The Long National Nightmare.

Chapter I: Changing of the Guard.
Tricky Dick.
8:50,Thursday, August 8th, 1974:
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The rumor-mill in Washington was spinning with such force that it could have burst into flames; the White House was practically under siege, with the press staked out for hours in anticipation of the inevitable. The stories of the increasingly despondent and erratic President’s latest actions proliferated themselves through the city. One such rumor – which no doubt originated from the Secretary of State himself – described how Nixon broke down in tears in the presence of Henry Kissinger, sobbing on the floor in despair at the twilight of his presidency. Others described a rabid drunk who was dependent on Dilantin, constantly terrorizing his wife, daughters, and staff behind the scenes. But the most accepted rumor however was the report that Al Haig had all but taken control of the White House in the recent weeks, effectively becoming a de-facto Prime Minister of sorts as Nixon’s political situation became increasingly precarious.

Now, the moment had come. The lone camera, supplied by CBS, would broadcast the speech to all three major networks. A camera crew and a gaggle of Secret Service agents filled the room and were busy at work when the President finally arrived. His family had already gathered upstairs to watch the fateful broadcast, and there was no staff to be seen. The reality was beginning to sink in for the President. It was over.

He took his seat behind the Resolute Desk, where one of the CBS cameramen had broken protocol by taking a seat in order to review the lighting. “Hey, you’re better looking than I am, why don’t you stay here!” cracked Nixon, asking sheepishly afterwards that “blondes, they say, photograph better than brunettes. That true or not?” “I'm a redhead, sir” replied the camera technician. “Then we’re basically the same” replied the President as he pouted his arms and leaned back in his chair, his face displaying that famed smile, whose insincerity betrayed the sense of insecurity that had brought him here. “You’re from NBC?” asked the President of the crew, to which another one of the camera technicians affirmed simply with “CBS.” “CBS” said Nixon aloud, “CBS. CBS. This is a CBS camera, correct?” The technician gave the same answer.

Are the lights proper?” asked Nixon, “when you’re past sixty...” he continued before being distracted by the flash of a camera. Briefly stunned, Nixon turned with a scowl that quickly gave way to a forced smile towards his photographer. “My friend Ollie always wants to take a lot of pictures” he joked to the crew from CBS, who continued to work diligently to ensure the feed would be up in time for the planned address. “I’m always worried when he’s taking all these candid pictures” continued Nixon, “I’m afraid he’ll catch me picking my nose! You wouldn’t print that, right Ollie?” Nixon chuckled, but everyone was too busy with the preparations to respond. The President’s mood was light, almost jovial, and it slightly unnerved some of those present who expected the typically sober minded President to be withdrawn and defeated.

He began quickly reading through the speech, making it through the first page as the crew tested the broadcast feed and made some final adjustments to the lighting and microphone placement. “Ollie, only the CBS crew is to be in here now” ordered the President. “What about the picture?” asked the White House photographer, who was interrupted instantly by the President. “No, no, no” interjected Nixon, “there will be no picture. You’ve gotten enough shots already.” The photographer exited, and he turned towards the few Secret Service agents in the room. “All Secret Service agents in the room, OUT” he barked. “We are under orders to stay” replied one. “You can stay, fine” growled Nixon, who shuffled his prepared remarks as the CBS crew’s head producer briefed him quickly ahead of the broadcast.

The camera was trained on the President, with instructions to pan in and out at certain parts to emphasize certain parts of the speech. “Thirty seconds” warned the producer as the Oval Office fell dead silent. “Twenty seconds” he again warned after a silence; Nixon felt a stirring sensation in the pit of his stomach. If he had a loaded gun, he’d had have used it right then and there. “Ten seconds.” The room remained silent. “Three…two…one” counted down the technician, who whispered afterwards towards the President: “we’re live.”

"Good evening. This is the 37th time I have spoken to you from this office, where so many decisions have been made that shaped the history of this nation. Each time I have done so to discuss with you some matter that I believe affected the national interest. In all the decisions I have made in my public life, I have always tried to do what was best for the nation. Throughout the long and difficult period of Watergate, I have felt it was my duty to persevere, to make every possible effort to complete the term of office to which you elected me.

In the past few days, however, it has become evident to me that I no longer have a strong enough political base in the Congress to justify continuing that effort. As long as there was such a base, I felt strongly that it was necessary to see the constitutional process through to its conclusion, that to do otherwise would be unfaithful to the spirit of that deliberately difficult process and a dangerously destabilizing precedent for the future. But with the disappearance of that base, I now believe that the constitutional purpose has been served, and there is no longer a need for the process to be prolonged.

I would have preferred to carry through to the finish whatever the personal agony it would have involved, and my family unanimously urged me to do so. But the interest of the nation must always come before any personal considerations. From the discussions I have had with Congressional and other leaders, I have concluded that because of the Watergate matter I might not have the support of the Congress that I would consider necessary to back the very difficult decisions and carry out the duties of this office in the way the interests of the nation would require.

I have never been a quitter. To leave office before my term is completed is abhorrent to every instinct in my body. But as President, I must put the interest of America first.

America needs a full-time President and a full-time Congress, particularly at this time with problems we face at home and abroad. To continue to fight through the months ahead for my personal vindication would almost totally absorb the time and attention of both the President and the Congress in a period when our entire focus should be on the great issues of peace abroad and prosperity without inflation at home.

Therefore, I shall resign the Presidency effective at noon tomorrow. Vice President Ford will be sworn in as President at that hour in this office.

As I recall the high hopes for America with which we began this second term, I feel a great sadness that I will not be here in this office working on your behalf to achieve those hopes in the next two and a half years. But in turning over direction of the government to Vice President Ford, I know, as I told the nation when I nominated him for that office ten months ago that the leadership of America will be in good hands. In passing this office to the Vice President, I also do so with the profound sense of the weight of responsibility that will fall on his shoulders tomorrow and, therefore, of the understanding, the patience, the cooperation he will need from all Americans. As he assumes that responsibility, he will deserve the help and the support of all of us. As we look to the future, the first essential is to begin healing the wounds of this Nation, to put the bitterness and divisions of the recent past behind us, and to rediscover those shared ideals that lie at the heart of our strength and unity as a great and as a free people.

By taking this action, I hope that I will have hastened the start of that process of healing which is so desperately needed in America. I regret deeply any injuries that may have been done in the course of the events that led to this decision. I would say only that if some of my judgments were wrong, and some were wrong, they were made in what I believed at the time to be the best interest of the nation.

To those who have stood with me during these past difficult months, to my family, my friends, to many others who joined in supporting my cause because they believed it was right, I will be eternally grateful for your support. And to those who have not felt able to give me your support, let me say I leave with no bitterness toward those who have opposed me, because all of us, in the final analysis, have been concerned with the good of the country, however our judgments might differ. So, let us all now join together in affirming that common commitment and in helping our new President succeed for the benefit of all Americans.

I shall leave this office with regret at not completing my term, but with gratitude for the privilege of serving as your President for the past five and a half years. These years have been a momentous time in the history of our nation and the world. They have been a time of achievement in which we can all be proud, achievements that represent the shared efforts of the administration, the Congress, and the people. But the challenges ahead are equally great, and they, too, will require the support and the efforts of the Congress and the people working in cooperation with the new administration.

We have ended America's longest war, but in the work of securing a lasting peace in the world, the goals ahead are even more far-reaching and more difficult. We must complete a structure of peace so that it will be said of this generation, our generation of Americans, by the people of all nations, not only that we ended one war but that we prevented future wars. We have unlocked the doors that for a quarter of a century stood between the United States and the People's Republic of China. We must now ensure that the one quarter of the world's people who live in the People's Republic of China will be and remain not our enemies but our friends.

In the Middle East, 100 million people in the Arab countries, many of whom have considered us their enemy for nearly 20 years, now look on us as their friends. We must continue to build on that friendship so that peace can settle at last over the Middle East and so that the cradle of civilization will not become its grave.

Together with the Soviet Union we have made the crucial breakthroughs that have begun the process of limiting nuclear arms. But we must set as our goal not just limiting but reducing and finally destroying these terrible weapons so that they cannot destroy civilization and so that the threat of nuclear war will no longer hang over the world and the people. We have opened the new relation with the Soviet Union. We must continue to develop and expand that new relationship so that the two strongest nations of the world will live together in cooperation rather than confrontation.

Around the world, in Asia, in Africa, in Latin America, in the Middle East, there are millions of people who live in terrible poverty, even starvation. We must keep as our goal turning away from production for war and expanding production for peace so that people everywhere on this earth can at last look forward in their children's time, if not in our own time, to having the necessities for a decent life.

Here in America, we are fortunate that most of our people have not only the blessings of liberty but also the means to live full and good and, by the world's standards, even abundant lives. We must press on, however, toward a goal of not only more and better jobs but of full opportunity for every American and of what we are striving so hard right now to achieve, prosperity without inflation.

For more than a quarter of a century in public life I have shared in the turbulent history of this era. I have fought for what I believed in. I have tried to the best of my ability to discharge those duties and meet those responsibilities that were entrusted to me. Sometimes I have succeeded and sometimes I have failed, but always I have taken heart from what Theodore Roosevelt once said about the man in the arena, "whose face is marred by dust and sweat and blood, who strives valiantly, who errs and comes short again and again because there is not effort without error and shortcoming, but who does actually strive to do the deed, who knows the great enthusiasms, the great devotions, who spends himself in a worthy cause, who at the best knows in the end the triumphs of high achievements and who at the worst, if he fails, at least fails while daring greatly."

I pledge to you tonight that as long as I have a breath of life in my body, I shall continue in that spirit. I shall continue to work for the great causes to which I have been dedicated throughout my years as a Congressman, a Senator, a Vice President, and President, the cause of peace not just for America but among all nations, prosperity, justice, and opportunity for all of our people. There is one cause above all to which I have been devoted and to which I shall always be devoted for as long as I live.

When I first took the oath of office as President five and a half years ago, I made this sacred commitment, to "consecrate my office, my energies, and all the wisdom I can summon to the cause of peace among nations." I have done my very best in all the days since to be true to that pledge. As a result of these efforts, I am confident that the world is a safer place today, not only for the people of America but for the people of all nations, and that all of our children have a better chance than before of living in peace rather than dying in war. This, more than anything, is what I hoped to achieve when I sought the Presidency. This, more than anything, is what I hope will be my legacy to you, to our country, as I leave the Presidency.

To have served in this office is to have felt a very personal sense of kinship with each and every American. In leaving it, I do so with this prayer: May God's grace be with you in all the days ahead."
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Jerry.
11:35 PM,Thursday, August 8th, 1974:

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T
he Vice President, his wife Betty, and children watched the resignation address in silence at their private residence in northern Virginia. Betty sat lifeless, her hand shakily clutching the stem of a martini glass, her other holding a cigarette. Jerry was also quiet, listening intently to the President’s parting words. Their children contained their anxieties to themselves, knowing their lives were about to be forever changed. As the speech concluded, Ford – who generally liked Richard Nixon – couldn’t help but share the same feeling of indignant rage that so many Americans were feeling. There was no apology, no sincere accounting of his underling’s misdeeds, only a rambling defense of his legacy and a half-hearted call for unity. It didn’t pass muster in Gerald Ford’s view.

The Secret Service surrounded the property, with agents posted in the yard, the porch, and up and down the street. In the morning, a limo would come to collect him and his family to bring them to the White House. It was to be their final night in the home in which they had spent so many years. The soon to be first family prepared to retire to bed, but the Second Couple remained firmly planted on the couch in virtual silence. Finally, the Vice President spoke up.

“I think we’re going to need the National Guard to drag Haig out of there” he opined to his wife, “we’re going to face quite the resistance I’m sure.” Betty was well versed in the power networks that defined Washington, and was in many ways the consummate political wife. Like her predecessor, Pat Nixon, Betty Ford was appreciative and mindful of the traditional duties that came with the title. But whereas Mrs. Nixon was perfectly content to keep her political opinions to herself, the lively and vivacious Mrs. Ford planned to make her mark. “You have to change things” she warned, “you have to change the mood of the country. We must be more open, more transparent. You know, down to earth.” “Well....aren’t we?” replied Jerry with a laugh. Betty smiled and leaned in on her husband, who wrapped his arm around his shoulder. "I think we do good enough at it" laughed Betty nervously as she took another sip from her martini.

“And you wanted to be Speaker of the House!” she cracked, reminding Jerry of his greatest ambition – a goal great in and of itself – that had now been surpassed, the result of an accident of fate. Betty had wanted to leave Washington once this goal had been reached, which at the onset of Nixon’s second term in 1973 had already seemed impossible. Now she was to stay there, for better or for worse, indefinitely. But if there was one thing Betty did best, it was to make the best of a bad situation. “What if something bad happens to me?” asked the Vice President, “it’s a dangerous job.”“You’re a dangerous man, so what difference does it make?” ribbed Betty once again. “You know what else is dangerous?” asked Betty, as she stood up from the couch and moved towards the stairs.

“What’s that?” asked Jerry as he stretched himself out on the couch and struck up a cigarette.

“Assuming the Presidency without a good night of sleep” she warned. She flicked the lights off and went up the stairs, leaving the Vice President alone in the glow of the television.
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Pat.
11:35 PM,Thursday, August 8th, 1974:

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"Hail to the Chief" was struck up one final time as the Nixon family entered the White House's East Room to thunderous applause from the staff, aides, cabinet, housekeepers, groundskeepers, cooks, and friends who had gathered to see off one of the most accomplished and controversial statesmen of modern times. It had ended all too early, a Presidency on the cusp of being on par with that of Teddy Roosevelt's sunk by a scandal that could have all too easily been avoided. Pat Nixon had sacrificed a lot, and suffered even more, for her husband to achieve his quest for power. Now it was all over, and the whole affair had left a bitter taste in her mouth. On one hand, she was more than glad it was done and over with. She had never liked political life, had little in common with the women of Washington Society, and wanted nothing more than to regain her privacy. On the other hand, all those years of campaigning, hand-shaking, forced smiles, and abuse from the opposition were now sent down the drain. They had won. They had beaten Dick once and for all. Three decades down the drain.

She held her husband's hand as they walked through the throngs of well-wishers to the podium, their daughters and son-in-laws in tow. Kissinger, Chief Justice Berger, and their spouses sat in the front row with other dignitaries. The Chief Justice had been flown in the night before on a military jet, his vacation in Paris interrupted by the reality that he'd be needed for the swearing in of Gerald Ford at noon. To her left, Julie began to quiver as tears began to roll down her face. Her husband, David Eisenhower, put his hands on her shoulders to comfort her as Pat stood there, almost in shock. Tricia and her husband Edward Cox likewise remained composed, the only hint of emotion being the downward drift of their eyes.

The President delivered a solemn speech with glimmers of hope and moments of self-depreciation. He spoke of the White House as being the people's house, not as grand or ornate as Buckingham Palace or halls of the Kremlin, but more firmly rooted in the American spirit. He praised his record as President, he spoke of his mother being a saint, and he cracked the familiar joke about his father selling their virtually worthless farmland before oil had been discovered under it. He thanked those he worked with, from the butlers and maids on up to the heads of the various cabinet departments.

As he spoke, Pat remembered everything. She remembered typing literature for his '46 campaign only for their opponent's to destroy it. She remembered the Latin American tour of '58. She remembered the women who called her "Plastic Pat." She remembered when JFK stole the Presidency from her husband. She remembered when he was humiliated again in '62. She remembered the smears, the lies, the phoniness, the back-stabbing, the fundraising, and the Checkers Speech. She remembered it all. She hated it all.
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Jerry
12:15 PM, The White House, Washington, DC.
The polite applause died down in the East Room; after the Nixon's left by helicopter, Chief Justice Burger took to the podium to administer the presidential oath of office. The clock had just struck noon; the Nixon presidency had officially expired, with a secret service agent even confiscating the nuclear football as Air Force One soared through the skies of middle America, carrying the disgraced former President into a self-imposed internal exile. Back in Washington, Vice President Ford had now officially ascended into office as America's 38th Commander-in-Chief. The Chief Justice now stood before the cameras, broadcasting the image live to what felt like every pair of eyes in the world. "Mr. Vice President" he began, "will you repeat after me?"
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"I, Gerald R. Ford, do solemnly swear."

"I, Gerald R. Ford, do solemnly swear."

"That I will faithfully execute."

"That I will faithfully execute."

"The office of President of the United States."

"The office of President of the United States."

"And will to the best of my ability."

"And will to the best of my ability."

"Preserve, protect, and defend."

"Preserve, protect, and defend."

"The constitution of the United States."

"The constitution of the United States."

"So help me God."

"So help me God."

"Congratulations, Mr. President."


The room broke out in quiet respectful applause; the Chief Justice removed himself from the podium, and took a seat next to Betty Ford, who watched on as her husband began his inaugural address. The Chief Justice watched on, weighing in his mind the possibility of resuming his Paris vacation now that this long chapter in American history had been wrapped up.

Mr. Chief Justice, my dear friends, my fellow Americans:

The oath that I have taken is the same oath that was taken by George Washington and by every President under the constitution. But I assume the Presidency under extraordinary circumstances never before experienced by Americans. This is an hour of history that troubles our minds and hurts our hearts. Therefore, I feel it is my first duty to make an unprecedented compact with my countrymen. Not an inaugural address, not a fireside chat, not a campaign speech - just a little straight talk among friends. And I intend it to be the first of many.

I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President by your ballots, and so I ask you to confirm me as your President with your prayers. And I hope that such prayers will also be the first of many. If you have not chosen me by secret ballot, neither have I gained office by any secret promises. I have not campaigned either for the Presidency or the Vice Presidency. I have not subscribed to any partisan platform. I am indebted to no man, and only to one woman - my dear wife - as I begin this very difficult job.

I have not sought this enormous responsibility, but I will not shirk it. Those who nominated and confirmed me as Vice President were my friends and are my friends. They were of both parties, elected by all the people and acting under the Constitution in their name. It is only fitting then that I should pledge to them and to you that I will be the President of all the people. Thomas Jefferson said the people are the only sure reliance for the preservation of our liberty. And down the years, Abraham Lincoln renewed this American article of faith asking, "Is there any better way or equal hope in the world?"

I intend, on Monday next, to request of the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President pro tempore of the Senate the privilege of appearing before the Congress to share with my former colleagues and with you, the American people, my views on the priority business of the Nation and to solicit your views and their views. And may I say to the Speaker and the others, if I could meet with you right after these remarks, I would appreciate it.

Even though this is late in an election year, there is no way we can go forward except together and no way anybody can win except by serving the people's urgent needs. We cannot stand still or slip backwards. We must go forward now together. To the peoples and the governments of all friendly nations, and I hope that could encompass the whole world, I pledge an uninterrupted and sincere search for peace. America will remain strong and united, but its strength will remain dedicated to the safety and sanity of the entire family of man, as well as to our own precious freedom.

I believe that truth is the glue that holds government together, not only our government but civilization itself. That bond, though strained, is unbroken at home and abroad. In all my public and private acts as your President, I expect to follow my instincts of openness and candor with full confidence that honesty is always the best policy in the end.

My fellow Americans, our long national nightmare is over.

Our constitution works; our great republic is a government of laws and not of men. Here the people rule. But there is a higher Power, by whatever name we honor Him, who ordains not only righteousness but love, not only justice but mercy. As we bind up the internal wounds of Watergate, more painful and more poisonous than those of foreign wars, let us restore the golden rule to our political process, and let brotherly love purge our hearts of suspicion and of hate.

In the beginning, I asked you to pray for me. Before closing, I ask again your prayers, for Richard Nixon and for his family. May our former President, who brought peace to millions, find it for himself. May God bless and comfort his wonderful wife and daughters, whose love and loyalty will forever be a shining legacy to all who bear the lonely burdens of the White House. I can only guess at those burdens, although I have witnessed at close hand the tragedies that befell three Presidents and the lesser trials of others. With all the strength and all the good sense I have gained from life, with all the confidence my family, my friends, and my dedicated staff impart to me, and with the good will of countless Americans I have encountered in recent visits to forty states, I now solemnly reaffirm my promise I made to you last December 6th: to uphold the constitution, to do what is right as God gives me to see the right, and to do the very best I can for America.

God helping me, I will not let you down. Thank you.
 
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Chapter II: Now what?
Friday, August 9th, 1974: Immediately after being sworn-in as President, Gerald Ford enters the Oval Office and orders official telegrams and letters be sent to leaders across the globe to formally inform them of the transfer of power in the United States. Afterwards, he meets with the Congressional leadership of both parties in the Oval Office, where he is invited to address a joint session of Congress. The President readily accepts the invitation, and speechwriters

Meanwhile, Ron Ziegler - the White House Press Secretary widely viewed as the official mouthpiece of the Nixon administration - is sacked. He is replaced by Jerry terHorst, a reporter for the Detroit News and a longtime friend of President Ford. After this decision is reached, Ford holds a series of meetings with top economic advisers and Ambassadors from NATO powers throughout the afternoon, designed

President Ford summons White House Chief of Staff Alexander Haig to the Oval Office at sundown and offers him the position of Supreme Allied Commander of NATO once it becomes open in December, when Andrew Goodpaster is slated to retire. Haig agrees to take the position, but asks to remain Chief of Staff for the duration of the transition. Ford is reluctant to retain Haig in the White House, but ultimately agrees for the sake of ensuring a smooth transition.
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Saturday, August 10th, 1974:
Pat Buchanan, a top speechwriter and aide to former President Nixon, is offered the job of Ambassador to South Africa by White House Chief of Staff. When Ford is informed of the offer, he is furious and threatens to fire Haig on the spot. The President vetoes the appointment, but asks Buchanan to remain on the White House staff. After this incident, Ford resolves to remove Haig from the White House.
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Sunday, August 11th, 1974:
In a interview on NBC's "Meet the Press," Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield (D-MT) warns President Ford that the Democratic congressional majority will not accept "just anyone" for the Vice Presidency and urges the President to appoint an independent place holder instead of a fellow Republican. Mansfield names Milton Eisenhower, brother of former President Dwight Eisenhower and a former President of John Hopkins University, as a possible replacement. General James Gavin is floated as well.
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Bob and Ted
7:55 PM, The Capitol, Washington, DC.
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"Mr. Speaker" bellowed the Sargent-at-Arms, "the President of the United States!" Immediately, the entire chamber burst out in sustained and spontaneous applause, followed by a wave of cheers as the President entered. As Senator Ted Kennedy watched with his arms folded, he could not help but think of 1976. The opportunity that Watergate presented gave the Senator hope for a return of Camelot in the White House, but the fresh memory of Chappaquiddick could not yet be fully erased from the public's perception of him.

As President Ford meandered through his address, a bored Senator Kennedy drifted in and out. "I do not seek a honeymoon" vowed the President, "I seek a good marriage." "Oh Lord" Kennedy thought to himself, he thinks he's going to stay President. The President was not only focused on establishing himself as the legitimate successor to Nixon; he laid out an ambitious agenda to defeat inflation, to continue the foreign policy of detente, to restore the public's faith in their governing institutions.

The difference between Ford and Nixon was like that of the shore and sea; whereas the neurotic Nixon believed the worst in everyone, the jovial Ford joked with even the most hostile reporters and assumed the best. Whereas the Nixon's embraced rigid formality, the Ford's let their hair down. Whereas Nixon fought his enemies, Ford sought out new friends. But there was some consternation about this, and the suspicion was shared by many of Ford's Washington colleagues. "You don't suspect treachery in someone until you've been kicked in the balls three times" said Robert T. Hartmann, the President's most trusted adviser and the man he hoped would ultimately usurp Haig from the position of White House Chief of Staff. "In a person, that's a virtue" Hartmann offered, "but in a president, that's weakness." Ted could see the difference between two men. Nixon fought dirty. Ford fought fair. Maybe he'd have a shot in '76 after all.

Ted leaned over to his neighbor, rival, friend, and foe, Senator Robert Byrd. Though the West Virginian had fought Jack on civil rights, had demeaned Bobby Kennedy as "Bobby-come-lately" during the '68 campaign, and most notably, challenged and defeated him in 1970 in order to take up the position of Majority Whip. Ted, however, had by this time largely forgiven Byrd. The two found themselves natural allies on a number of legislative initiatives that helped them overcome their personal animosity.

"He thinks he can salvage this" Ted murmured. "He's delusional" smirked Byrd, "they ought to just run Reagan and nip that problem in the bud." The two men's quiet conversation, interrupted only by applause breaks in which they rose to insincerely hail the new Commander-in-Chief. "He's not going to be able to stem the tide. Not now. And he's one of us. If he takes a big hit here, we might be able to knock him out early." Kennedy was confident about his prediction, but Byrd was less sure.
"You think that'll be enough? He's been around forever! Sure, he 'aint made many inroads here, but they won't dump him. Not that quickly." Kennedy was intrigued by the insight of his West Virginian colleague. "If they were smart" Byrd continued, "they'd get someone who couldn't touch Nixon with a ten foot pole. Someone like Reagan...or Rockefeller. Hell, it don't matter! But their bosses, they'll stick with Jerry. And we'll beat Jerry."

"We'll." Ted didn't like that choice of words. He wanted to hear "you'll beat Jerry." Or at least a "you could." Everyone knew Mansfield was set to retire in 1976. The race for Majority Leader in the Senate was as tight as the quest for the Presidency, and Ted knew damn well that Byrd's ambitions led there and nowhere else. Humphrey was also thinking of making a gander for his old job, but nothing he said fooled anyone - he was too old and too sick to take the reins once again.

"We'd make one hell of a team, Bob" said Ted.
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Tuesday, August 13th, 1974: The President convenes the council of economic advisers in the Oval Office and instructs them to develop a comprehensive plan to curtail inflation within a years time. Afterwards, Ford meets with Secretary of State Kissinger and instructs him to embark on a tour of Europe after the conclusion of the scheduled state visit of King Hussein of Jordan. Kissinger is charged with reassuring NATO partners about the continuity of American foreign policy in the wake of the Nixon resignation.

In the background, Ford's chief counselor Robert Hartmann begins quietly assembling a "shadow staff" of new aides in the event that Ford decides to fire the Nixon staff leftover. He brings in Ford's former law partner (and best friend) Phillip Buchen to serve as the potential White House Counsel, former Nixon staffer Brian Lamb to take over as Communications Director, former Kissinger aide Larry Lynn as a potential Deputy National Security Security Adviser, and former cabinet secretary Elliot Richardson for a yet to be determined role in the White House. Notably, the plan would not have a titular Chief of Staff, as Ford blamed a powerful Chief of Staff for Watergate. The "shadow staff" will take over once Haig's allies are removed from their positions in the White House - if the President agrees to it.
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Wednesday, August 14th, 1974: Former Governor Ronald Reagan hosts his first major press conference since the resignation of President Nixon, whom he praises as "a true statesman" who "will be redeemed in the eyes of history." Reagan dodges questions about his potential 1976 candidacy, and voices support for President Ford considering the "difficult" circumstances.

In Cyprus, Turkish troops stationed in the northern part of the island (they had established a beach-head there in July) break out from their positions after talks fail and launch a second "peacekeeping mission" in which they occupy forty percent of the entire island in a matter of hours. President Ford summons Secretary Kissinger to the White House for an emergency meeting on how to address the crisis, which could threaten to split NATO's presence in the Mediterranean.
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Thursday, August 15th, 1974: President Ford hosts King Hussein of Jordan at the White House, making him the first foreign head of state to meet personally with Ford. The two discuss Middle East peace initiatives in the Oval Office, where they are joined by Secretary Kissinger. Afterwards, First Lady Betty Ford - with less than one week's experience in the role - hosts a state dinner for the Jordanian royal family. It also marks the Ford's first night in the White House (the President had been commuting to his private residence in Alexandria while the Nixon's personal items were cataloged and removed) since his ascension to the Presidency.

South Korean President Park Chung-hee delivers a speech in the National Theater in Seoul during a ceremony to celebrate the nation's deliverance from Japanese colonial domination 29 years before, when presumed North Korean agent Mun Se-gwang opens fire at Park from the front row with a small revolver. Park was hit by one of the bullets, another of which killed his wife Yuk Young-soo. The wounded President continued his speech as his dying wife was carried off of the stage, and was later rushed to the hospital only after finishing his speech to a rousing ovation.
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Friday, August 16th, 1974: In a lengthy interview published by the Washington Post, President Ford reflects on his first week in office and jokes that "the only thing related to 1976 on my mind are the Olympics and the bicentennial."Ford claims that the biggest national security threat to the United States is inflation, a statement that irks hawks in the Republican Party, especially in the aftermath of events in Korea.

South Korean President Park Chung-hee survives surgery to remove a bullet lodged in him following an assassination attempt; the South Korean military dictator orders a state of martial law from his hospital bed, and the army begins rounding up suspected communists. The situation along the DMZ is tense, with both President Ford and North Korean leader Kim Ill Sung ordering troops to be on alert.
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Monday, August 19th, 1974: The President addresses the Veterans of Foreign Wars convention in Chicago, where he voices support for the granting of clemency to Vietnam era draft dodgers. The news is welcomed by anti-war activists, who sense the Ford administration is taking a more moderate course on the issue than the law and order minded Nixon.
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Wallace
11:25 AM, Birmingham, AL.
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Every inch of George Wallace's body was in agony, a constant, torturous pain that never ceased in the wake of the 1972 assassination that left him crippled from the waist down and reliant on a wheelchair. The Governor of Alabama sat at his desk in his office in the Governor's mansion in Montgomery, reviewing a new series of polling done in states across the country that had been commissioned by some wealthy supporters. It was no secret that the Governor, who was well on his way to reelection to a third term in November, was planning for another presidential campaign in '76.

Sitting before him as he silently worked his way through each packet of data were his top aides. Tom Turnipseed, who managed his 1968 campaign and was currently seeking a State Senate seat in South Carolina, was joined by Charles Snider, his personal pilot turned campaign manager and confidant. Though Turnipseed had moved considerably to the left of Wallace since the '68 campaign, the firebrand Governor was determined to bring him back into the fold in order to have a better understanding of the liberal wing of the party.

"I want to go live with this in the spring, not too long after the inauguration" the Governor declared, "and I want to go to New Hampshire at least once, too show that we're doing these different these times. Tom, if you're able and willing, I'd love for you to accompany me up there. You know all the right people." Both the Governor and the State Senate candidate knew this was impossible, but Wallace liked to put people in tough positions; “he won’t come to New Hampshire, but sure as sh**t he’ll be at my beck and call” thought Wallace to himself, “he’ll owe me one.” Likewise, Turnipseed had his own suspicions, which he exercised visually when he looked over to Snider with a perplexed expression on his face. He was in Wallace’s glance; the eye movement betrayed him.

“George” interjected Snider, “if you can run up your numbers in New Hampshire and get enough support out of Massachusetts, then they’ll say you’re viable in the north and competitive nationally and are more than just a regional candidate.” These words were music to Wallace’s ears. “The south offers us a breadbasket of delegates to build a base upon” Snider continued, “and the best part is, all you’ve got to do is be truthful, to be yourself." Wallace rolled himself backwards away from the desk and propped himself more upward in the chair. “You don’t think someone like ‘Assjew or Carter will try and give us a run for our money here? After all, times is changing!” snarled the Governor contemptuously of his potential rivals. “I know one thing, Bayh or Kennedy ain’t gonna bring the south into play for the Democratic Party.”

Turnipseed remained quiet, regretful at accepting the Governor’s invitation and worried about the possibility that his absence from the campaign trail would negatively impact him. The south was changing, and Wallace was intelligent to know it. It was Turnipseed who managed Wallace’s 1968 campaign as an explicitly segregationist candidate, and that legacy was hard enough for him to overcome, even in South Carolina. Working with Wallace again just seemed a dead-ender. At some point, he’d have to politely turn down the offer. But the country was angry, and Wallace was and always had been an angry candidate. Perhaps he had a chance, which to Turnipseed offered up the opportunity to exercise much greater influence than a mere State Senator could. “Maybe I’ll consider it more later” he thought to himself, “but I’ll have to buy some time.” So he decided to speak up.

“Governor” he said, “I think you ought to delay an announcement until at least the summer. It’ll make people question your motives for seeking a third term, and it would deny you the chance to better asses the field from the sidelines."His explanation was strong enough to gain Wallace’s agreement – it was official, it had always been – George Corley Wallace was running for President in 1976. Where that ship would sail, and who was to be at the helm however remained undetermined.
 

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Chapter III: Decision Time.
Jerry
Monday, September 2nd, 1974

9:15 AM, The White House, Washington, DC.
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The time had come; barely in office but for a few short weeks, the lingering presence of nefarious Nixon acolytes continued to hamper the new administration. The last straw for the President was the decision by Al Haig to offer Pat Buchanan the Ambassadorship to South Africa without even informing the President, much less ask for his consent. A few of his closest and most trusted aides were gathered quietly in the Oval Office for a meeting about the future of many of Nixon's men inside the administration. "Haig has to go" insisted the President with a bang on his desk - he wasn't entirely sure if he was being taped or not - as he reviewed his own "enemies list" compiled for his by Hartmann. Another proposal was to weaken Kissinger's influence over the entirety of the administration's foreign policy, which was to be done by retaining him as Secretary of State but replacing him with someone fresh (ie, no Nixon ties) as National Security Adviser.

"Do we know anything about Pat's role in this....this mess?!" asked the President, turning to his friend, former Congressman and current US Ambassador to NATO Donald Rumsfeld, who was to replace Al Haig in the coming days. "Nothing I've heard around here indicates that" replied Rumsfeld, "but do you really want someone so...closed minded influencing our policy?" Jerry laughed; he knew Rumsfeld was somewhat right about the idiosyncratic blend of conservatism that Buchanan largely espoused, but he couldn't help but like Pat. He had a way with words and was a wizard when it came to predicting the base's move. "Why do you finger him as the culprit?" asked Ford in a perplexed manner. "Pat's a press man, don't forget where he got his start" warned Rumsfeld, "I've known this for five years now; he's loyal to Dick Nixon but nobody else. He'll root out leaders and then simply take their place. I think you ought to send him somewhere like Rhodesia where people will actually care to listen to him."

"No, no" said Ford in disagreement, "he's got no diplomatic experience and he's sort of useful to keep around because of his connections and his writing abilities." Rumsfeld thought differently. "You know he's been calling up people, talking about taking on Harry Byrd next cycle." The President looked up from his papers, a look of consideration on his face. "That wouldn't be a bad idea" he said, before turning his attention back to the documents before him.

"Can we just focus on the big question at hand here" warned Hartmann, "how do we get rid of Haig and how do we make him go quietly?" "Easy" replied President Ford, "we just send him back to the Pentagon and make sure it's his patriotic duty to be there." The decision was made final, and it was agreed to keep the meeting under wraps to prevent Haig from rallying the remaining Nixon loyalists into staging a mass walk-out.
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Monday, September 2nd, 1974: The Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974 is signed into law by President Ford at a Rose Garden ceremony surrounded by members of AARP and a few of the older veterans of the Second World War. It was passed partly in response to Studebaker employee pension losses in 1963. The US Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation (PBGC) was set up to insure the bulk of corporate America’s pension plans as a result of this legislation.

In Atlanta, Governor Jimmy Carter announces at a press conference that he will seek the Democratic Party's nomination (which is to be filled by the party's state committee members) in the wake of the death of Senator Eugene Talmage, and will appoint Bert Lance - the State Highway Director - as the interim Senator. Lance, who previously ran to succeed Carter in the 1974 gubernatorial primary but placed third, will not seek reelection and will only hold the seat until the term expires in January. A contributing factor to Carter's decision to not appoint himself Senator was the fact that Lt. Governor Lester Maddox would have ascended back to his old office, where he was free to reinstate his own segregationist agenda and undo much of the progress made under Carter.
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Tuesday, September 3rd, 1974: President Ford fires White House Chief of Staff Al Haig, and names former Congressman and Ambassador to NATO Donald Rumsfeld as his replacement. The new Chief of Staff immediately cancels his planned return to Brussels and goes to work for the President practically instantly. Haig reluctantly agrees to take up Rumsfeld's old position as NATO Ambassador. The press calls the shakeup "the Tuesday two-step."
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Wednesday, September 4th, 1974: The Democratic Party of Georgia formally nominates outgoing Governor Jimmy Carter to replace the late Eugene Talmage on the ballot. The incumbent appointee, Bert Lance, will hold onto the seat until the new Congress assembles in January.
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Sunday, September 8th, 1974: President Ford shocks Washington and angers many Americans in both parties when he announces in a prime time, televised address from the White House that he intends to issue a full pardon to former President Nixon, which would bring Watergate to a final close. Protesters descend upon the White House for days, while opponents of the President float theories that the pardon was part of a corrupt deal with the former President.
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Tuesday, September 10th, 1974: A new Gallup poll shows the President's approval rating has plummeted in the wake of the Nixon pardon from 71% to 48%. A number of potential presidential contenders, such as Senators Birch Bayh (D-IN), Humphrey (D-MN), Ted Kennedy (D-MA), Walter Mondale (D-MN), and Stevenson III (D-IL), all release statements expressing their opposition to the pardon.
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Wednesday, September 11th, 1974: Anti-Pinochet demonstrations in Chile are brutally suppressed on the first anniversary of the 1973 coup. Hundreds of people are arrested and simply disappear into the judicial system, often being tortured, executed, and disposed of without any documentation.
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Thursday, September 12th, 1974: Haile Selassie is deposed by a shadowy leftist clique of officers known as the Derg in a coup d’etat that rocks Ethiopia. The Emperor’s mental competence has eroded to the point that he is unaware that he was even deposed, and goes about his subsequent house arrest as if he is still the sitting monarch. The Derg tolerates him, at least for now, as they set out to build a revolutionary state with Cuban, Eastern Bloc, and Soviet assistance.

The start of court-ordered busing to achieve racial integration in Boston's public schools is marred by violence in South Boston, with protesters blocking school buses and loudly shouting angry chants all day long outside of a number of schools.
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Friday, September 13th, 1974: Japanese Red Army members seize the French Embassy in The Hague, Netherlands. The ambassador and ten other people were taken hostage and a Dutch policewoman, Hanke Remmerswaal is injured after being shot through the lung during a gunfight.

After lengthy negotiations that last several hours, the hostages were freed in exchange for the release of a jailed Red Army member (Yatsuka Furuya), $300,000 and the use of a plane. The plane flew the hostage-takers first to Aden, South Yemen, where they were not accepted and then to Iraq, where they were arrested and turned over to French authorities for trial. Unknown to them, Iraq was at the time involved in negotiations with the French government to acquire a technology required nuclear reactor. The ransom money disappeared, but was believed to have been taken by Iraqi authorities (who claimed that the Yemenis had seized the cash).
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Sunday, September 15th, 1974: A group called Restore Our Alienated Rights (ROAR) held a rally at City Hall Plaza in protest of busing. Senator Ted Kennedy (D-MA), who happened to be in Boston, approaches the demonstrators and attempts to start a dialogue, but is instead booed and jeered by the crowd when he voices his support for the busing policy.
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Monday, September 16th, 1974: President Ford announced a conditional amnesty program for Vietnam War deserters and draft-evaders. Limited amnesty is offered to Vietnam-era draft resisters who would now swear allegiance to the United States and agree to perform two years of public service. The plan is hailed by anti-war and peace activists.
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Tuesday, September 17th, 1974: Just a month after his defeat by State Representative George Busbee in the 1974 gubernatorial primary, Lt. Governor Lester Maddox - fresh off his failure to be appointed to or nominated for the Senate - announces he will instead run for Governor on the ballot line of the American Independence Party. He is immediately endorsed by Senator Strom Thurmond (R-SC), Governor George Wallace (D-AL), and Congressman John Rarick (D-LA) among others.
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Thursday, September 19th, 1974: Prime Minister Harold Wilson announces a second general election will be held on October 10th after the February election resulted in a hung parliament. The goal of the Prime Minister is to expand Labor's seat count in the House of Commons in pursuit of a majority. Wilson's decision to call an election is a risky gamble, and could not only cost him the government but also his leadership of the Labor Party period.
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Saturday, September 21st, 1974: President Ford announces he will be traveling to Mexico in a month’s time to address bilateral trade matters with the Mexican President. It will mark the first overseas visit of his Presidency.
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Sunday, September 22nd, 1974: Former President Nixon is hospitalized after a blood clot in his leg causes a severe attack of phlebitis; media figures the physical ailments that plague Nixon are the result of physical fatigue after the draining crisis that was Watergate. Despite the serious nature of his illness, Nixon remains mentally alert and is listed in stable condition at the hospital.
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Wednesday, September 25th, 1974: The Hunger Relief Act of 1974 passes the Senate by a vote of 97-3, despite a threatened filibuster by conservative Senators. The three no votes come from Senators Jim Buckley (C-NY), Barry Goldwater (R-AZ), and Jesse Helms (R-NC). The bill now advances to the House.
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Friday, September 27th, 1974: Argentina's government passes the Economic- Subversion Act, which provided prosecutors with a legal umbrella to pursue anyone suspected of undermining public disorder. This is concerning to human rights activists who already believe the military and the regime of President Isabel Peron holds too much power.
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Monday, September 30th, 1974: General Spinola steps down as Portugal’s interim head of state since the Carnation Revolution. Spinola, who ruled as a moderately conservative transitional figure, now sparks a wave of intrigue in Portugal as leftists see opportunity to seize power ahead of the planned transition to democracy and decolonization.
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Brown
Monday, September 30th, 1974:
10:05 AM, The White House, Washington, DC.
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Even in the conservative heartland of Northern California, Jerry Brown could still draw a crowd. In a state that had already produced radicals like Tom Hayden and Ron Dellums, Jerry Brown was an entirely new kind of phenomena. California's Secretary of State, aged 36, was something of a rock star in the world of politics. Born the son of Pat Brown, the Governor who humiliated Richard Nixon in 1962, he had been immersed in political activism from the early years of his life. Now with the Reagan administration winding down in California, 1974 offered the Democrats a new opportunity to seize back Sacramento. Facing moderate Republican businessman Houston Flournoy in a tight race, Brown was locked in a tight race that was one of the most watched in the nation.

A charismatic, young, energetic, progressive and idiosyncratic character, Brown's campaign was documented prolifically in magazines like Rolling Stone as youth flocked around his campaign. Though he was a fiscal conservative, perhaps even more of a deficit hawk than his arch-conservative predecessor, his passion for environmental issues and social justice made him a star on the national stage, with his name already being floated for President in 1976 or 1980. But Brown's first priority was bringing change to Sacramento, particularly in regards to ecological issues and regulation.

As Brown waved a final goodbye to a mob of enthusiastic supporters after a brief campaign appearance at a Democratic Party outreach office in Redding, the Governor and his girlfriend Linda Ronstadt - yes, that Linda Ronstadt - entered the station wagon that would transport the two plus his bodyguard and two aides to the nearest airport. The skies were gray and gloomy, but Brown was not bothered by the drizzling rain. He had made another successful appearance, drawing the biggest crowd a Democratic candidate had seen in those parts since the days of JFK.

"If I win this thing, they'll start pushing me to run for President....but if I run for President, I'll have to have something accomplished, or else I'll look like a complete and total jackass" laughed Brown nervously. "It is the symbol of the Democratic Party" cracked the State Trooper, who worked as a bodyguard part time for the Brown campaign when off duty. He was also, as he loved to note with great frequency to Brown's minor annoyance, "a Reagan Republican." "So" replied Linda, "just hit the ground running. You have, like, an entire year to accomplish all your goals...and I know you can do it Jerry."

"Do I even want to be President though?" asked the Governor with a grimace. "Well, everyone else wants you too" replied Linda, "you could easily beat Ford. You could run with that Congresswoman Chisholm! You could truly bring change to this country! Brown smiled as he draped his arm across her shoulder, the sound of the rain hitting the windows with a slight crackle being all that they could hear for a few fleeting seconds.

"Who do you think will take on Ford?" asked Ronstadt. Before Brown could answer, the Trooper shouted "Reagan!" The others laughed contemptuously at the idea. It was no secret that the outgoing Governor was planning on running to succeed Nixon way before Watergate entered anyone's vocabulary, and Brown was keen on facing him. But he wouldn't be alone. Wallace, Askew, Carter, Stevenson III, Harris, Humphrey, Mondale, Jackson, Bayh, Kennedy, Bentsen, Church...the list went on and on.

It was obvious....for him to break out, he'd have to stand out...

 
Looking forward to this one. So the POD is Carter runs for Senate in 1974?
It’s one of several smaller PODs, but that is the first one. I’m copying and pasting this from another forum that was sharing it on initially so there might be grammatical errors or sentences cut short. Hopefully I caught them all.
 
Scoop
Tuesday, October 1st, 1974:
2:00 PM,Washington, DC
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Henry "Scoop" Jackson downright detested communism, and was preparing to run a second presidential campaign in 1976 in order to halt it's spread once and for all. Ford was weak both at home politically and abroad diplomatically, and Jackson smelt blood in the water. Though he lacked the charisma that the Kennedys and the Reagans of Washington possessed, he was none the less a well established policy wonk and one of the leading environmentalists in America. So respected by his colleagues was he that he was considered a front runner for the Vice Presidential nomination by John F. Kennedy, though the position ultimately went to Lyndon Johnson. A stint as Chairman of the Democratic National Committee likewise exposed him to a broader national audience in the early 1960s.

But Jackson was best known as the leading hawk in the Democratic Party; a fierce defender of both President Johnson and Nixon's Vietnam policies, Jackson was fundamentally against any withdrawal plan that would leave South Vietnam endangered by their communist neighbors. Unfortunately for Jackson, this was the exact decision that Kissinger and Nixon ultimately agreed to. Over the years, the Washington Senator built a network of like-minded politicians, bureaucrats, diplomatic personnel, and think-tank policy wonks who pushed his agenda in favor of a "strong national defense."

Jeanne Kirkpatrick, a young socialist turned centrist internationalist, was a professor at Georgetown University and a close ally and friend of Jackson's. She was ushered into the Senator's office, as she had been so many times before, to brief the Senator on the latest geopolitical information. Though Jackson's ambition was to be President, he also had his eyes on the State Department, and had worked hard to cultivate a strong relationship with Senator Ted Kennedy, the only potential primary rival whom he was certain he could lose to.

"Professor" he said, greeting her warmly with a firm handshake, "good to see you." She took a seat at the Senator's desk and laid out a spread of documents. "We have some interesting developments in the Kremlin" she continued, "you'll find our full analysis here, and some brief profiles of a number of figures rising within the Communist Party. The Senator began reading the introductory section, which stated several sources inside and outside of the ruling party who all made claims similar in nature to one another about Brezhnev's health and waning influence over the party. Two influential figures, Yuri Andropov and Mikhail Suslov, were competing with one another within the Kremlin as to whom should succeed the ailing Brezhnev.

"So who is the heir" asked Jackson, "somebody's gonna have to take over." "We don't really know" said Kirkpatrick, "because we're not entirely sure if their is one. They may resume the system of a troika like they did a decade ago. Power will most likely be shared, and decisions made collectively by the Politburo." Jackson laughed; "like tried and true socialists!"

"It's not the reds I'm worried about" said Kirkpatrick, "it's the Arabs." The Senator, who was remarkably pro-Israel, expressed his interest in her concern. "You don't think the ceasefire in the Sinai will hold?" "It's not the Sinai so much as Cyprus" she warned, "my friends in Ankara tell me that they have a second force readied to take control of the entire island if necessary."

"What is the source of this information?" asked Jackson fruitlessly, knowing his friend would never betray the network of informants that gathered information. "Some friends in Athens" she continued, "they're fearful that if the Turks take the entirety of Cyprus, than they'll be forced into action to protect ethnic Greeks." The thought of a war taking place in the strategic straits near Istanbul, and worse yet, the nearby presence of the Soviet navy in the Black Sea, sent chills down Jackson's spine. "The preservation of NATO in the Mediterranean is essential" said Jackson, knowing that opining as much was akin to preaching to the choir. "I'm going to do my best to sell Cyprus to the President. This isn't some African backwater. This is he underbelly of Europe and Israel" he continued, "and it must be protected."

"The Democrats aren't going to listen to you unless you make them" warned Professor Kirkpatrick, "if you want a strong America, than you have to be strong. And I know you are. You're thinking about 1976 aren't you?"

"I've been thinking about '76 since '72" joked the Senator.
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Tuesday, October 1st, 1974: Five former Nixon aides, chiefly former Attorney General John Mitchell, former White House Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman, former adviser John Ehrlichman, plus two aides Kenneth Parkinson and Robert Mardian, are charged with their involvement in the Watergate break-in and the subsequent cover-up.
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Wednesday, October 2nd, 1974: Senator Hubert Humphrey (D-MN) hits the campaign trail in Indiana with incumbent Senator Birch Bayh (D-IN), fueling speculation that either (or perhaps even both) are preparing for a 1976 presidential campaign.
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Saturday, October 5th, 1974: The Hunger Relief Act is passed by the House of Representatives by a vote of 385-50. It is sent to the President’s desk, where it is virtually guaranteed to be signed into law.
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Monday, October 7th, 1974: President Ford weighs the possibility of a military intervention to defuse the Cypriot crisis and prevent a rift in NATO among it's Mediterranean members. However, in the wake of the Vietnam War, there is little appetite for further intervention.
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Tuesday, October 8th, 1974: The President announces the "Whip Inflation Now" (WIN) campaign during a televised address in response to dire economic forecasts. Prices of consumer goods rose 12% in 1974, while unemployment jumped from 5% to more than 7%. Interest rates climbed to 12%, the stock market fell 28%, and automobile sales collapsed. In 1974 real economic growth was projected at negative five percent. The WIN program, introduced by Ford to a national television audience, included tax and spending assistance to hard-pressed industries, a five percent tax surcharge, reduced federal spending and tighter monetary policies.
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Wednesday, October 9th, 1974: Franklin National Bank collapses after mobster and stakeholder Michele Sindona embezzles over $3,000,000 to cover loses in the foreign exchange markets. This move stripped the bank of the funds needed to cover basic operating costs, leading to its eventual collapse. At the time, it was the largest bank failure in American history. Treasury Secretary William Simon weighs a federal bailout to preserve the market's stability.
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Thursday, October 10th, 1974: The British public goes to the polls for the second time since February; though the earlier general election saw Harold Wilson's Labor Party forming a minority government, they could not maintain the supply and confidence of the Liberals and quickly faced a vote of no confidence. This time around, Labor picks up a bare majority of merely one seat. This gives Wilson the green light to form a majority government.
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Friday, October 11th, 1974: The Irish Republican Army (IRA) planted bombs in two public houses in Guildford, Surrey, England, which killed five people and injured a further 54. The pubs, the Horse and Groom and the Seven Stars, were targeted because they were frequented by off-duty British soldiers.

President Ford nominates former New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller for the position of Vice President; the longtime Governor and three time candidate for President is the leader of the liberal wing of the Republican Party.
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Saturday, October 12th, 1974: The PIRA carried out two bomb attacks on clubs in London. At 10.30 PM, a hand-thrown bomb with a short fuse is tossed through a basement window of the Victory, an ex-servicemen's club in Seymour Street near Marble Arch. A short time later an identical bomb was thrown into the ground floor bar at the Army and Navy Club in St. James's Square. Only one person was injured in these two attacks.

Stéphanos I Sidarouss, the Coptic Christian Patriarch of Alexandria, Egypt is gunned down by two Islamist militants as he left his home. The assassins, who are apprehended later, declare they are acting in solidarity with the oppressed Muslims of Cyprus. President Sadat orders his security forces to crack down on the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and other extremist forces in the country. Though the assassins claim otherwise, President Sadat suspects his neighbor Muammar Qaddafi to be behind the assassination.
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Sunday, October 13th, 1974: Popular TV host Ed Sullivan dies at the age of 72 from cancer in New York City.
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Tuesday, October 15th, 1974: General George Brown USAF, the newly appointed Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, tells an audience at Duke University that that Israel was becoming a burden to the Pentagon and believed that the reason for continual military aid was due to Jews having control over America's banks, newspapers and elected officials. His exact words were: “They own, you know, the banks in this country. The newspapers. Just look at where the Jewish money is.” General Brown is compelled to resign over his remarks by President Ford and is replaced as Joint Chiefs Chairman by General Robert E. Cushman Jr., the Commandant of the United States Marine Corps. General Cushman is the first Marine Corps officer to hold the position.
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Wednesday, October 16th, 1974: President Ford signs an amendment to the Federal Election Campaign Act that formally establishes the Federal Election Commission and implements a number of new limitations on how campaigns can raise money.

32 Turkish Cypriot school children are killed when government tanks open fire on a school. The Cypriot military authorities later claim that Turkish guerrillas were firing at them with anti-tank rockets and using the school buildings as cover. Turkish President Fahir Koroturk pledges Turkey’s complete support for the guerrillas on Cyprus. Turkey is openly arming their forces, and President Koroturk indicates that Turkey will not hesitate to occupy the whole island “no matter the cost or the damage to our alliances” in defense of the Cypriot-Turkish population.
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Friday, October 18th, 1974: Outgoing Governor Ronald Reagan hits the campaign trail in Florida in opposition to Governor Reuben Askew; it is the first of many campaign stops for Reagan as he plans to dramatically boost his national profile. There is speculation in Washington that he is testing the waters ahead of a potential Presidential campaign.
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Monday, October 21st, 1974: In his first overseas visit as President of the United States, Gerald Ford travels to the border city of Nogales, Mexico for talks with the Mexican President over bilateral trade and water rights regarding the Colorado River.

All the while, in Washington, the Senate Rules Committee begins hearings for the Rockefeller nomination after some delay due to disagreements between the Chairman, Senator Howard Cannon (D-NV) and the Republican ranking member Senator Marlow Cook (R-KY) over scheduling. The first hearings are relatively quiet, besides a tense exchange between Senator Robert Byrd (D-WV) and the Vice Presidential nominee over his wealth and the possibility that it could be used to buy political favors. Senator Jacob Javits (R-NY) comes to Rockefeller's defense, calling Byrd's line of questioning "shameful" and describing Rockefeller as "the most adept civil servant in America."
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Tuesday, October 22nd, 1974: A day after talks with Mexico, President Ford hosts his second foreign leader in the White House. Ford and French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing discuss a number of issues ranging from inter-NATO relations to the various hot spots in southern Africa. The two host a press conference afterwards, in which both Presidents vow to maintain the diplomatic status quo despite the international whiplash generated by Watergate and Nixon's subsequent resignation.
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Wednesday, October 23rd, 1974: Rockefeller appears before the Senate Rules Committee for a second time, clashing with Senator Byrd again. This time the point of contention resolves around the use of executive privilege, a major point of contention during the drawn out Watergate affair. Aside from Byrd's aggressive style of questioning, the hearing is by and large uneventful.
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Saturday, October 26th, 1974: Leftist officers led by Mathieu Kerekou seize power in a military coup in the West African nation of Dahomey. The new regime immediately begins arresting and in some cases executing officials loyal to the former regime, while Kerekou takes the title of President and declares the transition to a "revolutionary state."
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Sunday, October 27th, 1974: After a series of contentious meetings the Arab OPEC nations and Iran agree to reinstate the oil embargo against the west. This is presented as an expression of Islamic solidarity for the people of Palestine, and the “oppressed, endangered Muslim brothers and sisters in Cyprus.” OPEC calls on the west to protect the Turkish population of Cyprus and remove the Sampson military government from power. The Shah of Iran and Venezuelan President Carlos Perez had argued for lifting the sanctions. However, even the moderate Islamic governments in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait would not endorse that position, for fear of a backlash against them by their populations. There have been large anti-Israel/Greece and pro-Turkish Cypriot demonstrations in many Arab cities, and the Cyprus violence in particular has become a political hot potato for Islamic governments. The Shah agrees to go along with his fellow Islamic leaders, but Venezuela formally withdraws from OPEC after this meeting. All the while, the Ayatollah Khomeini denounces the Shah’s position at the OPEC conference as outright treason to Islam – “the blood of all the martyrs of Cyprus flows from the claws of this heretic.” Khomeini issues a fatwa calling for the Shah’s death.
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All the President's Men.
Monday, October 28th, 1974:
7:30 AM, The White House, DC.
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The President was tired but still alert as Hartmann, Rumsfeld, and Rumsfeld's new deputy, a Nebraska native from Wyoming by the name of Richard "Dick" Cheney were ushered into the Oval Office alongside Secretary Kissinger and Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger. The President was beleaguered from a long night on the phone with these same men as he pondered how to handle the latest energy crisis.

"They're trying to pinch us on Cyprus" warned Ford. Kissinger concurred; "it is also a message to Israel. They're trying to scare us out of the peace process." The President turned to his Defense Secretary. "This has to be the definition of a national security crisis" he declared, before asking Schlesinger to "check on the strategic reserves and be sure that you have allocated as much fuel has you need. We cannot let our international reach retract at this time." The Secretary nodded dutifully as Kissinger chimed in. "The growing domination of the OPEC nations is going to drive a wedge in the organization" he said in his heavy German accent, "but there are alternatives. Look to Venezuela, Equatorial Guinea, and so on."

"Hell, have any of you guys been to Alaska?" asked the newly minted Deputy Chief of Staff Dick Cheney, "it's a petrol gold mine up there." "That oil is more useful in the ground" replied Secretary Schlesinger, "it would be a core component of our strategic reserves." Hartmann also had ideas as how to tackle the latest oil crisis; "why don't we use this opportunity to develop a comprehensive domestic agenda to tackle energy consumption?" Though Ford had plenty of such ideas of his own, the phrasing of Hartmann's question led him to respond negatively. "No" he said, "I cannot and do not want to be the first President who has to tell Americans to live with less."

"We don't need to live with less" agreed Cheney, "they do." The others laughed, though the joke betrayed a harsh reality. To end this second embargo, they would have to play a delicate game, a close balancing act between the Arab interests and the preservation of Israel's territorial integrity. The President had full confidence in Kissinger, though the choices they'd have to make in the coming months ahead would have to based on solid reasoning. The stakes were too high, the economy too fragile, and the citizens too cynical.

The Vice Presidency, John Nance Garner famously opined, "was not worth a bucket of warm piss." For the first time, however, Ford found himself pondering the burdens of the office. Was it all worth it? Is it worth extending all the way through January, 1981? These questions weighed on Ford's mind as strongly as the OPEC embargo, and they did not have simple answers.
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Wednesday, October 30th, 1974: The “Rumble in the Jungle” takes place in Kinshasa, Zaire, where Muhammad Ali knocks out George Foreman in 8 rounds to regain the Heavyweight title, which had been stripped from him 7 years earlier. The widely viewed fight was financed by Zaire’s eclectic dictator General Mobuto, who watches the boxing match from a diamond gilded throne.

Cypriot troops burn down two Mosques they claim are being used as operation centers and arms depots by anti-government guerrillas. News of this inflames feeling throughout the Islamic world.

Rioting breaks out overnight in the London neighborhood of Stepney, where racial tensions and economic anxiety boil over. Sparked by a sporting dispute that got out of hand, the discontent rapidly swelled as neighborhood residents took to the streets to clash with police and each other. Raging against “the system,” the rioters inflict millions of pounds worth of damage. Seventeen rioters are left dead, with well over two hundred being seriously injured. Five police and one solider are killed, more injured, but the authorities do not disclose how many.
 
This is a very interesting start, and I'm curious to see if Ford avoids a challenger from the Republicans in the 1976 election.
 
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