The Mare Nostrum doctrine: an alternate Italian Empire

Capitulum V: Sardinian Morocco
Capitulum V: Sardinian Morocco

The Sardinian Protectorate in Morocco (Italian: Protettorato Sardo del Marocco; Arabic: محمية سردينيا بالمغرب, romanized: Mahmiat Srdynya Bialmaghrib), also known as Sardinian Morocco (Italian: Marocco Sardo), was a colonial regime imposed by Sardinia in the Sherifian Empire. The protectorate was officially established September 10, 1844, when Sultan Abd al-Rahman of Morocco signed the Treaty of Fes, though the Sardinian military occupation of Morocco had begun with the First Moroccan War in 1837.

The Sardinian Protectorate shared territory with the French protectorate, established the same year; its borders consisted of the area of Morocco south of the Atlas mountains.

Various farmer's banks formed in the region, with many bankers coming from the Aosta region. Some of them previously had rebelled against the central Sardinian government, refusing to work with non-French individuals. The government largely ignored this question, and it paid off as the banks slowly but steadily opened their fronteers to Morocco.

Tangiers was the preferred sector for Sardinian colonization, while Fès-Meknès and Rabat-Salé-Kénitra were still largely under the controll of Moroccan guerrilla who opposed Sardinian rule over Morocco. Tangiers become the center of Sardinian trade outside of the Mediterranean, and the most developed city in the protectorate. All cities acquired during the First Moroccan-Sardinian war were handed over the protectorate government. Various Sardinian companies were invited on Morocco to develop the region, and competition was somewhat intense. Colonial progress was promoted as best as possible, with Sardinian welcoming not only Sardinians in the new protectorate, but also other Italians.

It also become a site of frequent alchol consumption. After Sardinia decided to limitate the use of alchol in its country on September 04 1837, Morocco had become a site of Lasse Faire policy regarding alcohol consumption, as it was used as a method to further invite colonists in the region.

While right from the bat Sardinia welcomed various colonists in the Moroccan protectorate, it would not be until May 02 1845 that Moroccan citizens could enter Sardinian soil freely. And, while welcoming many Italian companies in the region, it did not allow for foreign companies to enter the protectorate, in fear that the great powers could gain a monopoly of their own protectorate. Only the French were welcomed outside of their portion of the protectorate. The government had also a strong saying in the economy of the region, as it was quite inverventionist regarding the economy.

The agriculture sector was improved, in order to turn Morocco in some sort of granary. Chaouia, Gharb, and Hawz become site of major cereal plantations, despite the fact that the regions were often affected by droughts and were barely controlled by the Sardinians. Many Moroccan couldn't compete with Sardinian privileged farmers, and many went to the cities searching for jobs.


The Ufficio di Estrazione del Fosforo (UEF) was created in 1852 to mine phosphates out of Khouribga, which was connected to the Port of Casablanca by a direct rail line. In 1853, 39,000 tons of phosphate were extracted, while almost 2 million tons were extracted in 1862. The Moroccan laborers working in the mines benefited from no social protections, were forbidden from unionizing, and earned a tiny fraction of what Europeans earned.

Industry during the early period of the protectorate on focused food processing for local consumption: there were canneries, a sugar refinery, a brewing company and flourmills. Manufacturing and heavy industry, however, were not embraced as they were desperately needed in Sardinia and Piedmont.

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Capitulum VI: Sardinia's ideological evolution, Part 1
Capitulum VI: Sardinia's ideological evolution, Part 1

Territories were not the sole thing that increased during the kingdom of Sardinia's attempt to expand into the Mediterranean and unite Italy. Various ideological thoughts developed in this period, mostly from refugees that wanted to escape their oppressive Hapsbourg dominated territories. We shall look at these that developed from 1836 to 1845:

-Positivism: Positivism is a philosophical theory which states that "genuine" knowledge (knowledge of anything which is not true by definition) is exclusively derived from experience of natural phenomena and their properties and relations. Thus, information derived from sensory experience, as interpreted through reason and logic, forms the exclusive source of all certain knowledge. Positivism therefore holds that all genuine knowledge is a posteriori knowledge. Verified data (positive facts) received from the senses are known as empirical evidence; thus positivism is based on empiricism.

Positivism also holds that society, like the physical world, operates according to general laws. Introspective and intuitive knowledge is rejected, as are metaphysics and theology because metaphysical and theological claims cannot be verified by sense experience. Although the positivist approach has been a recurrent theme in the history of western thought, the modern approach was formulated by the philosopher Auguste Comte in the early 19th century. Comte argued that, much as the physical world operates according to gravity and other absolute laws, so does society.

Positivism asserts that all authentic knowledge allows verification and that all authentic knowledge assumes that the only valid knowledge is scientific. Thinkers such as Henri de Saint-Simon (1760–1825), Pierre-Simon Laplace (1749–1827) and Auguste Comte (1798–1857) believed the scientific method, the circular dependence of theory and observation, must replace metaphysics in the history of thought.[citation needed] Émile Durkheim (1858–1917) reformulated sociological positivism as a foundation of social research.

Wilhelm Dilthey (1833–1911), in contrast, fought strenuously against the assumption that only explanations derived from science are valid. He reprised the argument, already found in Vico, that scientific explanations do not reach the inner nature of phenomena and it is humanistic knowledge that gives us insight into thoughts, feelings and desires. Dilthey was in part influenced by the historicism of Leopold von Ranke (1795–1886).

A connection between modernity and positivism developed in Sardinia with its first philosopher, Carlo Cattaneo.

Born in Milan, son of Melchiorre, a goldsmith who came from Val Brembana, and of Maria Antonia Sangiorgio, Carlo spent most of his childhood dividing himself between Milanese city life and long and frequent stays in Casorate, where he was often a guest of old relatives. It was during these stays that, taking advantage of the library of his great-uncle Giacomo Antonio, a country priest, Cattaneo became passionate about reading, especially the classics.

His love for classical literature led him to undertake studies in the seminaries of Lecco first and then Monza, which should have led him to an ecclesiastical career, but already at the age of seventeen, he left the seminary to continue his training at the Sant 'Alessandro in Milan and later at the high school of Porta Nuova where he graduated in 1820. His cultural and intellectual training was shaped, during his higher studies, by masters such as Giambattista De Cristoforis and Giovanni Gherardini, who opened the doors of the world to him Milanese intellectual. Thanks to these new opportunities, in addition to his passion for classical studies, Cattaneo began to nurture interests of a scientific and historical nature.


Carlo Cattaneo in his younger years

During this period the readings at the Brera Library and the contact with his paternal cousin Gaetano Cattaneo were fundamental for his intellectual formation, who, in addition to being director of the numismatic cabinet, was also an important exponent of the early Milanese intellectual world. century. Another key point for the formative path of Cattaneo's interests was the assiduous attendance of the Ambrosiana Library, thanks to his maternal kinship with the prefect Pietro Cighera, and the personal library of his paternal uncle Antonio Cattaneo, pharmacist and chemistry scholar.

In December 1820, the Municipal Congregation of Milan hired him as a teacher of Latin grammar and then of human sciences in the municipal gymnasium of Santa Marta where he remained for fifteen years. In this same period he began to deepen his acquaintances with the Milanese intellectuals, becoming part of the circle of Vincenzo Monti and his daughter Costanza, of these same years are his friendships with Stefano Franscini and Giuseppe Montani. After starting to attend the law lessons held by Gian Domenico Romagnosi in his private school, he soon became a friend and pupil. In 1824 he graduated in Law from the University of Pavia with full marks.

Its first publication, given to the press and appeared in the Anthology, dates back to 1822, it is a review of Romagnosi's First Assumption of the Science of Natural Law. Between 1823 and 1824 he was absent numerous times from his teaching post due to illness, probably due to severe rheumatism. Between 1824 and 1826 he published his translations from German of popular historical and geographical works, the result of a government commission. During this period he collaborated with his friend Stefano Franscini for the translation of Heinrich Zschokke's History of Switzerland for the Swiss People, but which was only published in 1829.

In 1825 his father died and his elder brother Filippo, the eldest son, succeeded him in the goldsmith's shop. In this same year Cattaneo meets Anna Woodcock, a young Anglo-Saxon with whom he will begin to establish an ever deeper relationship.

On July 08 1838, because of possible Austrian suspects of Cattaneo's collaboration with the Carboneria, he was forced to move into Sardinia, where he become the father of positivism not only in Sardinia, but also in Italy.

-Functionalism: Functional psychology or functionalism refers to a psychological school of thought that was a direct outgrowth of Darwinian thinking which focuses attention on the utility and purpose of behavior that has been modified over years of human existence. Functionalism denies the principle of introspection, which tends to investigate the inner workings of human thinking rather than understanding the biological processes of the human consciousness.

While functionalism eventually became its own formal school, it built on structuralism's concern for the anatomy of the mind and led to greater concern over the functions of the mind and later to the psychological approach of behaviorism.

This movement has misterious origins in Sardinia, but is believed to have reached the small kingdom on 08 September 1841

-Idealism: In philosophy, idealism is a diverse group of metaphysical views which all assert that "reality" is in some way indistinguishable or inseparable from human perception and/or understanding, that it is in some sense mentally constituted, or that it is otherwise closely connected to ideas. In contemporary scholarship, traditional idealist views are generally divided into two groups. Subjective idealism takes as its starting point that objects only exist to the extent that they are perceived by someone. Objective idealism posits the existence of an objective consciousness which exists before and, in some sense, independently of human consciousness, thereby bringing about the existence of objects independently of human minds. In the early modern period, George Berkeley was often considered the paradigmatic idealist, as he asserted that the essence of objects is to be perceived. By contrast, Immanuel Kant, a pioneer of modern idealist thought, held that his version of idealism does “not concern the existence of things”, but asserts only that our “modes of representation” of them, above all space and time, are not “determinations that belong to things in themselves” but essential features of our own minds. Kant called this position “transcendental idealism” (or sometimes “critical idealism"), holding that the objects of experience relied for their existence on the mind, and that the way that things in themselves are outside of our experience cannot be thought without applying the categories which structure all of our experiences. However, since Kant's view affirms the existence of some things independently of experience (namely, "things in themselves"), it is very different from the more traditional idealism of Berkeley.

Epistemologically, idealism is accompanied by skepticism about the possibility of knowing any mind-independent thing. In its ontological commitments, idealism goes further, asserting that all entities rely for their existence on the mind. Ontological idealism thus rejects both physicalist and dualist views as failing to ascribe ontological priority to the mind. In contrast to materialism, idealism asserts the primacy of consciousness as the origin and prerequisite of phenomena. Idealism holds consciousness or mind to be the "origin" of the material world – in the sense that it is a necessary condition for our positing of a material world – and it aims to explain the existing world according to these principles. The earliest extant arguments that the world of experience is grounded in the mental derive from India and Greece. The Hindu idealists in India and the Greek neoplatonists gave panentheistic arguments for an all-pervading consciousness as the ground or true nature of reality. In contrast, the Yogācāra school, which arose within Mahayana Buddhism in India in the 4th century CE, based its "mind-only" idealism to a greater extent on phenomenological analyses of personal experience. This turn toward the subjective anticipated empiricists such as George Berkeley, who revived idealism in 18th-century Europe by employing skeptical arguments against materialism. Beginning with Immanuel Kant, German idealists such as Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel, Johann Gottlieb Fichte, Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling, and Arthur Schopenhauer dominated 19th-century philosophy. This tradition, which emphasized the mental or "ideal" character of all phenomena, gave birth to idealistic and subjectivist schools ranging from British idealism to phenomenalism to existentialism.

Phenomenology, an influential strain of philosophy since the beginning of the 20th century, also draws on the lessons of idealism. In his Being and Time, Martin Heidegger famously states: "If the term idealism amounts to the recognition that being can never be explained through beings, but, on the contrary, always is the transcendental in its relation to any beings, then the only right possibility of philosophical problematics lies with idealism. In that case, Aristotle was no less an idealist than Kant. If idealism means a reduction of all beings to a subject or a consciousness, distinguished by staying undetermined in its own being, and ultimately is characterised negatively as 'non-thingly', then this idealism is no less methodically naive than the most coarse-grained realism." Idealism as a philosophy came under heavy attack in the West at the turn of the 20th century. The most influential critics of both epistemological and ontological idealism were G. E. Moore and Bertrand Russell, but its critics also included the new realists. According to Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, the attacks by Moore and Russell were so influential that even more than 100 years later "any acknowledgment of idealistic tendencies is viewed in the English-speaking world with reservation". However, many aspects and paradigms of idealism did still have a large influence on subsequent philosophy.

Sardinian idealism was a branch of the Italian Idealism, born from interest in the German one and particularly in Hegelian doctrine. Representative of this doctrine were Augusto Vera, Francesco de Sanctis and Bertrando Spaventa.

August Vera was born in Amelia in the province of Terni. He was educated in Rome and Paris, and, after teaching classics for some years in Geneva, held chairs of philosophy in various colleges in France. He was a philosophy teacher at the Lycée Victor-Duruy (Mont-de-Marsan) and subsequently was professor in Strasbourg and in Paris. Then he moved to Piedmont in Sardinia, meeting with other members of the ideological thought.

Francesco de Sanctis was born in the southern Italian town of Morra Irpina (renamed Morra De Sanctis in his honor in 1937) to a family of middle-class landowners. His father was a doctor in law and his two paternal uncles, one a priest and the other a medic, were exiled for having participated in the Carbonari Uprisings of 1820-1821. After completing his high school studies in nearby Naples, he was educated at the Italian language institute in Naples founded by Marquis Basilio Puoti (1782-1847). Because of his "correlation" with the Carbonari, he was forced to move into Sardinia, where he was the first to call the small kingdom the "little tiger of the Mediterranea (La piccola tigre del Mediterraneo)".

Bertrando Spaventa
Elder brother of Italian patriot Silvio Spaventa, Bertrando was born into a middle-class family in financial difficulty. His mother, Maria Anna Croce, was the great-aunt of philosopher Benedetto Croce.

He was educated at the Diocesan Seminary in Chieti and ordained there. In 1838 he moved, along with his brother, to Montecassino to take up the post of teacher of mathematics and rhetoric at the local seminary. In 1840 he went to Naples to continue his education. By learning German and English, he became one of the first Italian thinkers of the period to read the works of foreign philosophers in the original. He moved in liberal circles and became close to thinkers like Ottavio Colecchi (in Italian) and Antonio Tari (in Italian), set up his own philosophy school and also helped edit Il Nazionale, the newspaper founded and edited by his brother, Silvio. Due to the oppressive Sicilian regime, he too was forced to move into the relatively more liberal Kingdom of Sardinia.

-Rationalism: In philosophy, rationalism is the epistemological view that "regards reason as the chief source and test of knowledge" or "any view appealing to reason as a source of knowledge or justification". More formally, rationalism is defined as a methodology or a theory "in which the criterion of the truth is not sensory but intellectual and deductive".

In an old controversy, rationalism was opposed to empiricism, where the rationalists believed that reality has an intrinsically logical structure. Because of this, the rationalists argued that certain truths exist and that the intellect can directly grasp these truths. That is to say, rationalists asserted that certain rational principles exist in logic, mathematics, ethics, and metaphysics that are so fundamentally true that denying them causes one to fall into contradiction. The rationalists had such a high confidence in reason that empirical proof and physical evidence were regarded as unnecessary to ascertain certain truths – in other words, "there are significant ways in which our concepts and knowledge are gained independently of sense experience".

Different degrees of emphasis on this method or theory lead to a range of rationalist standpoints, from the moderate position "that reason has precedence over other ways of acquiring knowledge" to the more extreme position that reason is "the unique path to knowledge". Given a pre-modern understanding of reason, rationalism is identical to philosophy, the Socratic life of inquiry, or the zetetic (skeptical) clear interpretation of authority (open to the underlying or essential cause of things as they appear to our sense of certainty). In recent decades, Leo Strauss sought to revive "Classical Political Rationalism" as a discipline that understands the task of reasoning, not as foundational, but as maieutic.

In the 17th-century Dutch Republic, the rise of early modern rationalism – as a highly systematic school of philosophy in its own right for the first time in history – exerted an immense and profound influence on modern Western thought in general, with the birth of two influential rationalistic philosophical systems of Descartes (who spent most of his adult life and wrote all his major work in the United Provinces of the Netherlands) and Spinoza–namely Cartesianism and Spinozism. It was the 17th-century arch-rationalists like Descartes, Spinoza and Leibniz who have given the "Age of Reason" its name and place in history.

In politics, rationalism, since the Enlightenment, historically emphasized a "politics of reason" centered upon rational choice, utilitarianism, secularism, and irreligion – the latter aspect's antitheism was later softened by the adoption of pluralistic reasoning methods practicable regardless of religious or irreligious ideology. In this regard, the philosopher John Cottingham noted how rationalism, a methodology, became socially conflated with atheism, a worldview:

In the past, particularly in the 17th and 18th centuries, the term 'rationalist' was often used to refer to free thinkers of an anti-clerical and anti-religious outlook, and for a time the word acquired a distinctly pejorative force (thus in 1670 Sanderson spoke disparagingly of 'a mere rationalist, that is to say in plain English an atheist of the late edition...'). The use of the label 'rationalist' to characterize a world outlook which has no place for the supernatural is becoming less popular today; terms like 'humanist' or 'materialist' seem largely to have taken its place. But the old usage still survives. Rationalism origins in Sardinia are largely unknown, but it played an important role further on, becoming even an architure style.

-Neo-Kantianism: In late modern continental philosophy, neo-Kantianism (German: Neukantianismus) was a revival of the 18th-century philosophy of Immanuel Kant. More specifically, it was influenced by Arthur Schopenhauer's critique of the Kantian philosophy in his work The World as Will and Representation (1818), as well as by other post-Kantian philosophers such as Jakob Friedrich Fries and Johann Friedrich Herbart. Having originated in Germany, it managed to creep into several of the Italian states, including Sardinia.

-Civil religion: Civil religion, also referred to as a civic religion, is the implicit religious values of a nation, as expressed through public rituals, symbols (such as the national flag), and ceremonies on sacred days and at sacred places (such as monuments, battlefields, or national cemeteries). It is distinct from churches, although church officials and ceremonies are sometimes incorporated into the practice of civil religion. It begun to develop in Sardinia in 1845, when Britain was still a threat to the small kingdom of Sardinia and during the creation of the Senato Subalpino.

-Secularization: In sociology, secularization (or secularisation) is the transformation of a society from close identification with religious values and institutions toward nonreligious values and secular institutions. The secularization thesis expresses the idea that as societies progress, particularly through modernization and rationalization, religious authority diminishes in all aspects of social life and governance. As a second meaning, the term "secularization" may also occur in the context of the lifting of monastic restrictions from a member of the clergy.

Secularization, in the main, sociological meaning of the term, involves the historical process in which religion loses social and cultural significance. As a result of secularization the role of religion in modern societies becomes restricted. In secularized societies faith lacks cultural authority, and religious organizations have little social power.

Secularization has many levels of meaning, both as a theory and as a historical process. Social theorists such as Karl Marx (1818–1883), Sigmund Freud (1856–1939), Max Weber (1864–1920), and Émile Durkheim (1858–1917) postulated that the modernization of society would include a decline in levels of religiosity. Study of this process seeks to determine the manner in which, or extent to which religious creeds, practices and institutions are losing social significance. Some theorists argue that the secularization of modern civilization partly results from our inability to adapt broad ethical and spiritual needs of mankind to the increasingly fast advance of the physical sciences.

In contrast to the "modernization" thesis, Christian Smith and others argue that intellectual and cultural élites promote secularization to enhance their own status and influence. Smith believes that intellectuals have an inherent tendency to be hostile to their native cultures, causing them to embrace secularism.

The term "secularization" also has additional meanings, primarily historical and religious. Applied to church property, historically it refers to the seizure of church lands and buildings, such as Henry VIII's 16th-century dissolution of the monasteries in England and the later acts during the 18th-century French Revolution, as well as by various anti-clerical enlightened absolutist European governments during the 18th and 19th centuries, which resulted in the expulsion and suppression of the religious communities which occupied them. The 19th-century Kulturkampf in Germany and Switzerland and similar events in many other countries also were expressions of secularization.

Still another form of secularization refers to the act of Prince-Bishops or holders of a position in a Monastic or Military Order - holding a combined religious and secular authority under the Catholic Church - who broke away and made themselves into completely secular (typically, Protestant) hereditary rulers. For example, Gotthard Kettler (1517–1587), the last Master of the Livonian Order, converted to Lutheranism, secularised (and took to himself) the lands of Semigallia and Courland which he had held on behalf of the order - which enabled him to marry and leave to his descendants the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia. At the moment still weak in Sardinia, the King himself partially supported it in order to limit the power of the church.

While these new ideologies would shape Sardinia as the dominant power of the Mediterranean and the "motherland" of Italy, it also caused an increase of liberal activities in the small kingdom, with some arguing why a king was needed in the first place. Their wonders would not be satisfied, because to this day, the monarchy hasn't fallen yet.

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Capitulum VII Sardina and the Finns
Capitulum VII Sardina and the Finns

During the Sardinian-Greek war, the main supporter of Greece was the United Kingdom, which was starting to tolerate poorly the little tiger of the Mediterranean. Many British naval bases were based there, including Gibraltar and Malta. However, there was also another big supporter of the Greek cause, the Russian empire. Russia had always played the role of a third Rome, while also promoting orthodoxy, while also defending it. It was also their way to expand, and Greece could easily be a way to have a client state in the Mediterranean. Russia sent equipment and supplies to the Greeks during the conflicts, with the Sardinians being powerless to react.

France herself was concerned regarding this move, as it feared that the British and Russians may ally again, and the French did not forget the Russian winter. However, while a direct action could possibly backfire, Carlo Alberto made a proposal to Louis Philippe I: doing the same thing the Russians were doing. Which meant supporting various rebel groups within the empire. France decided to support further Polish uprisings, while Sardina contacted Giuseppe Garibaldi, who was making a name for himself in South America, requesting him to move to the Grand Duchy of Finland and support rebel groups in the region.

The Grand Duchy of Finland (Finnish: Suomen suuriruhtinaskunta; Swedish: Storfurstendömet Finland; Russian: Великое княжество Финляндское, Velikoye knyazhestvo Finlyandskoye; literally meaning Grand Principality of Finland) was the predecessor state of modern Finland.

An extended Southwest Finland was made a titular grand principality in 1581, when King Johan III of Sweden, who as a prince had been the Duke of Finland (1556–1561/63), extended the list of subsidiary titles of the Kings of Sweden considerably. The new title Grand Prince of Finland did not result in any Finnish autonomy, as Finland was an integrated part of the Kingdom of Sweden with full parliamentary representation for its counties. During the next two centuries, the title was used by some of Johan's successors on the throne, but not all. Usually, it was just a subsidiary title of the King, used only on very formal occasions. However, in 1802, as an indication of his resolve to keep Finland within Sweden in the face of increased Russian pressure, King Gustav IV Adolf gave the title to his new-born son, Prince Carl Gustaf, who died three years later.

During the Finnish War between Sweden and Russia, the four Estates of occupied Finland were assembled at the Diet of Porvoo on 29 March 1809 to pledge allegiance to Tsar Alexander I of Russia, who in return guaranteed that the area's laws and liberties, as well as religion, would be left unchanged. Following the Swedish defeat in the war and the signing of the Treaty of Fredrikshamn on 17 September 1809, Finland became a true autonomous grand principality within the autocratic Russian Empire; but the usual balance of power between monarch and diet resting on taxation was not in place, since the Emperor could rely on the rest of his vast Empire. The title "Grand Prince of Finland" was added to the long list of titles of the Russian Tsar.

After his return to Finland in 1812, the Finnish-born Gustaf Mauritz Armfelt became counsellor to the Russian Emperor. Armfelt was instrumental in securing the Grand Principality as an entity with relatively greater autonomy within the Russian realm, and restoring the so-called Old Finland that had been lost to Russia in the Treaty of Nystad in 1721.

The formation of the Grand Principality, often known in English as the Grand Duchy, stems from the Treaty of Tilsit between Tsar Alexander I of Russia and Emperor Napoléon I of the French. The treaty mediated peace between Russia and France and allied the two countries against Napoléon's remaining threats: the United Kingdom and Sweden. Russia invaded Finland in February 1808, claimed as an effort to impose military sanctions against Sweden, but not a war of conquest, and that Russia decided to only temporarily control Finland. Collectively, the Finnish were predominately Anti-Russian, and Finnish guerillas and peasant uprisings were a large obstacles for the Russians, forcing Russia to use various tactics to quash armed Finnish rebellion. Thus, in the beginning of the war, General roda Voysk Friedrich Wilhelm Graf von Buxhoeveden, with permission of the Tsar, issued an oath of fealty on Finland, in which Russia would honour Finland's Lutheran faith, the Finnish Diet, and the Finnish estates as long as the Finns would remain loyal to the Russian Imperial Crown. The oath also dubbed anyone person who gave aid to the Swedish or Finnish armies a rebel.

The Finns complied, bitter over Sweden abandoning the country for their war against Denmark and France, and begrudgingly embraced Russian conquest. The Diet of Finland was now to only meet whenever requested, and was never mentioned in the manifesto published by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Further on, Alexander I requested a deputation of the four Finnish estates, as he expressed concern over continued Finnish resistance. The deputation refused to act without the Diet, to which Alexander agreed with, and promised the Diet would shortly be summoned. By 1809, all of Finland had been conquered and The Diet was summoned in March. Finland was then united through Russia via crown, and Finland was able to keep the majority of its own laws, giving it autonomy.

The earlier years of the Grand Principality can be seen as uneventful. In 1812, the area of Old Finland, known as the Viipuri Province, was returned to Finland after being annexed by Russia in the Great Northern War and the Russo-Swedish War (1741–1743). This surprising action by the Tsar was met with anger from certain parts of the Russian government and aristocracy, who wished to either return to the previous border or annex the communities west of St. Petersburg. The gesture can be seen as Alexander's concern for Finland and his attempts of appeasement of the Finns, in attempts to gain their loyalty which would come from passive appeasement, compared to the vigorous Russification later in the nineteenth-century. Moreover, Alexander moved the capital from Turku to Helsinki, a small fortified town protected by Suomenlinna. Finland's main university also transferred to Helsinki after a fire broke out in Turku, destroying most of the building.

Despite promises of a Finnish Diet, the Diet was not called to meet until 1863 and many new laws going through the legislature were laws that would have required the approval of the Diet while under Swedish rule. Alexander went a step further to demand a Finnish House of Nobles, which organised in 1818. The house was designed to register all noble families in Finland so that the highest Finnish estate would be representative of the next Finnish Diet. As for Sweden, the majority did not think too much about Finland's conquest, as Sweden itself annexed Norway from Denmark in 1814 and entered a personal union with the nation. Whether or not Alexander purposely ignored the existence of the Diet is debatable, with notable factors such as the fall of Napoléon and the creation of the Holy Alliance, newfound religious mysticism of the Russian crown, and the negative experience with the Polish Sejm. Despite this, Alexander I ceased to give in to Finnish affairs and returned to governing Russia.


Central Helsinki in 1820

In 1823, Count Arseny Zakrevsky was made Governor-General of Finland and quickly became unpopular among both Finns and Swedes alike. Zakrevsky abolished the Committee for Finnish Affairs and managed to obtain the right to submit Finnish affairs to the Russian Emperor, bypassing the Finnish Secretary of State. Two years later, Alexander I died ( 1 December [O.S. 19 November] 1825). Zakrevsky seized the opportunity to require Finland to swear an oath of fealty which would refer to the Emperor as the absolute ruler of Finland - expecting that Emperor would be Constantine, Alexander's next-eldest brother. However, Nicholas, younger brother of Constantine and Alexander, became Emperor despite the Decembrist revolt against him in December 1825. Nicholas assured Finland's secretary of state, Robert Henrik Rehbinder, that he (Nicholas) would continue to uphold Alexander's liberal policies regarding Finland.

In 1830 Europe became a hotbed of revolution and reform as a result of the July Revolution in France. Poland, another Russian client state, saw a massive uprising against Saint Petersburg during the November Uprising of 1830-1831. Finland made no such move, as Russia had already won over Finnish loyalty. Thus, Russia continued its policies respecting Finnish autonomy and the quiet assimilation of the Finns into the empire. Zakrevsky died in 1831; Knyaz Alexander Sergeyevich Menshikov succeeded him as Governor-General of Finland and continued Finnish appeasement. The appeasement of the Finns could be seen as a prototype of the later Russification, as educated Finns moved to Russia in mass, seeking jobs within the Imperial Court to rise within Russian imperial society. The Russian language was studied excitedly as well, with more Finns seeking to learn Russian language, politics, culture, and to assimilate into Russian society. Even though Nicholas had no intentions on doing this, his inner office, specifically Nicholas's Interior Minister, Lev Perovski (in office: 1841-1852), advocated for Count Zakrevsky's ideas and further pushed the ideas of subtle Russification during the 1840s.

However, Finland did experience a nationalistic revolution in the 1830s - one based around literature. This marked the beginning of the Fennoman movement, a nationalistic movement that would operate in Finland until its independence. In 1831, the Finnish Literary Society was founded, which formed on the basis of appreciation of the Finnish language. Finnish was not represented as language of the scholarly elite, as most printed academic works, novels, and poetry was written in either Swedish or Russian. Copying the German reading rage, Lesewut, and subsequent Swedish mania, Finland entered the reading craze by the 1830s. This fad peaked in 1835 with the publication of The Kalevala, the Finnish epic. The Kalevala's influence on Finland was massive, and strengthened Finnish nationalism and unity, despite the epic being poetry or stories about Finnish folklore. The quest for literature expanded into the 1840s and 1850s and caught the eye of the Finnish church and the Russian crown. Finnish newspapers, such as Maamiehen Ystävä (The Farmer's Friend), began publication in both urban and rural areas of Finland. However, the Swedish academic elite, the church, and the Russian government opposed Finland's literature movement.

Giuseppe Garibaldi, an hero in South America, was invited by the Sardinian government to operate similat tactics he performed in the Uruguayan Civil War in Finland, as it seemed like Russia was beginning to perform oppressive measures in Finland. In exchange, he would be welcomed back in Sardinia and all of her allies, no question asked, and could even become a general in the Sardinian army. Carlo Alberto himself was secretely preparing for a war against the Austrians, but he just needed time. Garibaldi accepted, and believed that his idea of an united and democratic Italy was in his grasp. He arrived in Genoa first, gained some volunteers, then moved in secret to Finland, with the support of some French ships. Some French voluteers joined his ranks. His next moves of operations were to gain support by the local Finnish population, then he was to move on the attack.

In 1846, the Finns in Helsinki, incited by Garibaldi and his men, launched an anti-Russian campaign as early as 1 January. On New Year's Day the Finns started to boycott various Russian products. The boycott culminated in a bloody street battle on 3 January, when Russian soldiers, in batches of three, were being insulted and pelted with stones by an angry crowd. The soldiers then gathered together in groups of a dozen and charged the crowd with swords and bayonets, killing five and wounding another 59. Alexander Menshikov confined his troops to barracks for five days. On 18 March 1846, the population of Helsinki launched an uprising which, guided by the expert Italian general, managed to conquer a major part of the city, and a provisional government was formed in the region. Various other regions in Finland rised against the Russians, but they had far less success and, now isolated, Garibaldi was forced to retreat alongside a good chunck of his redshirts. Helsinki was recaptured by the Russians, Finland autonomy was reduced, but at the same time the various actions of Garibaldi had forced the Russians to wirdraw their support to Greece. It was also the beginning of Italy friendly relations with the Finns. In the aftermath of the Great War, years later, Italy herself made it clear that Finland was to gain independence from the Russians as part of the peace treaty.

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I have a question regarding Garibaldi's role. OTL he went to South America as an exile, and when he got back in 1848 got little to know recognition from the Sardinian government for his endeavours in South America (where, if I remember correctly, there was a half-attempted plan to kill him which was half-endorsed by the Sardinian ambassador in Rio de Janeiro). So, question is, why ITTL the Sardinian government uses him as a resource? And why does Garibaldi accept?
I have a question regarding Garibaldi's role. OTL he went to South America as an exile, and when he got back in 1848 got little to know recognition from the Sardinian government for his endeavours in South America (where, if I remember correctly, there was a half-attempted plan to kill him which was half-endorsed by the Sardinian ambassador in Rio de Janeiro). So, question is, why ITTL the Sardinian government uses him as a resource? And why does Garibaldi accept?
Well, ITTL Sardinia is even more keen in uniting Italy and dominating the Mediterranean, not necessarily out of nationalism or anything, but just to protect herself ( Sardinia IS in the middle of the Med after all), and to do so it must take all possibilities. Like allying with France. Getting a n experienced general with experience in guerrilla on its side. As for why Garibaldi accepted, it’s because Sardinia is the closest thing he can get to a democratic Italy. While all other Italian states are absolute monarchies at this point, Sardinia has become a semi-constitutional monarchy. Slowly and steadily, the king is not as powerful as before. So for accomplishing his dream, I’m sure he’s willing to collaborate. Beside, this guy really liked fighting for freedom, so I think that he could go into a mission into Finland.
Well, ITTL Sardinia is even more keen in uniting Italy and dominating the Mediterranean, not necessarily out of nationalism or anything, but just to protect herself ( Sardinia IS in the middle of the Med after all), and to do so it must take all possibilities. Like allying with France. Getting a n experienced general with experience in guerrilla on its side. As for why Garibaldi accepted, it’s because Sardinia is the closest thing he can get to a democratic Italy. While all other Italian states are absolute monarchies at this point, Sardinia has become a semi-constitutional monarchy. Slowly and steadily, the king is not as powerful as before. So for accomplishing his dream, I’m sure he’s willing to collaborate. Beside, this guy really liked fighting for freedom, so I think that he could go into a mission into Finland.
I see. I can totally see him go to Finland. After all, he was the only "French" (!) general to take a Prussian flag in 1870). Of course, in hindsight it makes perfectly sense for the Sardinians to use Garibaldi (far away from the main theatre, kinda like OTL 1866 war), I just was not sure about them to see this "while things were happening". I also guess that a practical man like him could accept a semi-constitutional monarchy as a compromise. Thanks for your answer!
Capitulum VIII: Sardinia's ideological evolution, Part 2
Capitulum VIII: Sardinia's ideological evolution, Part 2

As Sardinia continued to evolve as a nation, various other ideologies arrived in what some considered at the time the most liberal nation in the Italian peninsula.

-Absolute Idealism: Absolute idealism is an ontologically monistic philosophy chiefly associated with G. W. F. Hegel and Friedrich Schelling, both of whom were German idealist philosophers in the 19th century. The label has also been attached to others such as Josiah Royce, an American philosopher who was greatly influenced by Hegel's work, and the British idealists. A form of idealism, absolute idealism is Hegel's account of how being is ultimately comprehensible as an all-inclusive whole (das Absolute). Hegel asserted that in order for the thinking subject (human reason or consciousness) to be able to know its object (the world) at all, there must be in some sense an identity of thought and being. Otherwise, the subject would never have access to the object and we would have no certainty about any of our knowledge of the world. To account for the differences between thought and being, however, as well as the richness and diversity of each, the unity of thought and being cannot be expressed as the abstract identity "A=A". Absolute idealism is the attempt to demonstrate this unity using a new "speculative" philosophical method, which requires new concepts and rules of logic. According to Hegel, the absolute ground of being is essentially a dynamic, historical process of necessity that unfolds by itself in the form of increasingly complex forms of being and of consciousness, ultimately giving rise to all the diversity in the world and in the concepts with which we think and make sense of the world.[citation needed]

The absolute idealist position dominated philosophy in nineteenth-century England and Germany, while exerting significantly less influence in the United States. The absolute idealist position should be distinguished from the subjective idealism of Berkeley, the transcendental idealism of Kant, or the post-Kantian transcendental idealism (also known as critical idealism) of Fichte and of the early Schelling. It arrived in Sardina on November 1845.

-Existentialism: Existentialism (/ˌɛɡzɪˈstɛnʃəlɪzəm/ or /ˌɛksəˈstɛntʃəˌlɪzəm/) is a form of philosophical inquiry that explores the problem of human existence and centers on the lived experience of the thinking, feeling, acting individual. In the view of the existentialist, the individual's starting point has been called "the existential angst" (or, variably, existential attitude, dread, etc.), or a sense of disorientation, confusion, or anxiety in the face of an apparently meaningless or absurd world.

Existentialism is associated with several 19th- and 20th-century European philosophers who shared an emphasis on the human subject, despite profound doctrinal differences. Many existentialists regarded traditional systematic or academic philosophies, in style and content, as too abstract and remote from concrete human experience. A primary virtue in existentialist thought is authenticity.[10] Søren Kierkegaard is generally considered to have been the first existentialist philosopher, though he did not use the term existentialism. He proposed that each individual—not society or religion—is solely responsible for giving meaning to life and living it passionately and sincerely, or "authentically". It arrived in Sardinia on April 1846.

-Collectivism: Collectivism is a value that is characterized by emphasis on cohesiveness among individuals and prioritization of the group over the self. Individuals or groups that subscribe to a collectivist worldview tend to find common values and goals as particularly salient and demonstrate greater orientation toward in-group than toward out-group. The term "in-group" is thought to be more diffusely defined for collectivist individuals to include societal units ranging from the nuclear family to a religious or racial/ethnic group. It developed in Sardinia on October 1846, at a time when social justice was born in the small kingdom.

-Traditionalism: Tradizionalism, also referred to as classical conservatism, traditional conservatism or traditionalism, is a political and social philosophy emphasizing the need for the principles of a transcendent moral order, manifested through certain natural laws to which society ought to conform in a prudent manner. Overlapping with Toryism, traditionalist conservatism is a conservatism based on the political philosophies of Aristotle and Edmund Burke. Traditionalists emphasize the bonds of social order and the defense of ancestral institutions over what it considers excessive individualism.

Traditionalist conservatism places a strong emphasis on the notions of custom, convention and tradition. Theoretical reason is derided over and is considered against practical reason. The state is also seen as a communal enterprise with spiritual and organic qualities. Traditionalists believe that any change is not the result of intentional reasoned thought but flows naturally out of the traditions of the community. Leadership, authority and hierarchy are seen as natural products. Traditionalism developed throughout 18th-century Europe, particularly as a response to the disorder of the English Civil War and the radicalism of the French Revolution. In the middle of the 20th century, traditionalist conservatism started to organize itself in earnest as an intellectual and political force. It reached Sardinia on June 1847.

-Social conciousness: It is the psycho-social sphere of life and of the historical process which includes moral, religious, legal, economic, political, aesthetic, art, science, social intentions, customs, traditions, etc. Social consciousness goes hand in hand with the processes of inter-individual communication, which arise from the development of interaction and reciprocal influences between human beings.

In its complex structure, the generational level and the action of large social groups and micro-groups should be emphasized. Social consciousness has a complex relationship with culture, and acquires tribal, local, national, regional and international characteristics. His way of expressing himself is different in the vertical and horizontal structures.

The forms of social conscience concern morality, religion, art, science, philosophy, legal and political conscience. One of the cases of expression of social conscience is social or public opinion. The humanist attitude is a historical form of social conscience which is developing in different cultures and which manifests itself clearly in a specific humanist moment. It reached Sardinia on July 1848.

-Religious Separatism: The term religious separatism indicates a modality of relationship between State and religion which provides for the non-recognition of religious confessions by the State even if they remain legal systems and cannot be governed in any way; confessions have no juridical power over citizens.

In this case, the ecclesiastical authorities cannot issue acts in a civil system (as in the case of a canonical marriage that produces civil effects if transcribed or in the case of a sentence of an ecclesiastical court). It developed in Sardinia on October 1853.

-Egalitarianism: Egalitarianism (from French égal 'equal'), or equalitarianism, is a school of thought within political philosophy that builds from the concept of social equality, prioritizing it for all people. Egalitarian doctrines are generally characterized by the idea that all humans are equal in fundamental worth or moral status. Egalitarianism is the doctrine that all citizens of a state should be accorded exactly equal rights.

The term egalitarianism has two distinct definitions in modern English, either as a political doctrine that all people should be treated as equals and have the same political, economic, social and civil rights, or as a social philosophy advocating the removal of economic inequalities among people, economic egalitarianism, or the decentralization of power. Some sources define egalitarianism as equality reflecting the natural state of humanity. It reached Sardinia on November 1853.

-Political Science: Political science, occasionally called politology, is a discipline of social science which deals with systems of governance, and the analysis of political activities, political thoughts, associated constitutions and political behavior.

Political science comprises numerous subfields, including comparative politics, political economy, international relations, political theory, public administration, public policy, and political methodology. Furthermore, political science is related to, and draws upon, the fields of economics, law, sociology, history, philosophy, human geography, journalism, political anthropology, and social policy.

Comparative politics is the science of comparison and teaching of different types of constitutions, political actors, legislature and associated fields, all of them from an intrastate perspective. International relations deals with the interaction between nation-states as well as intergovernmental and transnational organizations. Political theory is more concerned with contributions of various classical and contemporary thinkers and philosophers.

Political science is methodologically diverse and appropriates many methods originating in psychology, social research and cognitive neuroscience. Approaches include positivism, interpretivism, rational choice theory, behaviouralism, structuralism, post-structuralism, realism, institutionalism, and pluralism. Political science, as one of the social sciences, uses methods and techniques that relate to the kinds of inquiries sought: primary sources, such as historical documents and official records, secondary sources such as scholarly journal articles, survey research, statistical analysis, case studies, experimental research, and model building. It reached Sardinia on September 1854.

-Romanticism: Romanticism (also known as the Romantic era) was an artistic, literary, musical and intellectual movement that originated in Europe towards the end of the 18th century, and in most areas was at its peak in the approximate period from 1800 to 1850. Romanticism was characterized by its emphasis on emotion and individualism as well as glorification of all the past and nature, preferring the medieval rather than the classical. It was partly a reaction to the Industrial Revolution, the aristocratic social and political norms of the Age of Enlightenment, and the scientific rationalization of nature—all components of modernity. It was embodied most strongly in the visual arts, music, and literature, but had a major impact on historiography, education, chess, social sciences, and the natural sciences. It had a significant and complex effect on politics, with romantic thinkers influencing liberalism, radicalism, conservatism, and nationalism.

The movement emphasized intense emotion as an authentic source of aesthetic experience, placing new emphasis on such emotions as apprehension, horror and terror, and awe—especially that experienced in confronting the new aesthetic categories of the sublimity and beauty of nature. It elevated folk art and ancient custom to something noble, but also spontaneity as a desirable characteristic (as in the musical impromptu). In contrast to the Rationalism and Classicism of the Enlightenment, Romanticism revived medievalism and elements of art and narrative perceived as authentically medieval in an attempt to escape population growth, early urban sprawl, and industrialism.

Although the movement was rooted in the German Sturm und Drang movement, which preferred intuition and emotion to the rationalism of the Enlightenment, the events and ideologies of the French Revolution were also proximate factors. Romanticism assigned a high value to the achievements of "heroic" individualists and artists, whose examples, it maintained, would raise the quality of society. It also promoted the individual imagination as a critical authority allowed of freedom from classical notions of form in art. There was a strong recourse to historical and natural inevitability, a Zeitgeist, in the representation of its ideas. In the second half of the 19th century, Realism was offered as a polar opposite to Romanticism. The decline of Romanticism during this time was associated with multiple processes, including social and political changes and the spread of nationalism. It arrived in Sardinia on July 1855, and it's best represented by Alessandro Manzoni.


Portrait of Alessandro Manzoni by Francesco Hayez

Manzoni was born in Milan, Italy, on 7 March 1785. Pietro, his father, aged about fifty, belonged to an old family of Lecco, originally feudal lords of Barzio, in the Valsassina. The poet's maternal grandfather, Cesare Beccaria, was a well-known author and philosopher, and his mother Giulia had literary talent as well. The young Alessandro spent his first two years in cascina Costa in Galbiate and he was wet-nursed by Caterina Panzeri, as attested by a memorial tablet affixed in the place. In 1792 his parents broke their marriage and his mother began a relationship with the writer Carlo Imbonati, moving to England and later to Paris. For this reason, Alessandro was brought up in several religious institutes.

Manzoni was a slow developer, and at the various colleges he attended he was considered a dunce. At fifteen, however, he developed a passion for poetry and wrote two sonnets of considerable merit. Upon the death of his father in 1807, he joined the freethinking household of his mother at Auteuil, and spent two years mixing with the literary set of the so-called "ideologues", philosophers of the 18th-century school, among whom he made many friends, notably Claude Charles Fauriel. There too he imbibed the anti-Catholic creed of Voltairianism.

In 1806–1807, while at Auteuil, he first appeared before the public as a poet, with two works, one entitled Urania, in the classical style, of which he became later the most conspicuous adversary, the other an elegy in blank verse, on the death of Count Carlo Imbonati, from whom, through his mother, he inherited considerable property, including the villa of Brusuglio, thenceforward his principal residence.

In 1808, Manzoni married Henriette Blondel, daughter of a Genevese banker. She came from a Calvinist family, but in 1810 she became a Roman Catholic. Her conversion profoundly influenced her husband. That same year he experienced a religious crisis which led him from Jansenism to an austere form of Catholicism. Manzoni's marriage proved a happy one, and he led for many years a retired domestic life, divided between literature and the picturesque husbandry of Lombardy.

His intellectual energy in this period of his life was devoted to the composition of the Inni sacri, a series of sacred lyrics, and of a treatise on Catholic morality, Osservazioni sulla morale cattolica, a task undertaken under religious guidance, in reparation for his early lapse from faith. In 1818 he had to sell his paternal inheritance, as his money had been lost to a dishonest agent. His characteristic generosity was shown at this time in his dealings with his peasants, who were heavily indebted to him. He not only cancelled on the spot the record of all sums owed to him, but bade them keep for themselves the whole of the coming maize harvest.

In 1819, Manzoni published his first tragedy, Il Conte di Carmagnola, which, boldly violating all classical conventions, excited a lively controversy. It was severely criticized in a Quarterly Review article to which Goethe replied in its defence, "one genius," as Count de Gubernatis remarks, "having divined the other." The death of Napoleon in 1821 inspired Manzoni's powerful stanzas Il Cinque maggio (The Fifth of May), one of the most popular lyrics in the Italian language. The political events of that year, and the imprisonment of many of his friends, weighed much on Manzoni's mind, and the historical studies in which he sought distraction during his subsequent retirement at Brusuglio suggested his great work.


Frontispiece of The Betrothed in the second definitive edition of 1840–1842

Round the episode of the Innominato, historically identified with Bernardino Visconti, the first manuscript of the novel The Betrothed (in Italian I promessi sposi) began to grow into shape, and was completed in September 1823. The work was published, after being deeply reshaped by the author and revised by friends in 1825–1827, at the rate of a volume a year; it at once raised its author to the first rank of literary fame. It is generally agreed to be his greatest work, and the paradigm of modern Italian language. The Penguin Companion to European Literature notes that 'the book's real greatness lies in its delineation of the heroine, Lucia, in Padre Cristoforo, the Capuchin friar, and the saintly cardinal of Milan, he has created three living examples of that pure and wholehearted Christianity which is his ideal. But his psychological penetration extends also to those who fall short of this standard, whether through weakness or perversity, and the novel is rich in pictures of ordinary men and women, seen with a delightful irony and disenchantment which always stops short of cynicism, and which provides a perfect balance for the evangelical fervour of his ideal'. In 1822, Manzoni published his second tragedy, Adelchi, turning on the overthrow by Charlemagne of the Lombard domination in Italy, and containing many veiled allusions to the existing Austrian rule. With these works Manzoni's literary career was practically closed. But he laboriously revised The Betrothed in Tuscan-Italian, and in 1840 republished it in that form, with a historical essay, Storia della colonna infame, on details of the 17th-century plague in Milan so important in the novel. He also wrote a small treatise on the Italian language.

The death of Manzoni's wife in 1833 was preceded and followed by those of several of his children, and of his mother. In the mid-1830s he attended the "Salotto Maffei", a salon in Milan hosted by Clara Maffei, and in 1837 he married again, to Teresa Borri, widow of Count Stampa. Teresa also died before him, while of nine children born to him in his two marriages all but two pre-deceased him. During a time of bloody Austrian repression, he moved to Sardinia and become a Senator, who aimed to Italian unification under the Savoy dinasty.

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Capitulum IX: The First Greek War Part 2
Capitulum IX: The First Greek War Part 2

While the British continued to advance in the island of Sardinia, the Sardinians themselves advanced through the Peloponnese, facing Greek troops at Kalamata. The Greeks fought bravely, but could not compete against the French supported Sardinians. Some claim that this was the sole battle of the entire war, although the Sardinians in reality fought various other campaigns, taking the Peloponnese. Joining the campaign on January 14 1846 was Lucca, which hoped to gain some minor territories from the war. While the Sardinians did not gave the Lucchese any land, they granted them concessions as a compensation. Some Lucchese citizens enlisted into the Sardinian army, as the two nations become closer and closer.

Meanwhile, British troops engages Sardinian colonial troops in Tangiers, but there weren't many battles in the region. In Greece, after putting Athens through a siege on February 12 1846, the Sardinians continued to march inland. On August 20 1846, the British army landed in Corsica, which didn't have many French soldiers in it. The majority of the French army was in France itself, while its navy engaged the British in the Channel. However, some French colonial troops managed to push the British out of Morocco. However, with the possession of Gibraltar, the British navy could still support operations in the Mediterranean.

Finally, on January 21 1847, the Sardinian-Greek war was finally over. However, the British would not peace out until March 10 1847.

First Sardinian Greek War.png

Army movements during the Sardinian-Greek War, showing with an X the location of the battle of Kalamata, the biggest battle in the Greek campaign.

In the treaty of Kalamata, Sardinia only requested Greece's islands, and promised to leave the rest of the mainland untouched unless provoked. In exchange, the British would have to retreat from Sardinia and Corsica. The treaty was accepted both by France and Britain, who saw no reason to continue the fight.

Greece after the First Sardinian-Greek War.png

Greece after the First Sardinian-Greek War

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Capitulum X: The Sardinian liberal revolution
Capitulum X: The Sardinian liberal revolution

While Sardinia was working toward becoming a constitutional monarchy, with the power of the monarch far more reduced than its Italian neighbours, several individuals were unsatisfied with the current government, and the ongoing war against Greece did not make things better. From December 15 1845 to October 29 1848, Sardinia was struck with several liberal movements, in what is considered today the Sardinian liberal revolution. Unlike many other revolutions, the Sardinian one was mainly peaceful, and was marked by a lack of violence.

The first signs of this revolution was when liberal author Francesco Ferrara, born in Palermo but having moved to Sardinia to escape persecution, wrote several books criticizing the Sardinian government. One was on December 15 1845 and then another on May 29 1847. In both cases, he criticized the government as too authocratic, with the parliament not having nearly enough power to contrast the king. In both cases, the Sardinian government attempted to censor these books, in order to avoid a possible revolution. Sardinia had not forgot the revolution of 1821, and while the Sardinian government was attempting democracy, it had no intention to end up in the same situation. Various Chartist societies, inspired by the events of Britain, supported this liberal author and demanded an expansion of voting rights, which the Sardinian government accepted.

In the Senato Subalpino, Sardinia's parliament, the alliance between the conservatives and the reactionaries continued to dominate over the liberals, with a total of 59,18 % of composition compared to the liberals 40,81 %. As it seemed like the government would not become more liberal on its own, several secret societies begun to boom in Sardinia, including the Carbonari, more common in Southern Italy and in Lombardy-Venetia, but who still managed to creep in in Sardinian society. Despite their obvious presence, the Sardinian government took very little action against these individuals.

Trade Unions were also heavily controlled by the state, and it wasn't until June 15 1846 that they managed to gain somewhat of an independence. On January 21 1847 the government expanded the Trade Union freedom to other groups as long as they weren't of any socialist or liberal ideology, but it would not be until August 07 1847 that Trade Unions were completely freed by the government and put under the care of the people.

And then were the marches on Turin. There were two, the one of June 15 1846, and the one of February 24 1847. In both cases, the Sardinian government called the police and attempted to resist the protestants, but ultimately speaking the Sardinian government had to listen to some of the complains of the protestants. On May 20 1847, a better coordination between the government and the king started, alongside the "Fusione Perfetta" between the island of Sardinia and Sardinia's mainland territories, abolishing its administrative differences in a similar fashion to the Acts of Union between Great Britain and Ireland in 1800. Meanwhile, on June 16 1847, the spring of nations begun, especially in Austria. In Sardinia, there were also clashes between the aristocracy and the believers of meritocracy, which claimed that economic goods and/or political power were to be vested in individual people on the basis of talent, effort, and achievement, rather than wealth or social class, and there were also those who criticized clericism.

The Sardinian press was also somewhat heavily censored by the government, and only on February 27 1848 part of the censorship was lifted, and only on September 15 1848 the press was finally free of censorship.

Finally, on October 29 1848, the Sardinian liberal revolution was over, with no real winners. The Sardinian government remained conservative, but allowed for more freedom for its people. The Sardinians would not gain the liberal government they desired, but their living conditions would improve, with the exception of some agricultural areas, as during July 13 1848 a small famine occurred in Sardinia.

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Capitulum XI: Sardinia in the Kingdom of Sardinia
Capitulum XI: Sardinia in the Kingdom of Sardinia

On January 23 1846, historian Pasquale Tola wrote "The Story of Sardinia", an history book about Sardinia, mostly Sassari. While ignored at first, the Sardinian government attempted to limit its expansion, fearing for a separatist revolution to hit the island to seccede from the kingdom.


Pasquale Tola

This should not come as a surprise, given the difficult relation between Piedmont, the mainland region of the kingdom of Sardinia, where the capital was located, and the island itself. On October 29, 1846, Carlo Alberto di Savoia had granted liberal reforms to the "mainland Sardinian states", which included measures such as the easing of censorship and limitations on police power. Upon hearing the news, in November processions were called in the main centers of the island, such as Cagliari, Sassari, Alghero, Oristano and Nuoro, to request the extension of those reforms also to Sardinia. The reforms were in fact perceived, on the island, as an instrument through which a crisis caused by the bad harvests that occurred in recent years could be overcome.

Nevertheless, these uprisings had as their outlet an objective towards which the popular orientation was quite contrary: the merger with the continental states and the consequent renunciation of the subjectivity of that Regnum Sardiniae that the Savoy rulers, until now, had formally respected.

In the following months there were two distinct embassies to the Turin court that presented the request for an extension of the reforms. On November 30, 1846, Carlo Alberto instead approved the merger, announced by the last viceroy Claudio Gabriele de Launay with the following prayer: "... the King Our Lord deigned to show us that his paternal heart was deeply moved by the feelings of gratitude expressed by these beloved subjects in feeling called to form a single family with the other subjects of the Continent ». The viceregal office, together with all the other institutions of the island kingdom, was finally abolished on 20 May 1847.

Carlo Alberto rewarded the Sardinians for their loyalty to the king and promised that, in return for the renunciation of their autonomy, they could export, without paying customs, oil and wine to Piedmont from that moment on.

In Sardinia, the extension of liberal reforms was advocated by the student segment and, in particular, by the bourgeoisie of Cagliari and Sassari; through the inclusion in the Italian Customs League, to which the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, the Sardinian states and the Papal State had joined in November 1846, Sardinian entrepreneurs would have enjoyed facilitations in the export of agricultural goods and in the import of manufactured goods from the continent.

The more radical "Fusione Perfetta" was, on the other hand, supported by the ex-feudal nobility: from the preservation of Sardinian autonomy these notables, now converted into rentiers without any political weight, did not derive any advantage; through its abolition, however, the nobility would have been able to enter more advantageous political and bureaucratic careers which, with the merger, would have merged into continental ones; according to Pietro Martini, the objective of the unionist movement was the "transplantation in Sardinia, without reservations and obstacles, of continental civilization and culture, the formation of a single civil family under a single Father better than King, the Great Carlo Alberto "

In the general enthusiasm for reforms, the latter position finally prevailed, which, among other things, enjoyed royal favor ; there was no lack of opposing voices in this regard, albeit in a clear minority , such as that of Federico Fenu and Giovanni Battista Tuveri, and the repentants of this work were not slow to present themselves, including the proponent Giovanni Siotto Pintor himself, who he spoke about "collective madness" and said, in retrospect, "we were all wrong". Siotto Pintor himself initially had difficulty in being recognized as a senator by the porter guarding the subalpine parliament, while Pasquale Tola complained in the classroom of the absence of the emblem of Sardinia, in the face of the presence of those of the other divisions of the kingdom.

For centuries the rulers of the Kingdom of Sardinia had officially referred to the territory and the people of the island as the "Sardinian nation" and in every public act prior to 1846 the adjective "national" was always and only referred to persons or things belonging to Sardinia. In those years there was a rapid semantic shift towards the meaning of the nation "Italy" and the national "Italian" . The fiscal, political and administrative equalization also determined a renewed marginalization of the island with respect to the Mainland, whose territories were in the process of progressive expansion. The loss of state subjectivity of Sardinia, from then on inserted in the context of a large unitary state, did not determine any significant improvement in the conditions of the Sardinian ruling class, which had to deal with student unrest and a popular resumption of banditry and delinquent activities against the central authority

The Fusione brought about the end of all the institutions, statutes and laws that were still in force in the ancient Kingdom of Sardinia (a process that the Savoy had actually started in the previous decades, with the abolition of the Carta de Logu, replaced by the Code Feliciano). On the island, the Codes already in force in the continental states, such as the Civil Code, the Military Code and the Criminal Code, entered into force, and in the following years it participated in the elections for the Subalpine Parliament.

The union led to a series of consequences including the disappearance of the centuries-old institutions of state autonomy such as the ancient Sardinian Parliament and the Real Udienza, guaranteed by international treaties when the crown was handed over to the Dukes of Savoy. The "mainland states", which had already experienced substantial centralization and administrative uniformity for some time, formally merged into the Sardinian state.

In Sardinia, the merger represented a significant turning point for the history of the local linguistic repertoire, since "the 'language of the Sardinian nation' lost its value as an instrument of ethnic identification of a people and its culture, to be codified and enhanced, to become one of the many regional dialects subordinate to the national language " that is Italian, which was officially introduced for the first time on the island in 1760 .

With the "Fusione Perfetta" the Kingdom of Sardinia, which became a "composite" state with the passage of the crown to the Savoy in 1720, became "unitary "and characterized, in the intention of the rulers, by" a single people, a single public power, a single territory ", no longer pluralist like the previous one, but centralist on the French model, maintaining the same denomination.

One of the effects of the merger was the extension to Sardinia of the new mining law of the kingdom, enacted in Turin on March 20, 1836, with characteristics appropriate to its time, which separated the rights of exploitation of the subsoil from those deriving from land ownership. This new legislative system allowed the birth of new mining companies with not only local capital, such as the Montevecchio mine in concession from 1847 to Giovanni Antonio Sanna from Sassari, but also Ligurian, Piedmontese and European multinationals, with the development of plants for the mining and treatment of minerals up to the birth of mining villages.

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Capitulum XII: the Third Sardinian-Moroccan War
Capitulum XII: the Third Sardinian-Moroccan War

While Sardinia continued to expand its little empire to all sides of the Mediterranean, Morocco still proved to be harder to manage than predicted. On December 23 1847 the Sardinian government had allowed trading companies several privileges in Morocco in order to expand the development of the protectorate. That being said, regions such as Fès-Meknès and Rabat-Salé-Kénitra were still only under nominal Sardinian controll, while in reality they were controlled by anti-western guerrilla which intended to free Morocco from Sardinia and France. Other regions such as Marrakesh and Safi were still not fully controlled by the Sardinians. Up to this point, with Sardinia being contempt with the regions it truly controlled, and busy with the war against Greece first and the political situation back home, no true actions were really taken, and the regions were under the controll of a de-facto separated Moroccan state, often nicknamed the Barghawata republic.

Everything changed, however, on March 05 1850, when Sardinian colonists were attacked on March 05 1850 by some of these rebel Moroccans. The Barghawata republic attempted to expand eastward toward the Emirate of Abdelkader, which was interested in giving aid to the Moroccan rebels in order to weaken French and Sardinian positions in the region. This forced a Sardinian military intervention in the region, which begun its operation with the pacification of Marrakesh. The rebel forces which controlled the city attempted to hold their ground against the Sardinians, but it was an unequal fight.

On August 21 1852 Sardinia sent even more soldiers in Morocco to pacify the region, alongside some Serbian and Montenegran volunteers out of all people, due to the Serbian ratification of its alliance in March 10 1847 and Montenegro alliance with Sardinia on January 20 1850. On December 26 1852 Abdekjaderian forces begun to harass the Sardinian border, and it seemed very likely that they would enter the conflict alongside the Moroccan rebels eventually. And, on February 17 1853, Abdejhaderian forces launched a major raid on Sardinian territories, alongside the Moroccan rebels, almost splitting Sardinian forces in two. As a result of the Abdekjaderian attack, Sardinia declared war on the Emirate on June 06 1853. Sardinia first military action during this attack, however, was the recapture of the city of Fez after a short but brutal fight. The Sardinian plan was to put down the Moroccan rebellion first and taking out the Abdekjaderian forces later.

That being said, the Abdekjaderians were moving relatively fast within the territory, securing the south of the Atlas mountains as a military base for further incursions. This however also forced the French to enter the conflict in support of Sardinia, with the French immediately sending help in the coast alongside Rabat. In an attempt to support the rebellion, Adbekjaderian forces attempted to capture the city of Fez, but were quickly defeated by the Sardinians on April 05 1854. With Fez, the Abdekjaderian assault had lost steam, with the last note worthy battle being the battle of Ajdir. On June 14 1854 Sardinian forces attempted to pacify the Ajdir region, but met heavy fire from Abdekjaderian remaining forces and pro-rebel Moroccans. The second attack came two days later, with Sardinian forces being more successfull, and recapturing the region. With the fall of Safi on September 08 1854, the remaining rebels surrendered to the Sardinian government, and on 20 September 1854 Abdekjaderian forces wirdrew from Morocco, now busy in further fights against the French.

Third Sardinian-Moroccan War army movements.png

Army movements during the Third Sardinian Moroccan war

With the fall of the "Barghawata republic", all hopes for an independent Morocci fell to the ground. The new protectorate swore loyalty to the Sardinian government, and the French continued their campaign in Algeria. This war is largely ignored in Italian history, or history in generals, and some claim that it wasn't a war at all, but a simple rebellion. None the less, it allowed for Sardinian colonists to march West without the fear of guerrilla lurking in the mountains.

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Capitulum XIII: Sardinia and the world
Capitulum XIII: Sardinia and the world

As Sardinia shaped up to become a respectful power in the Mediterranean, we also cannot forget several events occurring in the rest of the world, on top of several other meetings between members of the Sardinian government and other nations. Here, we will see a few events and wars outside of Italy, some being fairely minor, while others had some consequences in Sardinia.

On February 19 1848, several Sardinian trade companies representatives arrived in Egypt to sign a treaty of cooperation between the two countries. Egypt was defeated by the Ottomans during the first Oriental Crisis, but had maintained its independence from the Ottomans. Egypt had attempted to regain some of its lost territories in the Second Oriental Crisis, and Sardinia partially supported Egypt out of economic interest and spite towards the Ottoman empire. The Ottomans controlled Tunisia (thanks to a vassal), Tripolitania, the Levant and Anatolia, causing much tension for Sardinia, fearding that its possessions and itself were essentially besieged by this Dying Empire, still capable to put a strong fight. The Second Oriental Crisis lasted from October 29 1852 to 24 November 1853. The Ottomans won, but gained nothing from Egypt, strongly defended by both Sardinia and France in the peace conference.

On April 15 1848, much closer to the home front, the Hungarian revolution begun in full strenght. The Hungarian Civic Revolution and War of Independence of 1848–1850 (Hungarian: 1848–50-es polgári forradalom és szabadságharc, "1848–50 Revolution and War of independence") was one of many European Revolutions of 1848 and was closely linked to other revolutions of 1848 in the Habsburg areas. It is one of the most determinative events in Hungary's modern history, forming a cornerstone of modern Hungarian national identity. Italian forces, under the name of Italian Legions under Alessandro Monti fought bravely alongside the determined Hungarians, gaining a good momentum in 1849. However by 1850 the Revolution was lost, with Austria managing to regain controll of its empire, and the Hungarian revolution would last until March 04 1850, only to be subjected to a brutal martial law.

Outside of Italy and in the new world, the Federal Republic of Central America felt into chaos, with several regions essentially being controlled by warlords rather than nations. Only Honduras had managed to retain some level of organization on October 23 1849, with the rise of Juan Lindo to power. They would be the main Central American trade members alongside Sardinia, with several contacts in Tangiers, in the Sardinian Moroccan Protectorate.

Back in Europe, a new political form developed, Anarcho Liberals, from Denmark. Leader of the Venstre party, the strongest Anarcho Liberal Party in Denmark, was Christen Berg, which funded the party on July 09 1850. Very soon, the Sardinian Anarcho Liberal Party begun to develop in Sardinia, but would never 1 % of the votes in the Senato Subalpino. In Denmark itself the party was weak, despite liberalism becoming a dominant political thought in Denmark in the 1840's.

A much bigger event occurred on September 16 1852. Sardinia, to support its ally France, declared war on the North German Confederation. The North German Confederation was funded a year prior, and was considered the second most powerful country in the world. It was de facto controlled by Prussia, and already from the start it faced significant problems. The Austrians did not agree for the presence of a major German state, as it was attempting to be the strongest German state itself. France itself also was fearful of an united Germany, alongside Russia. An alliance between France, Austria and Russia was formed to crush down the Confederation before it become too strong to handle. Sardinia honored its alliance with France, but few Sardinians ever saw actions. Too busy in Morocco, seeing too many similarities with themselves and with no intentions to support Austria, no more than a 100 volunteers fought in the war. The three major powers assumed that the Confederations would fell in a short time thanks to their numbers and the fact that the Germans in the Confederations did not agree to be part of an united Germany. Or so they thought. Instead, the war simply united the Germans, who managed to stop the French to cross the Rhine, the Russians to enter Prussia or Austria from doing anything by entering in Bohemia. In the end, the Germans had no hope to win, but with their performance they managed to gain a white peace on August 28 1853, forcing the three major powers to recognize the Confederation. Sardinia lost nothing from the war: many didn't even know it occurred, or at least that Sardinia was involved. Many Sardinians begun to believe that Germany was the answer for Italian unification rather than France. After all, why share the Mediterranean with France in exchange of unification when you can have Germany working on the same goal? Only time could tell. In the meantime, Sardinia managed to ally itself with a Germany, a small one for that fact: Neuchatel.

Meanwhile, in the Italian Peninsula, meetings between Sardinia and the Two Sicilies were giving its initial fruits: both nations were farely more autonomous compared to the other Italian States, and some considered the Two Sicilies one of the strongests Italian States. It was obvious that if unity was desired, cooperation with the two nations had to occurr. Several meetings between Vittorio Emanuele II and Ferdinando II, on January 13, February 03 and 22 1855 allowed for free trade between the two countries, permission of Sicilian colonists to Morocco and the Greek islands and a non-aggression pact. Meanwhile, as this occurred, Vittorio Emanuele assured the Swiss that the dreams of Italian unifications would not harm the Swiss confederacy, with Sardinia and Switzerland signing a treaty of friendship on March 01 1855.

Other minor events with little to no consequence to Sardinia:

November 11 1853: United States and United Kingdom divide Oregon on the 49th parallel.

October 29 1852-February 02 1854: Mexican-American War, American Victory, America gains huge ammounts of lands, mostly Mexican Alta California

November 11 1852: Beginning of the British-Fadhli War

December 18 1853-October 10 1854: Taiping Rebellion, Taiping Heavenly Kingdom defeated by Qing China

October 10 1854-January 13 1855: Panthay rebellion, Qing China Victory

October 10 1854-January 13 1855: Ecuador-Peru war, Peruvian victory, majority of the Paztaza regions goes to Peru

January 13 1855-February 18 1855: British-Sikkim war, British victory, Sikkim is integrated into the Raj

January 13 1855: Beginning of the Polish Revolution

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Capitulum XIV: The evolution of the economy
Capitulum XIV: The evolution of the economy

As Sardinia grew in size and continued its road of modernization, it soon came to the terms that it needed to modernize its economy in order to match all foreign powers that surrounded her. The road for the modernization of the economy begun on July 31 1848 with the expansion of the market securities in Sardinia. Economy also become important for voting, as in May 19 1849, wealth heavily influenced voting; it would not be until April 06 1854 that also wealthy immigrants could vote. The first oligopolies arrived in Sardinia on May 29 1849, and generally speaking controlled trade with the Sardinian Moroccan Protectorate and the Cyclades region, controlled by Sardinia. This came rather helpful after the April 12 1852 blight in Sardinia.

On August 18 1849 new elections occurred in Sardinia, and in September 05 of the same year, the first stock echange markets arrived. The elections would end on 19 February 1850 as a total conservative and reactionary victory. Around this time, the government opted for a slow interventionalism regarding the economy. Exportation and imports were regulated in support of local products. With these new policies, Sardinia was able to pay its debt with France on August 14 1850. By May 04 1851 several financial systems floaded the evergrowing kingdom of Sardinia, and Stock Exchange regulations arrived on February 04 1852. And, on June 04 1852, the first insurance companies arrived in Sardinia.

As new elections occurred on February 20 1854, so came new problems to solve: one of these was wherever immigrants had the same rights as the natives. This problem raised from the Sardinian expansion in Morocco and the Cyclades, but in the end, sadly, the government did not allow for equality for Greeks and Moroccans entering Sardinia or Piedmont. Only in their native soil they would have equality, and even then there would be some discrimination.

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Capitulum XV: Camillo Benso
Capitulum XV: Camillo Benso

As Sardinia evolved as a nation, so did the conflicts between several classes. The dominant classes of Sardinia clashed more frequently with the remaining working classes, and the new ethnic groups within Sardinia, the Moroccans and the Greeks, continued to struggle to obtain equality in Sardinia. It did not help that in 1854 it was established that immigrants did not have the same rights as Sardinians, and that the Sardinian government favoured Italians over other groups. This stimulated a sense of national brotherhood more and more hard to contain for the Sardinian government, which also aimed to expand its sphere of influence not only over Italy, but over the Mediterranean itself. Someone strong was needed in these hard times. And that man would be Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour.

Camillo Benso was born in Turin during Napoleonic rule, into a family that had gained a fair amount of land during the French occupation. He was the second of two sons of Michele Giuseppe Francesco Antonio Benso, 4th Marquess of Cavour and Count of Isolabella and Leri, Lord of Corveglia, Dusino, Mondonio, Ottiglio and Ponticelli, Co-Lord of Castagnole, Cellarengo and Menabi, Cereaglio, Chieri, San Salvatore Monferrato, Santena and Valfenera, 1st Baron of the French Empire (1781–1850) and his wife (1805) Adélaïde (Adèle) Suzanne, Marchioness of Sellon (1780–1846), herself of French origin. His godparents were Napoleon's sister Pauline, and her husband, Prince Camillo Borghese, after whom Camillo was named.

Camillo and his older brother Gustavo were initially educated at home. He was sent to the Turin Military Academy when he was only ten years old. In July 1824 he was named a page to Carlo Alberto, the king of Piedmont (1831–1849). Cavour frequently ran afoul of the authorities in the academy, as he was too headstrong to deal with the rigid military discipline. He was once forced to live three days on bread and water because he had been caught with books that the academy had banned. He was found to be apt at the mathematical disciplines, and was therefore enlisted in the Engineer Corps in the Piedmontese-Sardinian army in 1827. While in the army, he studied the English language as well as the works of Jeremy Bentham and Benjamin Constant, developing liberal tendencies which made him suspect to police forces at the time. He resigned his commission in the army in November 1831, both because of boredom with military life and because of his dislike of the reactionary policies of King Carlo Alberto. He administered the family estate at Grinzane, some forty kilometers outside the capital, serving as mayor there from 1832 to the revolutionary upheaval of 1848.


Coat of arms of the Count of Cavour: Argent on a chief gules three scallop shells or

Cavour then lived for a time in Switzerland, with his Protestant relatives in Geneva. He grew acquainted with Calvinist teachings, and for a short while he converted from a form of unorthodox Catholicism, only to go back later. A Reformed pastor, Alexandre Vinet, impressed upon Cavour the need for the separation of church and state, a doctrine Cavour followed for the remainder of his life. He then traveled to Paris where he was impressed by parliamentary debates, especially those of François Guizot and Adolphe Thiers, confirming his devotion to a political career. He next went to London, where he was much more disappointed by British politics, and toured the country, visiting Oxford, Liverpool, Birmingham, Chester, Nottingham, and Manchester. A quick tour through the Netherlands, Germany, and Switzerland (the German part and the Lake Geneva area) eventually landed him back in Turin.

Cavour believed that economic progress had to precede political change, and stressed the advantages of railroad construction in the peninsula. He was a strong supporter of transportation by steam engine, sponsoring the building of many railroads and canals. Between 1838 and 1842 Cavour began several initiatives in attempts to solve economic problems in his area. He experimented with different agricultural techniques on his estate, such as growing sugar beets, and was one of the first Italian landowners to use chemical fertilizers. He also founded the Piedmontese Agricultural Society. In his spare time, he again traveled extensively, mostly in France and the United Kingdom.


An early portrait of Cavour

The first apparently "liberal" moves of Pope Pius IX and the political upheavals of 1848 spawned a new movement of Italian liberalism, allowing Cavour to enter the political arena, no longer in fear of the police. He then gave a speech in front of numerous journalists in favor of a constitution for Piedmont, which was eventually granted. Cavour, unlike several other political thinkers, was not at first offered a position in the new Chamber of Deputies, as he was still a somewhat suspicious character to the nation.

Cavour was then brought back into Parliament by the voters, where he was much more successful. His knowledge of European markets and modern economics earned him the positions of Minister of Agriculture, Minister of Commerce, and Minister of the Navy in 1850. Cavour soon came to dominate the cabinet of Prime Minister Massimo d'Azeglio. Cavour united the Right Center and the Left Center in the chamber to show dominance there as well. In 1851, Cavour gained a Cabinet promotion to Minister of Finance by working against his colleague from inside the Cabinet in a somewhat disreputable takeover, although this was to Piedmont's advantage because of his many economic reforms.


Official portrait of Camillo Benso in 1852

Cavour formed a coalition with Urbano Rattazzi known as the Connubio ("union"), uniting the moderate men of the Right and of the Left, and brought about the fall of the d'Azeglio cabinet in March 1852. The King reluctantly accepted Cavour as prime minister, the most conservative possible choice, but their relationship was never an easy one.

Cavour was generally liberal and believed in free trade, freedom of opinion, and secular rule, but he was an enemy of republicans and revolutionaries, whom he feared as disorganized radicals who would upset the social order. Cavour dominated debate in Parliament but is criticized for the controversial methods he used while Prime Minister, including excessive use of emergency powers, employing friends, bribing some newspapers while suppressing others, and rigging elections, though these were fairly common practices for the time. The national debt soared by a factor of six because of his heavy spending on modernizing projects, especially railways, and building up the army and the Royal Sardinian Navy.

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Very nice portrait of Camillo Benso! Eager to see what he will accomplish ITTL.
Cavour here in Italy is considered one of the most important persons in the unification of Italy, and there are both statues and potraits in his honor. He's essentially or Washington if Washington had a king and he was prime minister
Cavour here in Italy is considered one of the most important persons in the unification of Italy, and there are both statues and potraits in his honor. He's essentially or Washington if Washington had a king and he was prime minister
I was referring to your latest update as a whole, I really liked that. Sorry, I should have phrased my post better. As a side: being Italian myself, I have had my fair share of Corso Cavour/Piazza Cavour, statues, paintings and the like XD
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I'm liking this story, but I do have to ask - why did you need to copy paragraphs and paragraphs of Wikipedia directly, for the philosophy sections? It's too much detail and you could paraphrase a lot, so you can focus attention on the connections to Italian philosophers and Piedmont-Sardinia, and more importantly, it might get a mod annoyed because it's, yknow, outright plagiarism... Anyway I'm enjoying the story regardless! I still need to finish reading the updates on this page so I'll come back with comments later.
I'm liking this story, but I do have to ask - why did you need to copy paragraphs and paragraphs of Wikipedia directly, for the philosophy sections? It's too much detail and you could paraphrase a lot, so you can focus attention on the connections to Italian philosophers and Piedmont-Sardinia, and more importantly, it might get a mod annoyed because it's, yknow, outright plagiarism... Anyway I'm enjoying the story regardless! I still need to finish reading the updates on this page so I'll come back with comments later.
It's just to describe these philosopical sects. I try my best to make my works originals, but sometimes Wikipedia is needed.
It's just to describe these philosopical sects. I try my best to make my works originals, but sometimes Wikipedia is needed.
I don't think it really is needed, but I recognize that it's much easier to just quote Wikipedia directly rather than paraphrase the information you need to include in the updates - but if you do quote Wikipedia, you need to make it clear that a section is quoted from Wikipedia. I'm not going to report you, I don't want you to get in trouble for it - my criticism is mostly because there's just too much irrelevant information in the paragraphs you're copying from Wikipedia, and there are even sections that are in the future of your TL - are all those OTL figures going to be exactly the same ITTL? Is the different history in italy, and the different philosophical evolution in Italy, going to have no impact on the outside world?

Anyway, that aside, I'm enjoying the evolution of Sardinia into a growing maritime empire, and I'm very curious where il conte di Cavour will take this expanded, slightly liberalized Sardinia. How much of an impact did the OTL disaster against Austria have, on the politics of Piedmont-Sardinia OTL? I guess Carlo Alberto is still on the throne? How's the relationship between him and Cavour? I thought they'd be unfriendly with each other, did Cavour become prime minister over the objections of the king? I can see that being possible if the parliament has become sufficiently powerful thanks to the liberal reforms - and that would be a really interesting divergence if this is what has happened. Looking forward to more!