The New World's Scarlet Blight: The People's Equatorial Union
Chaotic and dramatic as the spread of Collectivism was in Continental Europe, the Terror was not to be confined in the Old World for long. The very existence of the People's Equatorial Union, known in ColStandard as
Amcolhulwatorial, is a lasting reminder of that fact. It is among the handful of regions within the Collectivist Internationale in which more is known about with some level of reliability. While this still leaves much for speculation and conjecture, what's certain is that it's considered one of the more autonomous, unruly, and in some respects, hypocritical of the "ColMems."
The origins of this Red scar in the New World can be traced back to the early 20th Century, though the specifics remain debated. It's unclear what the catalyst was behind the outbreak of the "Workers' Revolution" in Panama in 1924. A common perception is that certain intellectuals and political agitators had brought back Collectivist ideas from their travels in Europe in the preceding decades. It's also thought that corruption in more than a few nations comprising the old Latin Alliance, formed by several former Spanish colonies, stoked discontent among the peasantry and urban laborers. Others, however, suggest that it was discreet intervention, outside benefactors supplying weapons and "volunteers" perhaps as early as 1921. The truth could well be a combination of these, if not with more esoteric reasons. At any rate, the pace in which the initial string of riots escalated to armed insurrection was unnatural. Within a few months alone, Panama City (renamed
Amcoltermini) and the much-prized Pan-American Canal (since then called
Istimocanal) had fallen in some of the most shocking turnarounds in modern history. This proved crucial in providing the nascent Internationale access to the Pacific, playing a rule in the eventual collapse of former British Maoriland and the rise of the Reactionary
Bolivaristas in Colombia and Venezuela. It wasn't until more years of grueling struggle through the Andes, however, before similar upheavals in Ecuador and Peru succeeded, though it would be the Collectivists who seized the latter that ultimately emerged dominant.
A key figure in the bloodshed was a charismatic scholar named José Moreno Allende-Requejo. Raised in the Peruvian capital of Lima (later rebuilt as
Amcolcentro), he's believed to be one of many erstwhile firebrands active during the initial years of the Terror. Whether through attrition, power plays or outside assistance, from what could be gleaned he had become the dominant leader of the various New World Collectivist groups by the late 1920s. This led to his ascension as the first ColMem Secretary (or
ColMemsec) of the People's Equatorial Union upon its formal establishment in 1930, which was followed by with the subsequent capture of La Paz from Upper Peru. While the push southward was thwarted by Gran Patagonia, his efforts to aid his comrades and native Quechua fighters in crushing the last holdouts in former Panama and Ecuador (the latter rechristened the Quitus Collective) proved more successful. That these had the effect of ensuring his prominence within the Party at large would also guarantee his relative leeway in remaking those "freed" lands in the image, or rather his interpretation of the Will of the Workers. The legacy of which, has outlasted his reputed death in 1947.
The present P.E.U. on paper follows the general "norm" of most ColMems, with the Inner Party, Outer Party, and Workers comprising the social structure. In practice, the ColMem has followed down a distinct path due to its distance and comparative autonomy. The "Equatorial" strains of ColStandard have a very noticeable if distorted Spanish and Incan bent, which is especially pronounced in the colloquial variants. While most traces of the pre-Terror order have been purged over the generations, a bastardized form of Hispanoamerican and native culture, based ostensibly on the customs of those downtrodden, has not only persisted but is encouraged. Allende-Requejo's descendants (having since adopted the surname "Arrente") are said to hold an almost dynastic grip that stands in contrast to known Red protocol. Party membership, meanwhile, seems dictated by the degree of one's allegiance to the ColMemsecs or their associates as well as any zeal towards the Will, with the most loyal being likely candidates for joining the Inner Party. Beneath them are the throngs Workers who toil at the vast farms, industrial plants and glorified vanity projects that dot the landscape. Though it's believed that their labor goes to serve the needs of the wider Internationale, which has apparently invested much in its stability and defense (including suspected atomic silos), testimonies suggest that much more tend to go their supposed masters.
Indeed, the
Amcolhulwatorial could be described as a warped caricature of the societies the Collectivists had destroyed. The Inner Party (especially those closely aligned with the Arrentes) seem to enjoy luxuries that echo the wealthy landowners their forefathers massacred, the leadership going so far as to claim the entirety of the former Latin Alliance and beyond, with delusions of being its "purified" successor. In contrast, if Unperson accounts are to be believed, those of the Mestizo-dominant Outer Party generally live in conditions scarcely better than the Workers they nominally oversee, who themselves have little time to entertain idle thoughts that don't align with the Will.
Meanwhile, the local StateOrd and ColArmeo soldiers are notorious for their excessive methods in fulfilling their duties, which aren't solely aimed at keeping back the designs of Reactionaries, Royalists and Republicans alike. This reputed brutality, scattered evidence of which has slipped through the Red Curtain over the years, proved key in the wholesale incorporation of the Amcoltermini Collective in 1951 and later "squabble" against the Arrentes' Quitus Collective rivals in 1968. Such actions been just as crucial in crushing any overt resistance, of which there have been many, and sowing discord in neighboring countries. However much the Internationale has either denied or kept silent regarding the P.E.U.'s hand in propping up militias in Mittelamerika and Colombia, among others, few are fooled.
It's not without reason, then, that the ColMem remains a major thorn for the New World. Given the considerable military presence (epitomized by the naval "Panamanian Corridor") on top of local ColArmeo and StateOrd elements, the Supreme Politburo appears willing to tolerate for the foreseeable future. That there are still Unpersons at all, insofar as the Free Nations are aware, is even more impressive.
The Ashes of the Latin Alliance: The Unpersons of the People's Equatorial Union
The very word "Unperson" is a loan from ColStandard. While it's not clear when the Inner Party and StateOrd began referring to those who defied the Will by that term, by the mid-20th Century its usage had spread to the P.E.U., which had (and to a degree still) called such elements
obretraidors, or "Traitors to the Workers" in the local dialects. From what scattered information has slipped into American, New Austrian and Gran Patagonian intelligence services over the decades, it's certain that at least a handful of organized groups remain active. Beyond that, much is mired in conjecture.
Although some military remnants were known to have kept fighting for some weeks after the fall of Panama City, buying time for refugees and stragglers to escape, the Peruvians proved to be more difficult to subjugate. Even with the Reds' dramatic yet brutal reprisals against those among the elite who opposed them, the vestigial Latin Alliance loyalists retained considerable legitimacy among the populace, as well as crucial bastions from which they could have fended off the malcontents until reinforcements could come in. In addition to ordering his men to launch raids through the Andes, however, Allende-Requejo approached the Quechua natives, offering arms and promising justice against their supposed colonial oppressors if they adhered to the Will. Although the exact course of events remains muddled, it's clear that they rose up in droves, paving the way for Peru and Ecuador's collapse. It's also evident that not long after the formal founding of the
Amcolhulwatorial, these same fighters found themselves betrayed.
While some managed to flee alongside surviving loyalists to Upper Peru, Gran Patagonia and Legitimist Brazil, most instead chose to join the various resistance groups and militias. Comprised of stranded officers, nationalists, clergymen, political dissidents, peasants, and even disgruntled Party members ostracized by their supposed comrades, these early Unpersons were united only by their opposition to the Will and little else. Whether in the jungles in the north or in various safe havens in the Andes, there was little in the way of coordination in the initial decades, which though allowed some groups to escape StateOrd's prying eyes, also meant that most armed insurrections were at best limited in scope. That was, at least, until the emergence of a man known by the codename "Comandante." Born Ernesto Acosta de la Serna in Montevideo, this figure of Spanish and Italian descent espoused Collectivist views as a student. While taking leave from university in 1961, he defected to the Internationale, allegedly finding favor with the ColMemsec of the time, Alberto Santos Arrente.
From what little could be gleaned from testimonies and reports throughout the decade, despite an upper class academic background, he had a particular charisma and risen up the ranks to the point of spearheading the "incorporation" of the Quitus Collective in 1968. Not long after, however, there had been a falling out between him and the Party, whether due to growing disillusionment on his part or the leadership becoming more threatened by his clout. All the same, he escaped capture and with a handful of supporters, fled to the Andes. Always moving about, he rallied the various Unperson factions together into a more cohesive front. The 1970s saw his hand in orchestrating raids on Internationale assets that clearly went past mere banditry, even reaching news headlines in the Free World. Though these were also known to be indiscriminate, they served to inspire further unrest within the ColMem's borders. His perceived desire to rid the Party of perceived corruption had similarly transformed into a near-rejection of the Will altogether, prioritizing the myriad causes of his followers. He even went so far, in an ironic twist of fate, as to welcome any aid his estranged homeland could offer.
These all culminated in the 1985 Insurrection, in which it seemed as though the
Amcolhulwatorial was close to falling apart. Yet despite initial victories, with covert support from Gran Patagonia, Legitimist Brazil and even the
Bolivaristas of Colombia and Venezuela (in a rare moment of common cause), the Unpersons failed in sabotaging the Istimocanal. With those loyal to the Arrentes proving difficult to dislodge, aided by reinforcements from across the Internationale, fears of further escalation led to the Free Nations reluctantly pulling aid, save for discreetly helping in what came to be last major flight of defectors from the ColMem. As for the Comandante, he and a band of supporters chose to continue fighting (possibly as late as 1990), only to die to the last man.
Since then, it's known that a number of organized groups have clung on to the last remaining Andean havens, from which they continue a seemingly impossible struggle with limited means. In spite of such circumstances, they have carried on the cultural inheritance and traditions gifted them by their forefathers, whether they were Quechua, Mestizos or from the old societal elites. More than invoking Providence or making their hero's exploits a legend to be remembered, however, if one believes the more correspondences that had filtered through, they have also not given up on freeing their motherlands and fatherlands. Given the uncanny observations made involving the Collective Representatives over the years (echoing rumors about the so-called "Nation-Personifications"), and supposed evidence from what had been Panama involving StateOrd personnel and a woman refusing to die, perhaps those declarations may warrant further investigation.
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"Beyond the Red Curtain: A Portrait of the Collectivist Internationale." American Federation. 2023 Edition.
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For some added trivia, the "Equatorial" variants of ColStandard used incorporate a bastardized form of Spanish, with elements of Quechua and Newspeak from
1984 (alongside the overall social structure). ColStandard itself, apart from being a reference to Newspeak also has Esperanto with Slavic elements. Coincidentally, StateOrd has elements of both the Thought Police and the Soviet KGB.
José Moreno Allende-Requejo, the first "ColMemsec" of the P.E.U., is a reference to both
José Carlos Mariátegui, one of Peru's most notable communist thinkers and Chile's socialist president
Salvador Allende. His take on Collectivism, meanwhiile is also based on various Latin American socialist movement and organizations, notably the
Communist Party of Chile,
Peruvian Communist Party,
Shining Path and
Colombia's FARC, along with their more hypocritical and less glamorous elements. Coincidentally, the emblem incorporates elements from these very groups,
especially the Shining Path's insignia.
The evolution of the ColMem is derived from the South American experience of the Cold War, though with the Cuban Revolution,
Peru's Internal Conflict,
Central American crisis and
Colombian Conflict taking precedence if purposefully distorted. The Unpersons' circumstances in the ColMem, meanwhile, are an ironic mirror of that faced by the Shining Path and FARC in reality. Similarly, though Ernesto Acosta de la Serna/the Comandante is very much an equivalent of sorts to Che Guevara, his fortunes and ideological development when faced with Collectivism are an ironic reversal, especially in his eventual emphasis on cooperation over confrontation.
Many of the placenames, despite using ColStandard, correspond to the locations of the towns and cities they're supposed to be. Notably:
Fuertobreo (Workers' Fort) 02 - Guayaquil
Fuertebreo 03 - La Paz
Fuertobreo 04 - Chagres
Fuertobreo 08 - Iquitos
Furetobreo 09 - San Cristóbal Island-Galapagos
Amcolcentro - Lima
Amcoltermini - Panama City
While it's been hinted at in earlier map entries and in the lore, its significance and connection with the rest of the New World hasn't really been explored in detail, until now. Compared to most other areas of the Collectivist Internationale, this "ColMem" has relatively more autonomy and deviation from the norm, allowing its warped take on Latin American culture to shine through. By that same token, however, this work also highlights the hypocrisy and murkier aspects of the Party, ironically echoing the "Banana Republics" of OTL on top of the Orwellian undertones. All the same, there's still more than enough room for ambiguity and mystery, as even in-universe, the Free World only has some tantalizing glimpses into their adversaries, and then some.
And yes, the "Nation-Personifications" are a reference
to this entry. I can neither confirm nor deny whether or not it's true.