The Prodigal Sons Return: The Progressives of Wisconsin and the Republican Party
- Thread starter DanMcCollum
- Start date
So far your pop-culture changes have saved Hank Williams, Sr. and revived the popularity of Dick Tracy. I really don't even know what more I could ask for from a timeline!
On the other hand you've probably killed the Twilight Zone (or even just delayed it a bit) for Ronald Reagan as Batman. "Well, Robin, there you go again." The premise is certainly interesting. Serling, though, would do a great job taking The Caped Crusader, bringing him down to earth, and making him more realistic and, possibly, accessible.
Very interesting post and an enjoyable reprieve after my horrendous final this morning. As always, I eagerly await the next installment.
On the other hand you've probably killed the Twilight Zone (or even just delayed it a bit) for Ronald Reagan as Batman. "Well, Robin, there you go again." The premise is certainly interesting. Serling, though, would do a great job taking The Caped Crusader, bringing him down to earth, and making him more realistic and, possibly, accessible.
Very interesting post and an enjoyable reprieve after my horrendous final this morning. As always, I eagerly await the next installment.
Reagan was a difficult choice; for a while I was considering Lloyd Bridges or Hunter; but Reagan had the good looks and charm to pull off Bruce Wayne and the gravitas for Batman. Best of all, his career wasnt going many places at this point (one last bomb was all it took to convince him to go into television a few years earlier than OTL.
As for the mention of Dick Tracy; I certainly have plans for him in the 1960s!
Perhaps one of the biggest changes that the more relatively 'real' and gritty takes on both of these characters, is that it might move the comics away from the goofiness of the 50s
Very entertaining musings on alt-pop culture! Young Reagan would probably do a good job as Batman. And your footnote on Don Knotts made your choice seem inspired. I'm curious to see what the 1960s will look like (and not just Batman but whatever else you come up with)!
Thanks! I came upon the but about Knotts' father, and was shocked, really. The more i thought about it, he seemed the perfect choice; especially for the direction I feel Serling would be likely to take the series. Honestly; I wish I was better with PhotoShop, because id like to do up an image of Don Knotts and Jack Webb as the Joker and Two-Face respectively, in costumes that would be appropriate to the era and mood
By the way, no comments about Mr. Webb's role in the series?
Wait until you see what I've in store for Rock'n'Roll
Trust me; it will be recongnizable, but very different from OTL. I've hinted at some of the changes, but people have either not caught them, or simply not commented on them (which is a shame. I _LOVE_ 50s rock, and have put a lot of thought into what is coming!) Keep it up, Dan!
Thanks man. I will write a post about developments in Wisconsin (our touch-base, throughout the timeline) this weekend, and will then move on to discuss developments in the United States. I will deal with Rock'n'Roll in the next two or three posts; because we've got a lot of changes coming in that venue (including a new sub-genre!)
Chapter 23
The Struggle for Relevance: The GOP from 1932-1988
By: Kermit Roosevelt, IV
[Boston, Harvard Publishing, 2000]
The defeat of former-Senator William Knowland in his quest to unseat President Eisenhower sent the Republican Party into a period of deep soul searching; for the fourth time since 1932, the Republican Party had been utterly vanquished at the polls by the Democrats. Although a defeat had long been assumed by all but the most fanatical of Knowland supporters, the sheer scale of it shocked many in the Republican establishment. [FN1]
The first instinct of many of those in power was to turn sharply against Knowland and his conservative supporters. For two elections in a row, conservatives had mounted an insurgency against the party regulars; first with the third-party candidacy of General Douglas MacArthur in 1952, and now with the failed candidacy of Knowland in 56. Of course, in making such claims, they failed to acknowledge that MacArthur’s candidacy had had the support of many prominent Republican leaders in the Congress, and that Knowland had gained the nomination largely due to a lack of interest of any serious candidate to contend with the immensely popular Eisenhower.
Whether the criticism was fair or not, the conservative elements of the Party were largely blamed for the Republicans failures during the first half of the 1950s. No less of figures than former President Dewey, who had remained largely silent following his defeat in 1952, lambasted the conservatives, and began openly calling for a modernizing of the Republican Party. In doing so, he was joining a growing chorus of voices of a a newer generation of Republican leaders, such as Senator Richard Nixon, Governor Walter J. Kohler Jr. of Wisconsin, and recently elected Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York. [FN2]
In many ways, however, the concerns of the party leaders were already being solved by leaders at the state level. Beginning in 1954, several state organizations, operating independently of one another, but in tandem, began working to mend the divides within the party left by schism between Dewey and MacArthur. In Ohio, the Conservative and Moderates united to run Charles Taft for his brother’s Senate seat and sent George Bender to the governor’s mansion. Likewise, in Wisconsin, conservatives, led by Tom Coleman, came to a truce with the state’s progressives, to elected Walter J. Kohler Jr. as governor. This example was repeated in Indiana in 1956, with the election of moderate George Craig, who rode a wave of popular support to the governor’s mansion following a series of bribery scandals which wracked the state. These three states, Wisconsin, Ohio and Indiana would determine the path of the GOP during the remainder of the 1950s.
…
Despite the panic felt by many national GOP leaders, the election of 1956 had not been a complete disaster. The overwhelming victory of Eisenhower had not been shared totally by those down ticket, as the President’s coat-tails had been weaker than in 1952. As a result, the Republicans had maintained a sizable minority in both the House and Senate. Furthermore, Knowland’s influence had not been entirely negative on the party; during the campaign, against the better judgment of his own advisors, Knowland had come out strongly in favor of Civil Rights reforms in the nation, most famously stating that “Hendricks v. Board of Education does not go nearly far enough,” and calling for full integration of schools across the nation. As a result, the Knowland/Taft ticket marked the first time since the election of FDR in 1932 that a Republican ticket gained a majority of African-American vote. Among those who commended Knowland for his stance was Senator Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota; a Democrat and Civil Rights supporter, who also was a friend of Thomas Dewey and Nelson Rockefeller. [FN3]
…
From Turmoil to Strength: Wisconsin Progressivism from 1946-1972
Robert Nesbit
[Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982]
In the election of 1956, the Republicans of Wisconsin continued to represent a united front against their Democratic opponents. Despite the divide between the Stalwarts and Progressives in the state, both factions remained united behind the candidacy of Governor Walter J. Kohler Jr. However, underneath this apparent calm, forces were at work which would shatter the tranquility of the state’s party.
Ironically, the collapse of Republican unity in the state was largely precipitated by the unity candidate himself, Walter J. Kohler Jr. Although he had been elected with the full support of Tom Coleman, one of the leading conservative leaders in the state, Kohler possessed a strong streak of independence. Prior to his election, Kohler and Coleman had enjoyed a strong relationship; Coleman had been a prominent figure in the election of Walter J. Kohler Sr. in 1928, and Kohler Jr. had always thought highly of him. Despite the fact that Coleman had opposed Kohler in his attempt for a Senate seat in 1948, the two had remained close.
However, relations began to sour shortly after Kohler’s election. Although Coleman had suggested Kohler as a compromise candidate, he had done so with the confidence that his candidate would favor Coleman’s own faction. Kohler, on the other hand, saw his pledge to govern from the center as an honored vow; he had long been a supporter of former President Thomas Dewey, and truly believed that the divisions between the Stalwarts and Progressives were harming the Party at the national and state level.
The breach between the two would remain unnoticed until the aftermath of the 1956 election. Kohler had been largely tepid upon the candidacy of Knowland. He understood that the field of candidates had been week, and he also approved of Knowland’s strong opposition to Communism abroad, and openly congratulated him on his brave stands against segregation. Despite this, Kohler was apprehensive about many of the economic policies expoused by Knowland during his campaign, and was even more deeply worried by many of the advisors which the candidate surrounded himself with.
Following the election, Kohler openly distanced himself from the more conservative elements of his own party, and aligned himself with the Dewey faction of the Republican Party. Although this still placed him to the Right of many Progressives, a fact which caused some conflict within their ranks, his stance was seen as utter anathema by Coleman and others. Despite this, Kohler remained popular throughout Wisconsin, and the far Right’s lashing out against the Governor only alienated them further from the mainstream; especially following the Eisenhower landslide.
This split between Kohler and Coleman forced the Governor to align closer with the Progressive faction in the state. Although this did not result in a strong shift in the Governor’s political positions, it did cause him to favor the Progressives in matters of political appointments throughout the state. It was not long before it many were whispering that Kohler was planning on running against Senator Doyle in 1958, and many on both sides began to discuss who would succeed the Kohler to the governor’s mansion. [FN4]
[FN1] I am counting 1932, 1936, 1952 and 1956 as the for times. In 1948, Dewey narrowly won, and, in 1942, Dewey did well enough not to be considered an utter blow out.
[FN2] Due to the election of Tom Dewey in 1948, the Democrats regain the governorship in New York in 1952 during the Eisenhower landslide. This leaves a Democratic incumbent as Governor in 1956, who Nelson Rockefeller defeats.
[FN3] Humphrey was actually a friend of Rockefeller in OTL and even Dewey once commented that “there is no more than 1 percent difference between the two of us” (paraphrasing somewhat). In this ATL he is quiet happy to favorably comment on Knowland’s civil rights stance, even if he disagrees with him on pretty much everything else.
[FN4] There was a split between Kohler and Coleman in OTL as well, for many of the save reasons. The earlier, so far unsuccessful, rise of the Conservatives, as well as the stronger presence of the Progressives in the party, have exacerbated the problems. Kohler, who always saw himself as more interested in national affairs, is going to jump at the Senate seat in ’58 (even in OTL, he was preparing to run against McCarthy in ’58. In the ATL, there is no McCarthy, and the Senate seat is held by a Democrat.) The very fact that the Kohler Jr., is finding himself closer aligned with the Progressives in rather ironic, considering his family history, and he well knows it.
Okay; so, I finally got the new update done. It was a bit of a hump in the story, unfortunately, but I think this still sets up the next few updates well. The next episode will deal with the '58 election, then we will look at the results of that election, then a pop culture update dealing with Rock'n'Roll and, finally, we get to the 1960 election and the end of the Eisenhower era (at long last!)
Hope you've all enjoyed this, and let me know your thoughts.
The Struggle for Relevance: The GOP from 1932-1988
By: Kermit Roosevelt, IV
[Boston, Harvard Publishing, 2000]
The defeat of former-Senator William Knowland in his quest to unseat President Eisenhower sent the Republican Party into a period of deep soul searching; for the fourth time since 1932, the Republican Party had been utterly vanquished at the polls by the Democrats. Although a defeat had long been assumed by all but the most fanatical of Knowland supporters, the sheer scale of it shocked many in the Republican establishment. [FN1]
The first instinct of many of those in power was to turn sharply against Knowland and his conservative supporters. For two elections in a row, conservatives had mounted an insurgency against the party regulars; first with the third-party candidacy of General Douglas MacArthur in 1952, and now with the failed candidacy of Knowland in 56. Of course, in making such claims, they failed to acknowledge that MacArthur’s candidacy had had the support of many prominent Republican leaders in the Congress, and that Knowland had gained the nomination largely due to a lack of interest of any serious candidate to contend with the immensely popular Eisenhower.
Whether the criticism was fair or not, the conservative elements of the Party were largely blamed for the Republicans failures during the first half of the 1950s. No less of figures than former President Dewey, who had remained largely silent following his defeat in 1952, lambasted the conservatives, and began openly calling for a modernizing of the Republican Party. In doing so, he was joining a growing chorus of voices of a a newer generation of Republican leaders, such as Senator Richard Nixon, Governor Walter J. Kohler Jr. of Wisconsin, and recently elected Governor Nelson Rockefeller of New York. [FN2]
In many ways, however, the concerns of the party leaders were already being solved by leaders at the state level. Beginning in 1954, several state organizations, operating independently of one another, but in tandem, began working to mend the divides within the party left by schism between Dewey and MacArthur. In Ohio, the Conservative and Moderates united to run Charles Taft for his brother’s Senate seat and sent George Bender to the governor’s mansion. Likewise, in Wisconsin, conservatives, led by Tom Coleman, came to a truce with the state’s progressives, to elected Walter J. Kohler Jr. as governor. This example was repeated in Indiana in 1956, with the election of moderate George Craig, who rode a wave of popular support to the governor’s mansion following a series of bribery scandals which wracked the state. These three states, Wisconsin, Ohio and Indiana would determine the path of the GOP during the remainder of the 1950s.
…
Despite the panic felt by many national GOP leaders, the election of 1956 had not been a complete disaster. The overwhelming victory of Eisenhower had not been shared totally by those down ticket, as the President’s coat-tails had been weaker than in 1952. As a result, the Republicans had maintained a sizable minority in both the House and Senate. Furthermore, Knowland’s influence had not been entirely negative on the party; during the campaign, against the better judgment of his own advisors, Knowland had come out strongly in favor of Civil Rights reforms in the nation, most famously stating that “Hendricks v. Board of Education does not go nearly far enough,” and calling for full integration of schools across the nation. As a result, the Knowland/Taft ticket marked the first time since the election of FDR in 1932 that a Republican ticket gained a majority of African-American vote. Among those who commended Knowland for his stance was Senator Hubert H. Humphrey of Minnesota; a Democrat and Civil Rights supporter, who also was a friend of Thomas Dewey and Nelson Rockefeller. [FN3]
…
From Turmoil to Strength: Wisconsin Progressivism from 1946-1972
Robert Nesbit
[Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982]
In the election of 1956, the Republicans of Wisconsin continued to represent a united front against their Democratic opponents. Despite the divide between the Stalwarts and Progressives in the state, both factions remained united behind the candidacy of Governor Walter J. Kohler Jr. However, underneath this apparent calm, forces were at work which would shatter the tranquility of the state’s party.
Ironically, the collapse of Republican unity in the state was largely precipitated by the unity candidate himself, Walter J. Kohler Jr. Although he had been elected with the full support of Tom Coleman, one of the leading conservative leaders in the state, Kohler possessed a strong streak of independence. Prior to his election, Kohler and Coleman had enjoyed a strong relationship; Coleman had been a prominent figure in the election of Walter J. Kohler Sr. in 1928, and Kohler Jr. had always thought highly of him. Despite the fact that Coleman had opposed Kohler in his attempt for a Senate seat in 1948, the two had remained close.
However, relations began to sour shortly after Kohler’s election. Although Coleman had suggested Kohler as a compromise candidate, he had done so with the confidence that his candidate would favor Coleman’s own faction. Kohler, on the other hand, saw his pledge to govern from the center as an honored vow; he had long been a supporter of former President Thomas Dewey, and truly believed that the divisions between the Stalwarts and Progressives were harming the Party at the national and state level.
The breach between the two would remain unnoticed until the aftermath of the 1956 election. Kohler had been largely tepid upon the candidacy of Knowland. He understood that the field of candidates had been week, and he also approved of Knowland’s strong opposition to Communism abroad, and openly congratulated him on his brave stands against segregation. Despite this, Kohler was apprehensive about many of the economic policies expoused by Knowland during his campaign, and was even more deeply worried by many of the advisors which the candidate surrounded himself with.
Following the election, Kohler openly distanced himself from the more conservative elements of his own party, and aligned himself with the Dewey faction of the Republican Party. Although this still placed him to the Right of many Progressives, a fact which caused some conflict within their ranks, his stance was seen as utter anathema by Coleman and others. Despite this, Kohler remained popular throughout Wisconsin, and the far Right’s lashing out against the Governor only alienated them further from the mainstream; especially following the Eisenhower landslide.
This split between Kohler and Coleman forced the Governor to align closer with the Progressive faction in the state. Although this did not result in a strong shift in the Governor’s political positions, it did cause him to favor the Progressives in matters of political appointments throughout the state. It was not long before it many were whispering that Kohler was planning on running against Senator Doyle in 1958, and many on both sides began to discuss who would succeed the Kohler to the governor’s mansion. [FN4]
[FN1] I am counting 1932, 1936, 1952 and 1956 as the for times. In 1948, Dewey narrowly won, and, in 1942, Dewey did well enough not to be considered an utter blow out.
[FN2] Due to the election of Tom Dewey in 1948, the Democrats regain the governorship in New York in 1952 during the Eisenhower landslide. This leaves a Democratic incumbent as Governor in 1956, who Nelson Rockefeller defeats.
[FN3] Humphrey was actually a friend of Rockefeller in OTL and even Dewey once commented that “there is no more than 1 percent difference between the two of us” (paraphrasing somewhat). In this ATL he is quiet happy to favorably comment on Knowland’s civil rights stance, even if he disagrees with him on pretty much everything else.
[FN4] There was a split between Kohler and Coleman in OTL as well, for many of the save reasons. The earlier, so far unsuccessful, rise of the Conservatives, as well as the stronger presence of the Progressives in the party, have exacerbated the problems. Kohler, who always saw himself as more interested in national affairs, is going to jump at the Senate seat in ’58 (even in OTL, he was preparing to run against McCarthy in ’58. In the ATL, there is no McCarthy, and the Senate seat is held by a Democrat.) The very fact that the Kohler Jr., is finding himself closer aligned with the Progressives in rather ironic, considering his family history, and he well knows it.
Okay; so, I finally got the new update done. It was a bit of a hump in the story, unfortunately, but I think this still sets up the next few updates well. The next episode will deal with the '58 election, then we will look at the results of that election, then a pop culture update dealing with Rock'n'Roll and, finally, we get to the 1960 election and the end of the Eisenhower era (at long last!)
Hope you've all enjoyed this, and let me know your thoughts.
I wouldn't say that Wisconsin is more Liberal in this ATL than in OTL; however, i would say that, by this point, they are somewhat better organized, and they don't have the huge obstacle to overcome that they are Democrats.
However, if the John Birch Society's move to Wisconsin stemmed from the state's association with McCarthy, then, yes, they won't be moving to Wisconsin. They would be more likely to move to Indiana or California.
I will be covering the 1958 congressional elections this weekend, and, hopefully, i will then get back on the right track with this TL and my writer's block will be gone!
Er, 1950 and 1954. I basically see Harriman winning in '50 and then losing to Rocky in '54.
The most likely is Orange County. Kansas and Texas are also possible, but Orange County is definitely the frontrunner. The Society was crazily popular here without being headquartered here.
Yes, 1950 and 54; good catch! (that was an emrabarrassing error!)
And, yes, I'd lean towards Orange County or Texas for the John Birch Society, after they make their eventual move from the East Coast.
I'm about two thirds of the way through then ext update, so expect it in the next few days. It is going to deal with the Wisconsin elections of 1958, as well as the nation elections of that same year, and some of the ramifications of that election. i hope you all will enjoy it (it also manages to introduce some major characters who will take strong positions on the nation stage throhgout the 1960s!)!
Chapter 24
“Of all of the elections which I have taken part in during my life, the election of 1948 stands out as one of the most important” – Former Congressman and Governor Gaylord Nelson
From Turmoil to Strength: Wisconsin Progressivism from 1946-1972
Robert Nesbit
[Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982]
…
As the state of Wisconsin moved into the mid-term election of 1958, several daunting tasks faced the state’s dominant Republican Party. With the party’s popular governor, Walter J. Kohler stepping down in order to run for the United States Senate seat then held by James Doyle, Sr., the Republican nomination for governor was open. This opening threatened to rip open the bitter divides within the party which had been nominally healed over the past four years. Furthermore, despite the weakness of Doyle’s own political party, the Senator remained a popular figure within the state, and a victory by Kohler was in no way assured.
By 1958 the Republican Party had become a deeply fractured institution in Wisconsin. Despite their continued success as the polls, except for the Democratic victory in 1952, the Republican’s victories had only undermined the strength of the party. In many ways, the election of 1946 had been the first harbinger of Republican disunity, when the Progressives had managed to reenter the party.
However, viewing the split between the Stalwarts and Progressives were not only division line within the party nor, in many ways, the most important. Most of the Stalwart leaders were the heads of old Wisconsin manufacturing companies; men such as Coleman, of course, but also Walter Harnischferger, Cyrus Philipp, and even Walter j. Kohler Jr. All of these men were leaders within their own industry, possessing unique ideals of organization, and unwilling to take a subservient role to one another.
Of the factions within the Stalwarts, the dominant remained that led by Thomas Coleman. However, throughout the 1950s, Coleman’s strength had waned in the face of his continued backing of losing candidates; in 1952 Coleman had emerged as a strong supporter of General Douglas MacArthur, and in 1956 he had campaigned hard for Senator William F. Knowland. These twin defeats had managed to undermine much of Coleman’s support within the state; not only did they hamper his leadership of the Stalwart faction of Republicans, they also managed to weaken the brand of conservativism which Coleman had supported within the state.
As a result of these defeats, other Stalwarts began to challenge Coleman for his leadership. Of these, the most important were Cyrus Phillipp and Robert L. Pierce. In 1956, even before the results of the Knowland candidacy could be known, these two Republican leaders from Milwaukee County began to make moves against Coleman. That year, the alliance between the two men, with the tactic support of Progressive leaders, was able to elect Pierce to the chairmanship of the state party. [FN1]
When compared to the Stalwart faction, the Progressives possessed a stronger sense o unity. Part of this stems from the fact that they were, initially, a marginalized minority within their own party; a fact which caused them to band together and to exploit the weaknesses of their Stalwart opponents. However, a greater reason stemmed from the creation of the independent Progressive meetings, which had originated under Governor Ralf Immell. Although not official conventions, they meetings gave Progressives a chance to meet and nominate a unified slate of candidates for the Republican primary elections. These meetings had grown more raucous in the years since Governor immell had left office, but remained one of the primary Progressive organizations throughout the 1950s.
…
Governor Kohler faced an easy road to capturing the Republican nomination for Senator in 1958. Despite his recent disagreements with Tom Coleman, Kohler emerged as the primary Stalwart candidate for the nomination, in part due to his statewide popularity, as well as his efforts to forge alliances with the Milwaukee organization of Phillipp and Pierce. Furthermore, despite some initial talk of fielding a Progressive candidate against him (former Senator Charles Madsen, and state-senator Fred Risser were mentioned as probable candidates), the Progressives eventually agreed to support Kohler for the nomination. The decision was based, at least in part, on Kohler’s own growing hostility of Coleman, but also on cold hard political fact.
Senator James Doyle, since his election in 1952 during the Eisenhower landslide, had proved to be a popular Senator throughout Wisconsin. Despite the perennial weakness of the Democratic Party itself, Doyle had carved out a position for himself in the United States Senate by being an outspoken critic of political corruption, the economic concerns of the Upper Midwest, and Wisconsin in particular. His independent stances had won him the deep respect and admiration of many Wisconsinites, and he remained a deeply popular figure within the state.
As long as Doyle served in the Senate, he was a potential threat to the Progressives, who viewed themselves as the primary liberal voice within the state. For years the Progressives had struggled to define themselves as the true liberals in the state, noting their pedigree as stemming from the LaFollette family, in comparison to the Democratic who they stressed were the heirs of the old Socialist Party and the New Deal. Although the Democrats had been soundly defeated in 1954, Doyle remained a potentially rallying point for the liberal vote in the state, and needed to be defeated at all costs.
Due to the needs of both of the Stalwarts and the Progressives, Walter j. Kohler Jr., sailed to an easy victory in the Republican primary. However, if any observers felt that this was a signal of Republican unity, they had only look at the struggle for the Republican nomination for Governor, and other gubernatorial positions, to dissuade them of such broad statements.
…
In 1958, the Progressives faced a real difficulty. For the past six years, the Progressives had rebuilt their organization within the state of Wisconsin, and strengthened it. Despite having no singular leader, such as they had had during the 1920s and 1930s, the Progressives had significant strides during the later 1940s and 1950s; they rebuilt their organization at the party level, which had been badly damaged following the independent Progressive Party’s defeats following 1936, but also had managed to create a functioning political machine; largely by focusing on elections to local state courts. During the Governorship of Walter J. Kohler, they had taken advantage of the neutral position of the governorship to gain important patronage positions for their supporters. [FN2]
By 1958, largely due to the factionalism between the Stalwart leaders, the Progressives had emerged as the strongest faction within the state’s Republican Party. Despite this, they had not held the governorship in six years, and their positions throughout the upper reaches of the state government remained tentative at best. As such, it was of the upmost importance to nominate a strong candidate for the Republican nomination for governor.
Initially, several candidates appeared to be willing to take on the mantel of the Progressive candidate for Governor, including Gaylord Nelson and Fred Risser. However, the most dynamic candidate was Clifford Krueger, known as “Tiny” by his friends and enemies alike. Krueger had been first elected to the state senate in 1946, on his second attempt to gain state office, for the 25th Senate district which contained the city of Merrill and Western Marathon County. Krueger was not the first member of his family to hold elected office; his father had served sheriff, as member of the Progressive Party, during the 1930s. At the time of his election, Krueger weighed an estimated 450 pounds, and, prior to his election, had served as a circus fat man. Krueger was to remain a lifelong fan of the circus, and would become an influential member of the Shriners in later life.
After coming to Madison as a state senator Krueger had carved out a reputation for himself as a moderate Progressive, often battling against what he viewed as the “socialist” ideas of other of his caucus, claiming they were “more in line with the Democratic Party, than the Republican and Progressive Parties.” He was a staunch opposer of the slightest hint of corruption, as well as a strong supporter of conservation, and the tourism which benefited his northern district. Despite his outspoken beliefs, Krueger also managed to build strong relationships with leaders of the Stalwart members of his own party, as well as Democrats. These positions helped him become elected as State Majority Leader in 1954; a position he would hold for the next four years.
Krueger had initially decided to seek the Progressive endorsement for Governor at the advice of his close friends and his wife. Beginning in 1957, mere months after the inauguration of Dwight D. Eisenhower for a second term, Krueger embarked on a statewide tour to introduce himself to voters who might not otherwise have been aware of his reputation, or only saw him as the majority Leader. In doing so, he focused mainly upon Milwaukee, at the expense of Madison, and built relationships with Republican leaders, such as Phillip and Pierce, who may not have shared his political orientation, but who were equally opposed to Coleman.
…
At the Progressive meeting in March of 1958, Krueger arrived with the second most delegates, beat only by Gaylord Nelson, whose support was large situated around Madison and southwest Wisconsin, and trailed by Fred Risser and Roland Kannenberg; the later of who had managed to convince several delegates to support him and to rise to prominence in the case of a deadlocked meeting.
Despite the initial lead by Nelson, Krueger quickly showed his greater strength in organization; on a series of procedural votes focused on creating Progressive suggestions for the Republican state platform, Krueger’s supporters voted as a bloc, which greatly increased his image of strength. As a result, Nelson’s support gradually began to give away and, by the third vote, Krueger was in a leading position. At this point, representatives of the two candidates met, and it was agreed that Nelson would throw his support behind Krueger in exchange for the nomination to Lt. Governor. This was quickly agreed o, and on the fourth ballot, Clifford Krueger, at the age of 40, was nominated by the Progressives as their sole candidate for Governor, while Gaylord Nelson was nominated as Lt. Governor.
…
The Stalwarts proved to be less organized than their Progressive opponents. Initially, Lt. Governor Warren P. Knowles was seen as the presumptive nominee to succeed Kohler. However, due to his own moderate stances, as well as his distance from Coleman, he quickly picked up a primary challenge in the name of Gerald Lorge, an ally of Coleman, who accused Knowles of being soft of Communist and “domestic socialism,” and gained an endorsement from former governor candidate Joseph McCarthy. The battle between Knowles and Lorge would provide even further stress to an already divided Stalwart faction.
This division would prove to be too much to overcome in the eventual primary. Although Knowland received 38 percent of the primary vote, to Lorge’s 10 percent, Krueger took 50 percent, while Kannenberg took only 2 percent. The result was much the same, as Progressives captured the nomination to Lt. Governor under Gaylord Nelson, and Attorney General for Jack B. Olson. This sweep proved the first time since 1930 that the Progressives had managed to take full control of the Republican Party.
The Progressive sweep proved a difficulty for the Stalwart Republicans. Previously when the Progressives had managed to take control of the party, such as in 1930, the Republicans had been able to look towards conservative Democrats to provide an acceptable candidate to vote for. However, by 1958, the Democrats had become utterly dominated by followers of the New Deal, and those many former Socialists. In 1958, for instance, Democrats had nominated Philleo Nash for Governor, hoping to cash in on Nash’s national reputation for serving under Roosevelt, Truman and Eisenhower.
It was Krueger who first sent an olive branch to the Stalwarts of the state. In a series of meetings, he outlined his proposals for the state, should he be elected as Governor. Many of these proposals stemmed from traditional ideas of Republican progressivism, including an expansion of the state park system, balancing the state’s budget, further restrictions against lobbying, and a thorough reorganization of the executive branch, with an eye on increasing efficiency and reducing waste. In doing so, Krueger won over support from the Stalwarts who might otherwise had opposed his nomination.
His efforts would do much to smooth over the ideological divide within the Republican Party. Krueger further solidified his own standing in the party by openly favoring the conservative faction of Phillipp and Pierce over that of Coleman. This effectively further reinforced the alliance-of-convenience between the Progressives and Milwaukee conservatives, which had begun under Governor Immell in 1948, and diminished the power of Coleman and his regulars within the party. [FN3]
…
With the results of the Republican primary, Walter J. Kohler Jr., emerged as the party’s candidate for United States Senator, and the Krueger/Nelson ticket sailed to victory to secure their nomination as Governor and Lt. Governor respectively. In winning, they were prepared to meet the Democratic ticket James Doyle for United States Senate, of former governor Thomas Fairchild, who was running again for his old position, and Robert Dean, the Senate minority leader from Wausau, as Lt. Governor.
…
In the end, the general election was largely anti-climatic. Despite the personal popularity of Doyle and Fairchild both, the Democratic ticket was crushed in 1958; a year which saw major Republican gains across the country. Although Doyle ran ahead of the Democratic ticket, he was still defeated 52 to 48 percent by Walter J. Kohler Jr. Fairchild’s defeat was even more stark; Krueger defeated his opponent 55 to 45 percent. Krueger awaited news of his victory at his former bar in his hometown of Merill; at the announcement of his victory, the bar broke into raucous cheers, and the crowd was treated to a round. Krueger was reported to have said “We’re back! The Progressives are back! They took us down in 38, but they couldn’t keep us down for good!” Whether he knew it or not, Krueger was set to become one of the most important political figures within the state of Wisconsin since his idol, Bob LaFollette Sr.
…
One of the first duties of Senate Walter J. Kohler Sr. was to cast his vote with the majority in electing Richard Nixon as Senate Majority leader.
Governor-elect Clifford Krueger meeting with Senator John McBride of Milwaukee - Krueger worked hard to build an alliance between the Progressives and the Milwaukee Republican organizations.
Senator Walter J. Kohler's official Senate portrait.
[FN1] in OTL, the divisions within the Republican Party were even worse. Having run the state, without serious competition, for nearly 20 years, the Republicans fell victim to the stresses and conflicts which often follow such success. In the ATL, the presence of the Progressives within the party, as well as the victory of the Democrats in 1952, have caused the Stalwarts to draw closer together. However, the rivalries still exist (especially between Milwaukee and the more rural parts of the state) and can bubble up from time to time.
[FN2] This same strategy of focusing on winning the courthouse elections was devised by the Democrats in OTL and was seen as one of the reasons that they were able to build a statewide organization and eventually take the governorship. In the ATL, the earlier victory by the Democrats actually short-circuits this strategy, as it does not seem necessary. The Progressives, however, who are stuck in a bitter battle for control of their party organization, do adopt it, and it helps give them a presence throughout the state.
[FN3] Coleman’s power in the state waned during this period in OTL as well. In the ATL, with his backing the losing horse twice in a row (MacArthur and Knowland), he’s even weaker. There are many Stalwarts who will be willing to throw their weight behind the Progressives if it means future promotions and a chance to pick away at Coleman; ideology be damned.
Hope you all enjoyed the show. Next, I hope to trn my attention towards Congress, and some of the important legislation the Republicans hope to pass, having finally come to power once again. But, no worries, Tiny Krueger will be showing up again in the near future; he will have quiet the 'large' impact upon the state!
“Of all of the elections which I have taken part in during my life, the election of 1948 stands out as one of the most important” – Former Congressman and Governor Gaylord Nelson
From Turmoil to Strength: Wisconsin Progressivism from 1946-1972
Robert Nesbit
[Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982]
…
As the state of Wisconsin moved into the mid-term election of 1958, several daunting tasks faced the state’s dominant Republican Party. With the party’s popular governor, Walter J. Kohler stepping down in order to run for the United States Senate seat then held by James Doyle, Sr., the Republican nomination for governor was open. This opening threatened to rip open the bitter divides within the party which had been nominally healed over the past four years. Furthermore, despite the weakness of Doyle’s own political party, the Senator remained a popular figure within the state, and a victory by Kohler was in no way assured.
By 1958 the Republican Party had become a deeply fractured institution in Wisconsin. Despite their continued success as the polls, except for the Democratic victory in 1952, the Republican’s victories had only undermined the strength of the party. In many ways, the election of 1946 had been the first harbinger of Republican disunity, when the Progressives had managed to reenter the party.
However, viewing the split between the Stalwarts and Progressives were not only division line within the party nor, in many ways, the most important. Most of the Stalwart leaders were the heads of old Wisconsin manufacturing companies; men such as Coleman, of course, but also Walter Harnischferger, Cyrus Philipp, and even Walter j. Kohler Jr. All of these men were leaders within their own industry, possessing unique ideals of organization, and unwilling to take a subservient role to one another.
Of the factions within the Stalwarts, the dominant remained that led by Thomas Coleman. However, throughout the 1950s, Coleman’s strength had waned in the face of his continued backing of losing candidates; in 1952 Coleman had emerged as a strong supporter of General Douglas MacArthur, and in 1956 he had campaigned hard for Senator William F. Knowland. These twin defeats had managed to undermine much of Coleman’s support within the state; not only did they hamper his leadership of the Stalwart faction of Republicans, they also managed to weaken the brand of conservativism which Coleman had supported within the state.
As a result of these defeats, other Stalwarts began to challenge Coleman for his leadership. Of these, the most important were Cyrus Phillipp and Robert L. Pierce. In 1956, even before the results of the Knowland candidacy could be known, these two Republican leaders from Milwaukee County began to make moves against Coleman. That year, the alliance between the two men, with the tactic support of Progressive leaders, was able to elect Pierce to the chairmanship of the state party. [FN1]
When compared to the Stalwart faction, the Progressives possessed a stronger sense o unity. Part of this stems from the fact that they were, initially, a marginalized minority within their own party; a fact which caused them to band together and to exploit the weaknesses of their Stalwart opponents. However, a greater reason stemmed from the creation of the independent Progressive meetings, which had originated under Governor Ralf Immell. Although not official conventions, they meetings gave Progressives a chance to meet and nominate a unified slate of candidates for the Republican primary elections. These meetings had grown more raucous in the years since Governor immell had left office, but remained one of the primary Progressive organizations throughout the 1950s.
…
Governor Kohler faced an easy road to capturing the Republican nomination for Senator in 1958. Despite his recent disagreements with Tom Coleman, Kohler emerged as the primary Stalwart candidate for the nomination, in part due to his statewide popularity, as well as his efforts to forge alliances with the Milwaukee organization of Phillipp and Pierce. Furthermore, despite some initial talk of fielding a Progressive candidate against him (former Senator Charles Madsen, and state-senator Fred Risser were mentioned as probable candidates), the Progressives eventually agreed to support Kohler for the nomination. The decision was based, at least in part, on Kohler’s own growing hostility of Coleman, but also on cold hard political fact.
Senator James Doyle, since his election in 1952 during the Eisenhower landslide, had proved to be a popular Senator throughout Wisconsin. Despite the perennial weakness of the Democratic Party itself, Doyle had carved out a position for himself in the United States Senate by being an outspoken critic of political corruption, the economic concerns of the Upper Midwest, and Wisconsin in particular. His independent stances had won him the deep respect and admiration of many Wisconsinites, and he remained a deeply popular figure within the state.
As long as Doyle served in the Senate, he was a potential threat to the Progressives, who viewed themselves as the primary liberal voice within the state. For years the Progressives had struggled to define themselves as the true liberals in the state, noting their pedigree as stemming from the LaFollette family, in comparison to the Democratic who they stressed were the heirs of the old Socialist Party and the New Deal. Although the Democrats had been soundly defeated in 1954, Doyle remained a potentially rallying point for the liberal vote in the state, and needed to be defeated at all costs.
Due to the needs of both of the Stalwarts and the Progressives, Walter j. Kohler Jr., sailed to an easy victory in the Republican primary. However, if any observers felt that this was a signal of Republican unity, they had only look at the struggle for the Republican nomination for Governor, and other gubernatorial positions, to dissuade them of such broad statements.
…
In 1958, the Progressives faced a real difficulty. For the past six years, the Progressives had rebuilt their organization within the state of Wisconsin, and strengthened it. Despite having no singular leader, such as they had had during the 1920s and 1930s, the Progressives had significant strides during the later 1940s and 1950s; they rebuilt their organization at the party level, which had been badly damaged following the independent Progressive Party’s defeats following 1936, but also had managed to create a functioning political machine; largely by focusing on elections to local state courts. During the Governorship of Walter J. Kohler, they had taken advantage of the neutral position of the governorship to gain important patronage positions for their supporters. [FN2]
By 1958, largely due to the factionalism between the Stalwart leaders, the Progressives had emerged as the strongest faction within the state’s Republican Party. Despite this, they had not held the governorship in six years, and their positions throughout the upper reaches of the state government remained tentative at best. As such, it was of the upmost importance to nominate a strong candidate for the Republican nomination for governor.
Initially, several candidates appeared to be willing to take on the mantel of the Progressive candidate for Governor, including Gaylord Nelson and Fred Risser. However, the most dynamic candidate was Clifford Krueger, known as “Tiny” by his friends and enemies alike. Krueger had been first elected to the state senate in 1946, on his second attempt to gain state office, for the 25th Senate district which contained the city of Merrill and Western Marathon County. Krueger was not the first member of his family to hold elected office; his father had served sheriff, as member of the Progressive Party, during the 1930s. At the time of his election, Krueger weighed an estimated 450 pounds, and, prior to his election, had served as a circus fat man. Krueger was to remain a lifelong fan of the circus, and would become an influential member of the Shriners in later life.
After coming to Madison as a state senator Krueger had carved out a reputation for himself as a moderate Progressive, often battling against what he viewed as the “socialist” ideas of other of his caucus, claiming they were “more in line with the Democratic Party, than the Republican and Progressive Parties.” He was a staunch opposer of the slightest hint of corruption, as well as a strong supporter of conservation, and the tourism which benefited his northern district. Despite his outspoken beliefs, Krueger also managed to build strong relationships with leaders of the Stalwart members of his own party, as well as Democrats. These positions helped him become elected as State Majority Leader in 1954; a position he would hold for the next four years.
Krueger had initially decided to seek the Progressive endorsement for Governor at the advice of his close friends and his wife. Beginning in 1957, mere months after the inauguration of Dwight D. Eisenhower for a second term, Krueger embarked on a statewide tour to introduce himself to voters who might not otherwise have been aware of his reputation, or only saw him as the majority Leader. In doing so, he focused mainly upon Milwaukee, at the expense of Madison, and built relationships with Republican leaders, such as Phillip and Pierce, who may not have shared his political orientation, but who were equally opposed to Coleman.
…
At the Progressive meeting in March of 1958, Krueger arrived with the second most delegates, beat only by Gaylord Nelson, whose support was large situated around Madison and southwest Wisconsin, and trailed by Fred Risser and Roland Kannenberg; the later of who had managed to convince several delegates to support him and to rise to prominence in the case of a deadlocked meeting.
Despite the initial lead by Nelson, Krueger quickly showed his greater strength in organization; on a series of procedural votes focused on creating Progressive suggestions for the Republican state platform, Krueger’s supporters voted as a bloc, which greatly increased his image of strength. As a result, Nelson’s support gradually began to give away and, by the third vote, Krueger was in a leading position. At this point, representatives of the two candidates met, and it was agreed that Nelson would throw his support behind Krueger in exchange for the nomination to Lt. Governor. This was quickly agreed o, and on the fourth ballot, Clifford Krueger, at the age of 40, was nominated by the Progressives as their sole candidate for Governor, while Gaylord Nelson was nominated as Lt. Governor.
…
The Stalwarts proved to be less organized than their Progressive opponents. Initially, Lt. Governor Warren P. Knowles was seen as the presumptive nominee to succeed Kohler. However, due to his own moderate stances, as well as his distance from Coleman, he quickly picked up a primary challenge in the name of Gerald Lorge, an ally of Coleman, who accused Knowles of being soft of Communist and “domestic socialism,” and gained an endorsement from former governor candidate Joseph McCarthy. The battle between Knowles and Lorge would provide even further stress to an already divided Stalwart faction.
This division would prove to be too much to overcome in the eventual primary. Although Knowland received 38 percent of the primary vote, to Lorge’s 10 percent, Krueger took 50 percent, while Kannenberg took only 2 percent. The result was much the same, as Progressives captured the nomination to Lt. Governor under Gaylord Nelson, and Attorney General for Jack B. Olson. This sweep proved the first time since 1930 that the Progressives had managed to take full control of the Republican Party.
The Progressive sweep proved a difficulty for the Stalwart Republicans. Previously when the Progressives had managed to take control of the party, such as in 1930, the Republicans had been able to look towards conservative Democrats to provide an acceptable candidate to vote for. However, by 1958, the Democrats had become utterly dominated by followers of the New Deal, and those many former Socialists. In 1958, for instance, Democrats had nominated Philleo Nash for Governor, hoping to cash in on Nash’s national reputation for serving under Roosevelt, Truman and Eisenhower.
It was Krueger who first sent an olive branch to the Stalwarts of the state. In a series of meetings, he outlined his proposals for the state, should he be elected as Governor. Many of these proposals stemmed from traditional ideas of Republican progressivism, including an expansion of the state park system, balancing the state’s budget, further restrictions against lobbying, and a thorough reorganization of the executive branch, with an eye on increasing efficiency and reducing waste. In doing so, Krueger won over support from the Stalwarts who might otherwise had opposed his nomination.
His efforts would do much to smooth over the ideological divide within the Republican Party. Krueger further solidified his own standing in the party by openly favoring the conservative faction of Phillipp and Pierce over that of Coleman. This effectively further reinforced the alliance-of-convenience between the Progressives and Milwaukee conservatives, which had begun under Governor Immell in 1948, and diminished the power of Coleman and his regulars within the party. [FN3]
…
With the results of the Republican primary, Walter J. Kohler Jr., emerged as the party’s candidate for United States Senator, and the Krueger/Nelson ticket sailed to victory to secure their nomination as Governor and Lt. Governor respectively. In winning, they were prepared to meet the Democratic ticket James Doyle for United States Senate, of former governor Thomas Fairchild, who was running again for his old position, and Robert Dean, the Senate minority leader from Wausau, as Lt. Governor.
…
In the end, the general election was largely anti-climatic. Despite the personal popularity of Doyle and Fairchild both, the Democratic ticket was crushed in 1958; a year which saw major Republican gains across the country. Although Doyle ran ahead of the Democratic ticket, he was still defeated 52 to 48 percent by Walter J. Kohler Jr. Fairchild’s defeat was even more stark; Krueger defeated his opponent 55 to 45 percent. Krueger awaited news of his victory at his former bar in his hometown of Merill; at the announcement of his victory, the bar broke into raucous cheers, and the crowd was treated to a round. Krueger was reported to have said “We’re back! The Progressives are back! They took us down in 38, but they couldn’t keep us down for good!” Whether he knew it or not, Krueger was set to become one of the most important political figures within the state of Wisconsin since his idol, Bob LaFollette Sr.
…
One of the first duties of Senate Walter J. Kohler Sr. was to cast his vote with the majority in electing Richard Nixon as Senate Majority leader.
Governor-elect Clifford Krueger meeting with Senator John McBride of Milwaukee - Krueger worked hard to build an alliance between the Progressives and the Milwaukee Republican organizations.
Senator Walter J. Kohler's official Senate portrait.
[FN1] in OTL, the divisions within the Republican Party were even worse. Having run the state, without serious competition, for nearly 20 years, the Republicans fell victim to the stresses and conflicts which often follow such success. In the ATL, the presence of the Progressives within the party, as well as the victory of the Democrats in 1952, have caused the Stalwarts to draw closer together. However, the rivalries still exist (especially between Milwaukee and the more rural parts of the state) and can bubble up from time to time.
[FN2] This same strategy of focusing on winning the courthouse elections was devised by the Democrats in OTL and was seen as one of the reasons that they were able to build a statewide organization and eventually take the governorship. In the ATL, the earlier victory by the Democrats actually short-circuits this strategy, as it does not seem necessary. The Progressives, however, who are stuck in a bitter battle for control of their party organization, do adopt it, and it helps give them a presence throughout the state.
[FN3] Coleman’s power in the state waned during this period in OTL as well. In the ATL, with his backing the losing horse twice in a row (MacArthur and Knowland), he’s even weaker. There are many Stalwarts who will be willing to throw their weight behind the Progressives if it means future promotions and a chance to pick away at Coleman; ideology be damned.
Hope you all enjoyed the show. Next, I hope to trn my attention towards Congress, and some of the important legislation the Republicans hope to pass, having finally come to power once again. But, no worries, Tiny Krueger will be showing up again in the near future; he will have quiet the 'large' impact upon the state!
I figre that Nixon remains a fairly partisan figure; but not so much that he isn't able to reach across the aisle to get things done. He does have a good relationship with RFK and any other centrist Democrats. Personally, I believe that Nixon's extended time in the Senate (as opposed to the frustration of being VP for eight years), as well as the death of jFK have tempered Nixon somewhat in the ATL. He still has the same burning drive and ambition, but he's somewhat more mellow than in OTL (if mellow is the correct term).