In the spring of the year
859 AD., the Spartan Monks' army assembles near
Aquileia and starts marching east. Its first stop is at
Germae, near the old mother monastery of the order up in the
Rila mountains. Here,
katepánō Samuel receives the allegiance of the main chiefs of the Avar and Slavic settlers of the Balkan peninsula and the Carpathian region. Some provide contingents of mounted warriors, others pledge to supply the army with remount horses as well as other supplies and to oversee their transfer to the east when the army will be marching and fighting in Anatolia. Before he leaves Germae,
katepánō Samuel commissions a number of architects and builders he brought with him from northern Italy to build a temple to the Father of Light, modeled on the
Artemision of Ephesus, at the top of a hill in the middle of the
seven Rila lakes area.
In early May 859, the army reaches Constantinople. The city is no more than a mass of crumbling buildings and breached walls, inhabited by a mere 5000 souls. The patriarchal palace is empty since the endless bickering between the few remaining abbeys of the region have made the election of a bishop impossible for more than 50 years. In a mostly intact wing of the palace sits a Slavic Warlord who insists on being called "Caesar" but whose authority does not reach further than 10 miles outside the city walls.
Katepánō Samuel does not even bother to occupy the city or massacre the priests as he did in Rome. He is only interested in the
Golden Horn, around which he gathers thousands of corvée laborers from the surrounding area and sets them to work on building a massive number of flat bottomed boats in order to ferry the army and its supply train across the Bosporus. On the other side of the straits, there is little sign of a military buildup and it seems the landing on Asian shores will be unopposed.
Since the death of Jesus IV in 793, the Empire of Jerusalem has been wracked by internal division. Several civil wars took place in the early IXth century, between factions supporting several different branches of the house of Muawiya. Eventually, the situation stabilized somewhat into a north/south split, with one of the main factions holding Anatolia and another Egypt while a puppet Emperor, surrounded by eunuchs who make sure he never leaves the palace, reigns in Jerusalem as a mere figurehead. Syria and Palestine have been devastated during the civil wars and never fully recovered. Only the city of Jerusalem itself, with its court ritual and Patriarchal see, remains somewhat prosperous only because it is provided on an continuous basis with free grain from Egypt.
In Anatolia, the Arabic Monophysite landowners rule over a still mostly Chalcedonian population. There have been a few rebellions, all savagely repressed, but the Arabic nobility's hold on the region was never seriously threatened. As the news of the events of Rome and of the arrival of the Spartan Monks army have reached the East, the same phenomenon occurred here as in the West. Heretics of all stripes, who are even more numerous here, have come out of hiding and have started preaching the end of days to crowds in every city. Unlike in the West, these new preachers are vigorously opposed by the Arabic authorities. But these are quickly overwhelmed as the movement is too widespread to be contained. Furthermore, the rugged terrain makes it easy for armed bands of heretics to form and engage in guerrilla warfare from the relative safety of the hills. The
Paulicians, in particular, who have been leading a clandestine existence in eastern Anatolia since the 650s, come out of hiding and lead a full scale popular rebellion in Lesser Armenia. As a result, the Arabic forces of Amr ibn al-Karim, the governor of Anatolia (and head of the northern faction within the Jerusalem Empire) are spread extremely thin and there are few available troops to oppose the Spartan Monks advance from the West.
In early July, the army of the order of Saint George has finished crossing the straits and is advancing across Anatolia along the old Roman road linking Nicea to Tarsus. As the host is mostly composed of cavalry, its advance is far more rapid than that of the ancient Roman armies. Within two weeks, its forward elements have reached Iconium, where they wipe out a hastily assembled contingent of 6000 Arabic cavalry. In early August, the bulk of the army has reached the Cilician coastal plain, where they are awaited by the main force of Amr ibn al-Karim, consisting of more than 50 000 men. The encounter occurs between Tarsus and Mopsuestia and it is hard fought as the Arabic forces, composed mostly of light mounted archers, conduct a series of hit and run attacks which give a lot of trouble to the Spartan Monks. However, the issue of the battle is a forgone conclusion, especially when, in the late afternoon, a small contingent of Paulician irregulars appears at the back of the Arabic formations and throws them into chaos. The result is a clear victory for the Order of Saint George, though not an especially bloody one. Only about 5000 Arabic warriors lay dead on the field while most of the rest have managed to flee, scattering in all directions. However, they will no longer pose an immediate threat to the army of
katepánō Samuel as Amr ibn al-Karim has been pursued, caught and killed. The road to Jerusalem lies wide open.
At this juncture, the
katepánō who has been acting until now as a far-sighted and disciplined war leader, paying close attention to supply and planning, throws caution to the wind. Jerusalem is so close and the door to the realm of Light is about to open. Why wait? The army therefore rushes headlong towards the holy city, followed by a crowd of camp followers swelled by Paulician warriors and a vast and varied mass of ordinary people intoxicated by the promise of the imminent
eschaton.
On September 3rd, when the army reaches Jerusalem, the supply situation has become dire. The Syrian and Palestinian countryside is being pillaged far and wide by foraging parties and camp followers alike but the dwindling supplies they manage to gather this way is nowhere near enough to feed the nearly 100 000 people now composing the Spartan Monks army together with its auxiliaries and hangers on. The city of Jerusalem itself offers little resistance as it is defended by a small and demoralized garrison left behind by the Imperial court which has fled to Egypt. On the second day of the siege, a gate on the north-eastern side of the city is taken and the Spartan monks pour in. Here, as in Rome, the priests and monks are isolated from the rest of the population and slaughtered. However, the lay population of Jerusalem is far more numerous than that of the western capital of Christendom: more than 400 000 souls. As a result, the supply problem becomes a nightmare. Egyptian grain has stopped reaching the city and there is no more than 2 weeks of daily supply at half-ration left in the granaries. The surrounding countryside, for its part, has already been extensively pillaged and is barely able to feed its own population at the best of times. To make matters worse,
katepánō Samuel has fallen ill on the day before the assault. In a delirium, he shuts himself up in the Imperial palace on the Temple mount and refuses to see anyone except his favorite Clepho.
Clepho in the imperial palace of Jerusalem
On September 10,
859 AD.,
katepánō Samuel dies, leaving the 19 year old Lombard prince alone with a corpse in the deserted palace. But the youth is a quick thinker and does not yield to panic. He has heard that it had become customary for the Emperors of Jerusalem to be embalmed upon their death. At night, without telling anyone about the death of the
katepánō, he sneaks out of the palace, locates 2 old lady embalmers living in a house by the walls and brings them to the palace along with a mule loaded with embalming supplies. They work all night on the still fresh corpse of Samuel and their work is done a little before noon, the following day. Clepho then kills the two unsuspecting embalmers and throws their corpses into a cistern. He then rifles through the wardrobe left behind by the fleeing Jerusalem court and fashions himself a sumptuous accoutrement.
Thus dressed, he comes out on the palace front courtyard and sends messengers to gather the leaders of the Spartan Monks and of the allied contingent. When they arrive, they found Clepho sitting on a throne under the main colonnade of the palace courtyard. As they approach, he rises and addresses them thus:
Samael, Emperor of the True Romans, is now engaged in the final fight with Yaldabaoth.
His incorruptible body is still with us and you will see it in the throne hall.
But his soul-spark is now crossing the sublunary spheres in hot pursuit of the lying Archon.
Before he left, he named me caretaker (οἰκονόμος oikonomos in Greek, خَلِيفَ khalīfa in Arabic) over this world.
I am to administer the affairs of the New Rome while he fights the fight of our salvation.
Enter the palace and bow down before the body of the savior of the world.
Pray for his victory over Yaldabaoth and show yourself worthy of your position as elect.
Some of the men hearing Clepho's words, especially among the Germanic noblemen, understand quite well what is going on. But they decide to play along as they see that the majority of the Spartan Monks officers have complete Faith in the story they have just been told. They all file together inside the throne room and prostrate themselves before the embalmed corpse of
katepánō Samuel.
After the ceremony, Clepho gathers his family in a small pavilion deep inside the palace gardens. His first words are:
If you do not follow my lead, we are all dead. If you do, our family can become masters of the world.
Clepho's father, Ariulf, and his three brothers, Faroald, Unnolf and Ratchis, understand the situation very well. The Lombard
s have been immersed in the complex politics of sub-imperial Italy for two centuries and they are accustomed to the interplay of military might and religious maneuvering which characterizes late antique statecraft. They agree to support and advise their youngest son and brother without hesitation. At a general council of the military leaders gathered that night, Clepho announces a series of emergency measures:
- Expulsion of all the civilian population from Jerusalem towards Egypt, in order to relieve the supply situation (about half will die en-route)
- Relocation of the bulk of the army in Antioch, where it can be supplied from Anatolia.
- Garrisoning of Jerusalem with a reduced contingent of 15 000 troops, which can be supported for several months on the remaining supplies present within the city.
- Impressement of ships in Phoenician ports in order to re-establish some sort of supply-line to Jerusalem via Ascalon and Ioppa.
- Building of a temporary mausoleum (though this term is studiously avoided) for the body of katepánō Samuel so that the rank and file can see him and worship his "incorruptible" remains.
In the following days, these measures are implemented and a sense of purpose starts to permeate the ranks of Jerusalem's new masters. Although the situation is supposed to be temporary and the "bridge to the upper realm" is due to appear any day now on the spot where the body of
katepánō Samuel is being displayed, many understand that a new order of things is in the works and that it may last a considerable length of time. The smartest are therefore jockeying for the favor of Clepho and his entourage. The Spartan Monks officers, for their part, react as the military men they have been trained to be all their lives. They are relieved that someone is in charge and they await orders.