in any one entry we nonetheless see that even though Gidona was an Avramite kingdom, specifically the majority was Levites, the power of the Pharisees was small (especially seen in the aspect of conversion where in the past missions were established by local priests or by the edict of the Pharisees now missions were an extension of the monarchy and only through the king could a mission be established – an act that had been limitedly used since the ascension of the Gidonim).

The Gidonim had no wish to face the troubles of the former kings with the constant struggle for authority with the ruling council or a religious council and had passed laws sealing off the Pharisees from the rest of the kingdom. They were not allowed to travel beyond the city limits of Qirya Kahan and their public appearances were few and watched by the city garrison. These and other such laws were put in place to “protect” and rightly distance the holy wisemen from the populous. In fact priests of the land were encouraged by the monarchy to seek council with themselves and others priests rather than burden the Pharisees with insignificant questions of Mikra interpretation – this encouragement had done well in diluting the influence of Qirya Kahan.

By the reign of Mekoma Lot, religiously, there was more to the kingdom than just the Levites. The Levites were the only indorsed faith but Lot notes that there were, in hiding, Nazrites (AKA Benjimites), enclaves of Celtic worship (though this was only permitted in small groups, no public displays, and no high holy days were allowed to be celebrated – latitudes that were only in practice in the lands beyond the Vaconnes), and places were the gods of other lands had filtered in (namely in Ya’ar) – perhaps it was familiarity but the gods of the Helens and Cyrene were better accepted than that of the Celts (a supposition shared by Lot). Restrictions on worship were enforced less in the semi-autonomous kingdoms that belonged to Gidona so the worship of the foreign and Celtic gods was more open (these kingdoms would have attracted many an emigrant if not for the travel restrictions for non-Avramites).

We also learned that although the free will granted to women during the years of Nazrat had not been as stomped out as was originally thought when Gid’on conquered that kingdom. Although once again largely restricted to the home, domestic affairs, and a stricter subservient role in the family women were nonetheless allowed to inherit and own land but only if their husband died of natural causes and there was no male relative whom wanted the estate. And of course, once remarried all her belonging would be assumed by her new husband. There was another area where women were granted certain rights. In the event of a marriage with a non-Avramite (usually a Celt of the kingdom – which was encouraged as to bring the pagans into the Light of the One God) - any children born to that union belonged to the mother’s house not the Celt’s.


(One pictures independently minded Avramite women searching out suitable (or wealthy unsuitable) husbands in the Celtic quarters, having children, and then having their husbands die “naturally”.)

By Lot’s death in 928AE (250BC) he had accomplished much to repair the damage brought on by the war with Cyrene.
 
Good update Tynnin. One of your bests yet. I have a feeling that once Cyrene repairs itself and has a few years of peace that Macedonia is going to get bitch slapped very hard for their 'presumptions' during the last war with Gidonia.
 
Excellent update and map. I do like the get to the point excerpt on Josef's successor in Gidonia. It really shows that the same level of quality from the first installment is being continued. Keep up the good work!
 
Many thanks. Not a very exciting entry but I thought the closer look at some the of the social aspects made up for it.

Ah, the Macedonians aren't finished yet - give them an inch...

I did notice at least one small oops - "...However, there are several small grains of truth and worthwhile information within the tomb..." That is suppose to be tome not tomb.

thanks for reading.
 
The years under Yehu (ii), Melek Kol’malkuwim (928AE – 930AE):

The years under Avimeleh (ii), Melek Kol’malkuwim (930AE – 958AE):


There is little to be said about the rule of Yehu (ii). He was the patron of several festivals in his first year but in 930 began what has been described as the “wasting of the Mekoma”. Within three months he was claimed by some illness. There was no indication of foul play, for all that is known Yehu was liked by those who knew him – a loving father and an attentive husband. Although, it could be suggested that there was tension between him and his oldest son Mal’ahi for Yehu favored his younger son Avimeleh as his heir.

Officially Avimeleh was given the title of Melek Kol’malkuwim in 930 upon the death of his father but in actuality there was little rule for the next five years. The fractures in the royal family were as such: Meital (Yehu’s first wife, although the second to be named First Wife, and the mother of Yehu’s only daughter Nurit) favored her son-in-law Saul for the throne; Mal’ahi (favored by several ehun commanders) likened himself to be mekoma; and Avimeleh who had the legal right as the named heir to be king (a young man of 16 at his father’s death, a skilled warrior, but untested in battle).

The year 930 brought several messengers to Gidona and although a polite visit was had by these men of Carthage many of the letters they carried were meant for the Pharisees. The Council of Judges had for nearly all of Carthage’s history been in conflict with the marauding tribes of the north. Of late these raids and small wars had become increasingly difficult to deal with and aide was being requested. No soldiers would be sent. The Pharisees did reply with several of their own letters informing the Judges that they must redouble their efforts to show the lawless tribes the Light of the Lord – by force if necessary. Like the Benjimites the task of conversion was seen by the Council of Judges to be a passive matter a fact which is summed up in the Council’s reply to the Pharisees: “You can not teach the word of the Lord with the tip of a sword.” Nonetheless, the Pharisees continued to send messages urging the Carthaginians to spread the teachings of Avraham.

In 930 Avimeleh (ii) was injured in an assignation attempt and fled the palace under the protection of his personal guard for several weeks.

This same year Mal’ahi escapes his own assignation attempt and assumes command of the nation (though never takes the title of Melek Kol’malkuwim) while his brother is in hiding).

In 931 Mal’ahi is poisoned though recovers and while on his sick bed is arrested by Avimeleh. Mal’ahi will be imprisoned for two years before he is helped to escape.

In 932 Meital is poisoned and dies. Nurit blamed Avimeleh and Saul challenged Avimeleh to single combat – Saul is defeated and both he and Nurit are sent from the capital.

This same year there is a revolt in Armorica which is suppressed the following year.

It was in 932 that great Cyrene saw its borders begin to crumble. Macedonia, despite its ongoing conflict with Tylis (and occasionally Illyria), allied itself with Sparta and goes to war with Cyrene.

In 933 Cyrene faces a rebellion among the Lydians and soon after the Archon learns that Babylonia has been annexing Cyrenian cities along the Euphrates.

In 934 Nurit is attacked by unknown thieves while at market – her bodyguard and personal attendant were killed. Nurit would die three days later from her injuries. This same day, unknown to Nurit, Saul is killed while hunting.

Mal’ahi returned in 934 with a small army and does battle with his brother in the streets of El Min’ghedud (each helped by bandit factions among the citizens of the city, effectively splitting the capital in two).

In 935 Mal’ahi is injured in battle; the brothers Yehu make peace and reconcile their differences (or at least that is what is written). Though scared for life (losing an eye to the wound) Mal’ahi recovers from his injury.

Although certain assumption can be made it is not readily known if the attacks on the royal family were perpetuated from within their own ranks (and if so, who made which attempt on which person) or by persons among the court. It has also been suggested that the happenings from Yehu’s death to the Reconciliation were merely a confluence of coincidences – in short, bad luck.

In 935 Armorica once again rose up. This time not only claiming the colonies of the Tin Islands but had called upon the help of outside tribes – mainly from the Cimbri.

It was in 935 that Cyrene began feeling the sting of intense raids into its southern lands. This was also the year that Cyrene was nearly pushed out of Helena – holding onto Attica only.

Armorica was still enflamed in 937 and Avimeleh decided to send Mal’ahi at this time to put an end to the revolt.

There is very little information regarding Mal’ahi in Armorica; between 938 and 939 there are only three letters on record and each of those spends more lines describing the landscape than military events.

There was a new Archon on the throne of Cyrene in 936. Archon Actaeon made peace with those his kingdom was at war with – he was assassinated this same year.

Between 936 and 939 Cyrene will have 7 Archons (939 is actually known in Cyrenian history as the Year without a ruler).

The year 937 brought war to Carthage. Medea coveted the riches of Carthage and moved against that peaceful kingdom.

In 938 Medea unexpectedly calls for peace with Carthage (although no significant battle had been fought, this year brought Parthian and Bactrian incursions along the Medean eastern border).

A great star is seen clearly in to cross the sky for several days and nights in the years 940AE. The Levite priests dub it a great omen – the coming of a great leader or joyous times. Others felt the omen was a warning and moved throughout the kingdom spreading words of doom (their order becomes known as Tsalmawuthees – a fatalist, self-deforming order).

In 940 Mal’ahi returned to El Min’ghedud in victory – and at the head of a vast army (reportedly 15,000: mostly Celtic). Avimeleh was able to escape the city, fleeing to Tarasia.

It could be said that Mal’ahi was now the Mekoma but he acted not at all like a leader of the Avramite peoples. He looted El Min’ghedud before moving on to loot, arrest, and murder throughout Gidona.

The anarchy of Cyrene was brought under control by the self proclaimed Archon named Awan. With order restored to the capital he demanded of the Senate that they acknowledge his right to rule – which they did (with a rare unanimous vote). Awan (the second Archon by that name) spent the next year bringing order to his kingdom.

In 941 Archon Awan II began to retake what had been lost. He started with the Macedonians and the Spartans.

In 942 (nearly 943) Avimeleh returned at the head of his own army (200 Macedonians, 600 Tarasians, an equal number of Celts from the “civilized tribes”, and an additional 700 mercenaries collected from other lands). He landed in Ya’ar taking the city under cover of darkness. From there he moved into the independent kingdoms of Gidona where he encountered surprising little resistance and far more help than I’m sure he anticipated – gaining some 200 more warriors to his cause. By the time he had moved into Aquitania he had met the first of his real battles and finally gained the attention of Mal’ahi.

Between 943 and 945 costly victories, insurgences in Gidona proper, and waning support from his Celtic benefactors forced Mal’ahi to permanently withdraw over the Vaconnes.

In 943 the combined Macedonian/Spartan fleet was sunk at the Battle of Ephesus.

Sparta was razed in 944 but grinding land battles between Macedonia and Cyrene would bring an end to the war.

In 945AE Avimeleh restored himself on the throne.

This same year pirate activity begins to escalate between the Tarasians and the Illyricians.

In 946 Avimeleh had rebuilt his defenses, built up his army, and was ready to reclaim the Celtic territories from Mal’ahi. But by 946 it was too late, the alliance Mal’ahi had come to lead had turned against him - he was killed in a duel around the time Avimeleh was restoring himself on the Gidonan throne.

Fractured and leaderless Avimeleh quickly brought the rebellion under control – founding Teshuw’ah as the new regional capital – in 947AE. Avimeleh had to decide between two evils: to forcibly occupy the Armoricans or return to a semblance of the unity before the war. He obviously felt punishing the ringleaders and allowing a new group of Celtic elite to rule Armorica for him was the better choice. The northern lands would be permitted to retain a level of independence and to assure this a number of fresh hostages were taken back to El Min’ghedud (many of which would be educated in the Avramite way and either sent back to their lands or find themselves moving up the ranks of Avramite society).

It was in 947 that Archon Awan II turned his attention on bringing the Lydians back into the fold – it is said that Awan spared no one.

In 948 Babylonia preempted Awan’s attack by launching an attack of their own. They managed a great victory at Damascus, cutting Awan and his army off from their reserves and supplies.

Avimeleh was not finished with the Celtic lands, in 949 he was forced to return. The Cimbri-Ambron invaded (bypassing the string of forts with the help of the remains of Mal’ahi’s army). The invasion, however, was quickly dealt with mainly due to the leadership of a young warrior by the name of Piran who, it is said, had an uncanny ability to anticipate and defeat the actions of the Celts. Few blooded Celts of Gidonan society rose to become more than just foot-soldiers, Piran was one of those exceptions. Avimeleh took a liking to him and against the urgings of his military council had him commanding several ehun before the end of the war with the Cimbri-Ambron.

Though there are no specifics the defeat of the Cimbri-Ambron caused a breakup of the leading tribes in that region which eventually had the Cimbri being replaced by the Vangiones as the leading tribe in an uneasy union with the Ambron.

In the year 950 Tarasia attacks Illyria.

Order was once again restored to Gidona in 951.

Awan II was never able to fully recover for the Babylonian victory at Damascus and in the year 951 calls for peace.

Illyria is subjugated by Tarasia in 952.

Piran was named Azar of Aquitania in 955AE (perhaps to serve as a token to the Celts of Avimeleh’s realm).

Known only to a select few was that Piran was actually Simeon ben Mal’ahi and Nuala (the Celtic wife of Mal’ahi whom he met during his exile in 933-934).

Mekoma Avimeleh died in 958 (222BC) leaving the kingdom to his grandson Josef.
 
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