I have little respect for Barry Goldwater as a person and I disagree with him on 90% of issues, but even I think this is pretty damn awesome of him.
The New Order: Last Days of Europe - An Axis Victory Cold War Mod for HoIIV
- Thread starter Lonely Knightess
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Hey, thanks! Out of curiosity, what did you like? I'm interested to know what worked about this concept.
well i just like them becuse they are full of detail and i like the the later one the most since thye are much more detailed and i like it a lot i hope you do more non russia stuff
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Aaaaaand here's the other scene idea I promised for today. The explanation for this and the previous one will have to wait until tomorrow. I recognize the potential similarity to a recent IRL event and just want to note that I put this scene together way, way before it happened and that the narrative of this fictional scene should in no way be seen as a statement on, or comparison to, that recent event. I have absolutely no intention of bringing political discussion out of Chat and would prefer consideration of this cinematic idea be limited to the context of its depiction of the pre-game start event and its thematic/trope relevance to the corresponding playable in-game factions.
Red Baikal:
A group of NKVD officers work at desks in a semi-austere office. A few discuss a chart with the faces of various dissident targets considered for potential arrest. Some are factory workers, others are local government and militia, and a few are only teenagers. Most look exhausted in their photos. Of all of them, the only ones photographed committing acts of obvious sedition are a saboteur who has long since fled to Kansk and a party official caught using his security detachment to settle petty personal feuds and “disappear” his rivals for power. Below his photo, depicting him standing beside a frozen lake as soldiers dump a pair of corpses into a hole in the ice, a note is scribbled denoting the tyrant’s party rank and stellar production quotas. He will never face judgement for his actions; he’s too useful and he knows it. The officers freely smoke cigarettes and display appropriated luxury goods on their desks.
We follow an officer who leaves the office space to walk down an adjoining hallway where only half of the lamps still work. He opens a side door and leans inside on one foot to speak with a senior officer. This commander stands over two chairs. One holds a man who is nearly unconscious, the signs of hours of beatings apparent on his arms, face, and torn clothes. The other chair is recently emptied and still drips blood onto the floor below. The commander nonchalantly returns the greeting then turns back to the dissident to wake him up for more. The officer leans back and shuts the door, unswayed by this everyday interaction, and proceeds upstairs to the radio room. He enters and offers a similar greeting to the communications operator, but is surprised to find him intently inscribing an urgent communication. He tears off his headset, shouts something we do not hear to the officer, and wildly gestures out the window. The camera moves to the edge of the square room and faces inward to focus on the two men’s faces as they peer out the window. They squint and the operator starts to point while the officer’s eyes widen and he sprints from the room back down the stairs.
We hear “The Battle is Going Again” start to play as he rushes down to hall, shouting and banging on the doors, and reenters the office space. He exclaims again to get his coworkers’ attention and motions toward the radio room he came from. The jaws of the officers around the chartboard drop collectively and the officer lifts another from his desk to help him try and push over the steel shelf by the door. It is laden with the records of tens of thousands of folders, making it too heavy for the two. As another joins them to pull the case from the opposite end, papers on innumerable surveillance targets spill out from the shelfs. They almost knock the shelf on its side when the entrance doors burst open to reveal a sea of riotous citizens. They press forward, pushing the shelf backwards and some start to squeeze under it into the office space. The officers by the shelf try to push the shelf back over the door but can’t stop the tide. The first of the trespassers notice them and they wrestle over control of the shelf while others rush the officers at the chart, their mouths still hanging open. The analysts are both tackled by a muscled Buryat woodcutter and the officer still desperately pushing the shelf is sucker-punched by a girl half his size. As he falls back, so does the shelf and more from the crowd outside enter the enlarged gap into the building.
The chorus section of the song plays. Workers, students, farmers, and even a few in uniform flow into the room to challenge the secret police who emerged from the hallway, armed with batons and rifles, and the commander who brandishes a rusty Tokarev pistol. The newcomers run forward as the security forces bludgeon them, pressing them against the walls with sheer numbers. The commander methodically fires, dropping a rebel with each shot, but he too is overrun by the enraged group and pulled to the ground. A pair of students break through the chaos and climb the stairs while their comrades hold the NKVD back. The finale of the song begins to play. The first, a bespeckled female student, seizes control of the idle radio and speaks excitedly into the receiver, announcing to Valery Sablin that the people have heeded his call. Her partner, a bruised but optimistic rail worker, opens the window and climbs out, the camera following him to reveal thousands of citizens surrounding the security station. He pulls himself up onto the roof and unfurls a flag of the Buryat ASSR to the jubilation of the crowd.
Previous part here. Next part here.
Red Baikal:
A group of NKVD officers work at desks in a semi-austere office. A few discuss a chart with the faces of various dissident targets considered for potential arrest. Some are factory workers, others are local government and militia, and a few are only teenagers. Most look exhausted in their photos. Of all of them, the only ones photographed committing acts of obvious sedition are a saboteur who has long since fled to Kansk and a party official caught using his security detachment to settle petty personal feuds and “disappear” his rivals for power. Below his photo, depicting him standing beside a frozen lake as soldiers dump a pair of corpses into a hole in the ice, a note is scribbled denoting the tyrant’s party rank and stellar production quotas. He will never face judgement for his actions; he’s too useful and he knows it. The officers freely smoke cigarettes and display appropriated luxury goods on their desks.
We follow an officer who leaves the office space to walk down an adjoining hallway where only half of the lamps still work. He opens a side door and leans inside on one foot to speak with a senior officer. This commander stands over two chairs. One holds a man who is nearly unconscious, the signs of hours of beatings apparent on his arms, face, and torn clothes. The other chair is recently emptied and still drips blood onto the floor below. The commander nonchalantly returns the greeting then turns back to the dissident to wake him up for more. The officer leans back and shuts the door, unswayed by this everyday interaction, and proceeds upstairs to the radio room. He enters and offers a similar greeting to the communications operator, but is surprised to find him intently inscribing an urgent communication. He tears off his headset, shouts something we do not hear to the officer, and wildly gestures out the window. The camera moves to the edge of the square room and faces inward to focus on the two men’s faces as they peer out the window. They squint and the operator starts to point while the officer’s eyes widen and he sprints from the room back down the stairs.
We hear “The Battle is Going Again” start to play as he rushes down to hall, shouting and banging on the doors, and reenters the office space. He exclaims again to get his coworkers’ attention and motions toward the radio room he came from. The jaws of the officers around the chartboard drop collectively and the officer lifts another from his desk to help him try and push over the steel shelf by the door. It is laden with the records of tens of thousands of folders, making it too heavy for the two. As another joins them to pull the case from the opposite end, papers on innumerable surveillance targets spill out from the shelfs. They almost knock the shelf on its side when the entrance doors burst open to reveal a sea of riotous citizens. They press forward, pushing the shelf backwards and some start to squeeze under it into the office space. The officers by the shelf try to push the shelf back over the door but can’t stop the tide. The first of the trespassers notice them and they wrestle over control of the shelf while others rush the officers at the chart, their mouths still hanging open. The analysts are both tackled by a muscled Buryat woodcutter and the officer still desperately pushing the shelf is sucker-punched by a girl half his size. As he falls back, so does the shelf and more from the crowd outside enter the enlarged gap into the building.
The chorus section of the song plays. Workers, students, farmers, and even a few in uniform flow into the room to challenge the secret police who emerged from the hallway, armed with batons and rifles, and the commander who brandishes a rusty Tokarev pistol. The newcomers run forward as the security forces bludgeon them, pressing them against the walls with sheer numbers. The commander methodically fires, dropping a rebel with each shot, but he too is overrun by the enraged group and pulled to the ground. A pair of students break through the chaos and climb the stairs while their comrades hold the NKVD back. The finale of the song begins to play. The first, a bespeckled female student, seizes control of the idle radio and speaks excitedly into the receiver, announcing to Valery Sablin that the people have heeded his call. Her partner, a bruised but optimistic rail worker, opens the window and climbs out, the camera following him to reveal thousands of citizens surrounding the security station. He pulls himself up onto the roof and unfurls a flag of the Buryat ASSR to the jubilation of the crowd.
Previous part here. Next part here.
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I think you're underrating Kemerovo. They can very easily get Spartan Discipline and Yuriy and Lydia both can turn the economy into a powerhouse even discounting the Siberian Plan. Frankly I think anyone with the Siberian Plan (assuming this is from a player's perspective) should be in top tier; it's such a broken spirit.
Edit: this was before seeing your later post.
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Also, I find it ironic Hyperborea has such grandiose plans to invade Germany and Palestine as "Aryan homelands", Japan to subjugate "Asiatic sub-humans", and America to defeat the "Jewish citadel" when they are amongst the weakest variations on a reunited Russia out there.
I really enjoy those cinematic opening and closing scenes you're discussing. They sound like the kind of things you'd find if TNO was a full, standalone game and not a HoI4 mod.
Would the name for the WRRF intro (inc. Ukhta and Plesetsk) be "Red Flag, White Sea" ?
Maybe the next part could be reunification videos for Novosibirsk, the United States of Russia, and the PRC?
Honestly, I think this doesn't fit with real Yemyelanov at all. He could harbor very extremist and bad ideology, but he was cunning enough to get himself actually a position of power in USSR (while he despised Marxism), so I think that at regional he could pull sth like Omsk and pretend to just be a despot. And overall Hyperborea should be like Serov - both terrible and terryfing path.
Theoretically Hyperborea could reach Palestine since there are no nuclear power in the way... I wonder if the dev will allow them to do it. Perhaps include Goering esque time mechanic where it is auto defeat if enemy are not defeated in that time limit.
I don't think Oktan will even get the chance to retake Moscowien because:
Doesnt Russia collapse after Otkan because he plans to sell the nuclear arsenal of Russia off and flee to Switzerland with all the money?
I can't see how they can stack up to Stalina or Kharms, who are flawed but are merely providing iron in a democratic context. In particular, Stalina is relentlessly anti-extremist in her AuthDem path but nevertheless maintains the democratic system of Komi and has the option to do a number of significant economic and social reforms. That's not to say that Petlin or Zykov are necessarily bad, but they are hobbled by emerging from and being collaborators with authoritarian and fascist systems, so I can't see how they could rank above the more autocthonic AuthDems.
Petlin however is a geniune Democratic Reformer, seeking to abandon Fascism entirely, wanting to take advice from the United States and seeing them as a role model for democracy.
That being said, I would like to see an event for peaceful reunification between Petlin and Zykov.
That being said, I would like to see an event for peaceful reunification between Petlin and Zykov.
Petlin is only better since he's not in fact a autdem, he's a Conservative who is classified as autdem until he can democratize further
The same is also valid for Zykov, he's a social democrat, he only doesn't goes further since the army won't allow him to do that, and he is way more minority friendly than many democratic leaders of Russia, alltough I confess not have played as Kharms yet
Zykov is not a socdem by any standard, the vibe I got from playing his path was that he was establishing democracy to cement his power.
The difference is Samara is a Military Junta, whereas Magadan is led by a Party.
For Petlin, he is able to control the party, therefore cement his power and allow for a smooth transition to Democracy.
Zykov meanwhile, even though he is in power, he is pressured by rival military officers. And typically Military Juntas are filled with contesting factions.
For Petlin, he is able to control the party, therefore cement his power and allow for a smooth transition to Democracy.
Zykov meanwhile, even though he is in power, he is pressured by rival military officers. And typically Military Juntas are filled with contesting factions.
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