The Lights of Liberty - a counterfactual history

You know, with an even stronger Enlightenment, we could see an even worse American Revolutionary War down the road...though I have a few theories onto the Confederacy of Southern America, (one such theory about to come to place soon.) I will hold off and see if I am right or not.

I'm not going to give it away just yet. :)

For now, here's the next update; the penultimate installment of Part III. It's on the short side, but I'm still finishing up the rest.


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Boston, Massachussetts, 12th of May 1766

Adam Braith was just cutting up a fine piece of beef when he heard the shouting from the street outside his butcher’s shop. Usually he wouldn’t pay it no mind, but it sounded... off. Not your usual city noise. More like panic. Things had been crazy ever since the damn Brits passed those good-for-nothin’ Acts. City was like an open powderkeg, and Adam’d be damned if there weren’t some silly buggers running ‘round with the matches to light it. Sons of Liberty and the like. Only thing they’d managed so far was getting caught—and getting their families arrested, as well. Adam hated to think what the Brits were doing to those people up in the fort. They’d been taken in for “questioning” two days ago, and no-one’d heard a damn thing since. Adam would be surprised if they were even still alive by now.

Outside the yells got louder. He walked up to the front door to see what the fuss was about. People were running passed, towards the market. Adam caught side of Jim Barnes in the crowd. The baker two doors over, and a friend for years. Adam yelled his name, and Jim turned ‘round. “What’s all this, then?” Adam asked. “What’s the rush about?”

Jim shrugged. “Brits started shootin’ folk, I gather. They executed the prisoners on market square. No trial or nuthin’. People ain’taking kindly to this shi–”

“Hold on,” Adam stopped him. “Market square? Betsy’s doing the groceries there!” His little girl was all he had left since Edith passed away. He’s be damned if he’d let her be put in danger. “Come on.”

Jim followed him without questioning. Something occured to Adam as they ran towards the square. “When you say they killed the prisoners— does that mean the women and children, too? Surely not?”

But his friend’s face only hardened. “They spared the children. But only the children.” Good God. Adam could scarcely believe they’d stoop to executing innocent women, but then you never knew with the Brits these days. Troubles in Montréal had ‘em riled up like crazy men.

And then he had no more time to contemplate the state of mind of the British. They got to the square and it was... it was a battlefield. First thing Adam saw was, high above the crowd, the seventeen bodies swinging from the gallows. Second thing he saw was British officer being pulled from his horse by the angry mob, down into what nearly seemed to be an ocean of punching fists and kicking fists. Shots were being fired into the crowd, but the people wen’t going to stop, Adam could tell. They wouldn’t stop intil all those red-coated killers were dead.

He kept looking around, searching for his daughter. She had to be here somewhere, she had to be alright. One horrible thing after another presented itself, but he hardly registered any of it. He had to keep looking, maybe in one of the shops...

Betsy’s body was exactly the twenty-fifth horror that he saw that day. He had no idea why that seemed important, but it did. He didn’t have to look any closer to know she was dead. He barely noticed Jim running up to him, shooting something, then falling silent as he saw, too. Adam just dropped to his knees and cradled his little girl’s body. Around them, the crowd fell silent as the last redcoat was kicked into a pulp.

On any other day, Adam would’ve been the first man to urge a crowd to stay calm. Now, he didn’t even care. People started noticing how he was there, kneeling on the ground next to his dead daughter. When he stood up, holding his girl in his arms, and started walking—

People followed. Jim sent him a concerned glance, but Adam paid him no mind. He walked back to his shop without even being fully aware of his own body taking the steps. Outside his door, he gently put Betsy down on the cobbled street, and stepped into his shop. The crowd on the street was frozen in silence. . He grabbed what he needed, and came out holding it in his shaking hand: the largest of his butcher’s knives. The second largest he threw to Jim, who caught it deftly and nodded ever so slightly. Jim was always a jolly man, but there was not a trace of that in him, now. Just grim determination.

Adam couldn’t speak, could do nothing but look at the body of his little girl, still on the pavement. Jim spoke for him.

“First we bury the dead. And then we avenge them.”


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Montréal City, British Montréal, 2nd of June 1766

“Reading again, Lansquenet? Nothing better to do?”

He looked up. “Bonjour, Michel.” Standing up, he held the book out to his fellow rebel. “I think you’d like it, actually. Montesquieu. A philosophe. Believes very strongly that all men should be free, and all peoples of the earth as well, in their own sovereign states. Monsieur Sanssouci recommended it.”

It had been a funny thing. Montesquieu had bright ideas, Sanssouci had said, despite his close association with a man of unsavory character. He’d said it with a sort of half-smile, like it was a secret joke.

Michel poured himself a drink before sitting down and taking the book. “Liberté, huh? Well, it might not be complete shit, then.”

At that, Maurice smiled. From Michel such was the highest praise. And he was sure this was the sort of philosophy any commited freedom fighter could appriciate. And not only the French, either. “I gather this book is also widely read in Boston, and many other cities on the seaboard. If the people there bother to actually study the sections on religious tolerance...”

“Don’t hold your breath.”

He wouldn’t. But still... The British colonists were being treated only a smidgen better than the French. If all men of North America wanted to be free, Maurice suspected, they would all have to work together. United against the British tyrant.

He’d voiced those ideas before, but the old guard would have none of it. Maybe if the people in Nouvelle-Angleterre actually started fighting back against their oppressors... Maybe then it would be clear that they could all fight—and win—this war together. A war for freedom. For independence. They’d never manage that it they kept fighting each other as well. The redcoats could only rule them through division.

The door burst open, and Gérard stormed in. “My friends! You won’t believe this— the people of Nouvelle-Angleterre had more sense than we thought. They’re fighting the redcoats. Boston is on fire!”

Maurice stared at Michel, and the thought went unspoken between them: maybe, just maybe they wouldn’t have to hold their breath after all. Supressing his enthousiasasm, he forced himself to assess the situation calmly, just as monsieur Sanssouci had taught him.

First things first. “Gérard; inform the others. Michel… go to monsieur Sanssouci. We have to arrange a meeting. We have to prepare for action. This is the moment we’ve been waiting for.”


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Excerpted from Road to Revolution, by Thomas J. Fields (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1970):

It began when British troops arrested several suspected ringleaders of the Sons of Liberty in Boston. They, along with their families, were taken to the British military headquarters, questioned—tortured—and executed within a matter of days; the men and the women both. Only the children were spared.

Boston exploded. The people turned into a furious mob, which advanced on the British military headquarters, throwing rocks and debris at any soldiers they encountered. In their panic, several soldiers fired on the crowd, and no more incintive was needed – the people stormed the British headquarters, murdering every soldier they could get their hands on. Even firing at the crowd had no effect. The people were enraged to a point beyond fear.

The subsequent execution of thirteen British soldiers that had been captured alive became known as the “Boston Bloodletting”—the soldiers’ throats were slit by Adam Braith (the nominal leader of the mob, also a local butcher whose daughter had been shot by the British soldiers.

Two days after the Bloodletting, the British military responded with overwhelming force. Engaging in a cavalry charge in the middle of the city, they stormed at the mob, hacking into people at random. In the chaos, several buildings were set on fire, and the flames spread rapidly. Order was restored by means of brute force, even as Boston burned, but it proved to be only the beginning: when news of these events reached other cities, they also became sites of open resistance against British rule. The armed revolt was a fact.


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GENERAL NOTES

Would you look at that? I have zero notes to offer you today. First time for everything! ;)
 
Here we go, folks: the final installment of part III:


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Excerpted from Open Revolt, by Anna Simmons, (Rockwell/Fontaine, Confederacy of Southern America, 1990):

The immediate reaction by British authorities was nothing short of brutal. Mass arrests, summary executions, shots fired at civillian targets… The commitment of the British forces to their goal of restoring order at once went so far as to justify the arrest—and in some cases, extralegal execution—of persons believed to be potention leaders of a colonial resistance. Notably, James Otis sr. was dragged from his home and sentenced to death in a mock trial that lasted under two minutes.

From our perspective, it is difficult to grasp the rationale of such a strategy. Keep in mind, however, that the British government was mostly fearful of Boton turning into a second Montréal. Seeking to prevent another guerre des fantômes [1] from erupting, they attempted to crush such a possibility from the very outset, before any restistance movement could organize.

As history has taught time and again, oppression only serves to embolden the American spirit of independene. But we must keep in mind that this was not yet understood at the time. Most of all, we must consider that the British strategy was not as senseless as it is sometimes portrayed. In the context, it was far from ludicrous. After all, it eventually proved effective, at least as far as (…)


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Boston, Massachussetts, 21st of August 1766

Adam followed the other two men through the drafty hallway. From the outside, the townhouse had seemed empty, but at the end of the hall, he saw the flickering of a candle. One of his silent companions rapped on the door, three times in rapid succession.

“What stranger comes to my door at night?”

“An orphan looking for a home,” the man before him yelled back, “that he can make it his castle!”

Adam supposed that such code-phrases were bitter neccesity these days. The door opened, revealing a man that Adam guessed to be roughly of his own age – in his early forties. The man had a slightly round face and acutely intelligent eyes that seemed to study the newcomes all very intently before the man stepped back. “Come in, gentlemen.”

He urged them to take a seat at the table, and then sat down opposite Adam. “Mister Braith, I’ve been looking forward to making your acquaintance.” He cocked his head slightly, as if he was trying to judge Adam’s character by looking at him. “You’ve turned into quite the figurehead of… rebellion.”

He hesitated slightly at that word, as is weighing it, testing the feel of it.

Adam coughed. “I wouldn’t know about that, sir. I’m… just trying to help people as need my help. We’re fighting them, by God, we’re fighting the redcoats openly. Seems that it’s up to every man to do his best. Give his all.”

“Yes,” said the man, very softly, “isn’t that the truth?” Adam couldn’t place the sadness in the man’s voice as he spoke, but before he had a chance to ask, the man looked up sharply. “I think you’re an honest man, mister Braith. And these colonies need honest men right now. But forgive me – I have not yet introduced myself. I am James Otis.”

Suddenly, Adam knew exactly where the sad tone in this calm man’s voice had come from: he was sitting here opposite James Otis junior, and no more that twelve hours ago, the British had executed James Otis senior. He felt the other man’s loss nearly as keenly as his own—no less because the elder Otis had not been a man that America could afford to lose.

He held out his hand to the other man. “I’m sorry for your loss, mister Otis.”

A moment’s hesitation, and then Otis took his hand across the table and shook it firmly. “Thank you, sir. Am I… am I correct in assuming that you, too, have lost someone to our common enemy?”

Adam nodded. “They killed my little girl.”

“They will not stop until we stop them—by force.”

Adam started at the unexpected voice from behind him. A voice with a heavy French accent was the last thing he’d expected. He stood and turned, his eyes falling on a man who had to have been standing behind the door when they entered. Adam hadn’t even seen it. It was a young man, gaunt and tall, with a shock of uncombed dark hair.

Otis caughed. Adam looked back at him, and saw him looking pointedly at the Frenchman—at least, Adam assumed the man was French—for a moment, before shrugging. “My apologies, mister Braith. Our… associate… is not a very patient man. Nor one inclined to stay silent.”

Adam glanced back at the young man, who looked slightly bashful. “This,” Otis told him, “is mister Maurice Lansquenet, of Montréal. He has, let us say, ample experience when it comes to fighting the British army.”

That made sense. This was one of the insurrectionists, then. He sure looked like he’d been living off the land, always on the run. Having now been involved in the conversation, Lansquenet didn’t appear to be able to stay silent any longer. He stepped forward eagerly. “Mister Braith,” he said, his accented morphing the words, “it is a great pleasure to meet you. An honor. Forgive my uncombed appearance—we are not barbarians, in Montréal, but in times such as these, an honest rebel must travel by country roads, and at night.”

What could he say to that? He muttered his thanks at the compliment, and congratulated the Frenchman on his safe arrival. Behind him, Otis laughed. “Mister Lansquenet, I must tell you, has already expressed great admiration for your exploits.” At that, Lansquenet grinned. “Vraiment! I hope we will be able to fight side by side, monsieur.”

“It’ll come to that, before long.” Otis looked less than pleased by the prospect. “I would much prefer to settle this matter without fighting at all. But my father tried that, tried to negotiate a cease-fire, and they just dragged him away and shot him in cold blood.”

That had been a disgusting act of cowardice, Adam thought. They had killed the elder Otis merely because he was the nominal head of the colony’s militia—which was now openly fighting the redcoats. They obviously hoped that to kill their figurehead would send the entire militia into disarray. Well, they’d never fought true-blooded Americans, then.

“We must coordinate our efforts, gentlemen,” Otis interrupted Adam’s thoughts. “Mister Lansquenet has come here tonight to tell me that James Wolfe has been summoned to this city.”

That threw Adam for a loop. James Wolfe, the general who had captured—and since then governed—Montréal, was coming to Boston? That was bad news, very bad. The general was known to have carried out anti-resistance measures with cold-blooded determination, and he was sure to bring a whole army with him. Which meant…

“This will take the pressure off, back home.” Lansquenet slapped him on the back. “And that frees up a lot of my compatriots for… other engagements. Wherever Wolfe goes, he won’t be able to shake me off! I'll chase him to the gates of hell, if need be. My men are at your service, mister Braith. We will fight the Redcoats, right here in Boston—together!”


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Excerpted from Sanssouci, by Leroy French (Robinson & Quayle, Confederacy of Southern America, 1950):

Sanssouci took all possible advantage from Wolfe’s departure for Boston. No sooner had the bulk of the British forces left, or the resistance efforts in Montréal doubled. Organizing formally, the resistance movement formally appointed Sanssouci as their leader. Ofted dubbed “Maréchal Frédéric”, he had instituted a rigid training regime, turning a bunch of rebellious young men into a veritable army. Indeed, Frédéric proved no less of a military genias than his brother, the king of Prussia. By this time, the British authorities had become aware that he was not merely writing essays and pamphlets of a subtly seditious nature—they had begun to suspect his more direct involvement in the resistance movement. His high birth prevented any action taken against him, but he certainly had to act carefully.

Leading the insurrectionist efforst from the shadows, Frédéric proved his talent for strategy and logistics. With the bulk of Wolfe’s army occupied elsewhere, Montréal was soon beyond the control of the British forces. Secure for the moment, the Montréal resistance movement dispatched various envoys to the rebels organizing in New England, and in 1767, sent representatives to the Williamsburg Convention.


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Excerpted from Road to Revolution, by Thomas J. Fields (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1970):

The brutal tactics of the British administrators served to turn moderates into radicals, and before long, the streets of Boston were as rife with dissent and insurrection as those of Montréal. Nevertheless, the resistance was barely organized, despite the useful aid and advice from several experienced freedom fighters from Montréal. Noticably, Maurice Lansquenet – more readily remembered for his later political achievements – managed to train capable resistance fighters within a short period of time.

With the arrival of general Wolfe, this advantage soon dissipated. The British commander had dealt with the insurrectionists in Montréal, and wasted no time in adopting the techniques that served him the best: confisquating food supplies and weapons, and a policy of ruthless punishment to discourage any dissent. It has been concluded time and again that, had the British been more lenient in the first place, there would never have been a revolt to start with. Whatever the truth of that may be, it can be concluded that Wolfe’s techniques were effective.

By no means did he manage to discourage the American people from resisting the British oppression, of course, but his superior organization skills and his merciless approach to the fight proved too lethal a combination. Before long, the initial successes of the revolting colonists were reversed.


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Excerpted from Why the New England Revolt Failed by Edith Baker, the winning entry in Living History’s seventh annual essay contest, 1972:

(...) how, then, were the British able to crush a popular revolt that had garnered such immense support in Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island, and which certainly enjoyed the sympathy of the other colonies? The reason is twofold: firstly the ruthless resolve of the British, secondly the poor organization of the colonists.

The first point by no means implies that the colonists were not resolved to win their independence, only that the British were ready to commit any sort of atrocity to prevent them from achieving it. And they amply demonstrated their resolve during the conflicts of 1766-‘67.

The second point is perhaps even more crucial than the first. The colonists were of one mind, but not of one arm to strike at the British. There were few coordinated actions to interrupt the British supply lines, and there was no centrally organized effort to turn the colonial militias into a unified force capable of meeting the British on the field (...)


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Excerpted from Road to Revolution, by Thomas J. Fields (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1970):

By the time of the Williamsburg Convention, in 1767, it was already clear that the revolt in New England was a lost cause. Officially a meeting of representatives from all colonies with the aim of peacefully ending the revolt, the Convention was actually an attempt to unite the colonies in a bid for more indepenence from the crown.

The representatives came to virginia in large numbers, some taking great risks by attending, such as John and Samuel Adams. They were all to aware that the Convention was New England’s last hope—in vain, as it turned out. Although there were several leading figures from the other colonies who expressed (in veiled terms, naturally) their willingness to join in open revolt, it was simply too late already. The rebelling factions in New England were forced into retreat all across the board, and no colony outside New England was willing to risk openly supporting the revolt.

When the news reached Williamsburg that James Otis had been captured by the British, all efforts finally broke down. John and Samuel Adams went into hiding, their death warrants having been issued by general Wolfe. Perhaps the only positive outcome of the Convention was that it brought pro-independence thinkers from all the colonies together. That ultimately proved of inestimable value in later years.


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Boston, Massachussetts, 5th of October 1767

James Otis knew he had little time left, so he wrote faster. On the other side of the door, peering at him through the iron bars, the guard tapped his heel against the stone floor. His handriting was far from neat, but he had a feeling his sister would not mind in this particular instance.

…and so I write these words to you as I face the gallows, he wrote. Would that I could talk to you in person, but I cannot be sure you would be safe. I am glad that Sam has escaped capture, and pray for his well-being. Should you see him again, send him my love.

He sighed, knowing he would never see his siblings again.

My only wish was for all of us to live in a free land. I regret but that I failed in the endeavour.

Your brother,

James


He put down his quill, and nodded at the guard. “My legal council will collect this letter… afterwards. Now—let’s waste no more time.”

He was led to a waiting tumbril cart, hands tied behind his back. Standing on the cart, he was rode out, to where the gallows waited. The autumn sun blinded him for a moment, after the darkness inside. The cart was halted, and he glanced around. At the people watching. At the noose. The severity of the situation brought a twisted humor to his mind—like father, like son. Yes. Both dead for the same cause. Well, at least it had been a noble cause.

As he glanced left, he saw a familiar face in the crowd. The honest eyes of Adam Braith stared back at him, with grim determination. So. They had come to rescue him. For a second, James considered it. Only for a second. There were at least a hundred soldiers here. It would only get them all killed—instead of just himself.

So he shook his head, ever so slightly, hoping that no-one but Adam would see. No-one did, and when he looked back into the crowd, the erstwhile butcher was nowhere to be seen. The noose was wrapped around his neck, but he refused the blindfold. A man should not die with his face hidden.

“Any last words?”

This time he shook his head clearly, defiantly, for all to see—gazing at general Wolfe, who looked back in stony silence. For a moment, all was still. Then Wolfe gave a nod, and the noose was placed around his neck, the horse whipped into movement, and the cart slipped out from under his feet—


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Excerpted from Sanssouci, by Leroy French (Robinson & Quayle, Confederacy of Southern America, 1950):

With the revolts in New England suppressed, and colonial resistance in those parts reduced to disorganized bands, general Wolfe assembled his army and returned to Montréal. Frédéric, realizing that open warfare was a lost cause, ordered his resistance fighters to simply fade into the shadows. This presented to Wolfe an illusion of a quick victory. Montréal was placed under martial law, and for a short while, all seemed calm. In reality, Frédéric was waiting for the British to lower their guard just a fraction. As soon as they did, a rapid campaign of attacks by resistance cells on military targets followed—only for the rebels to disappear again. Waiting for the next time and place where the British would relax just the little bit—invariably leading to renewed attacks.

This strategy drove the British military to exhaustion and paranoia, leading to ever more repressive methods against the civillian population in an effort to repress the resistance. It is a cynical thought, but this was exactly what Frédéric expected and in fact wanted his enemy to do. The more Wolfe repressed the people, the more support his resistance movement received. By this point, Frédéric himself had been forced in to hiding, Wolfe having issued an arrest warrant against him, any political implications be damned. And from the shadows, Frédéric waited. He was not yet ready to take on his opponents, but he was content to weaken Wolfe, while strengthening his own position. Sooner or later, he knew, the pressures of the “American situation” would lead to an explosive result, and not just in Montréal. When that time came, he would be ready.


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Excerpted from Road to Revolution, by Thomas J. Fields (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1970):

Regardless of the varying opinions in regard to the legality of it, the fact remains that the atrocities committed by the British soldiers during the revolt permanently rendered any reconciliation impossible. No less because the British made no effort to appease the colonists following their victory: they captured any colonial leader they could, and executed every prisoner they took. [2]

The three revolting British colonies—Massachussetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island—had their charters indefinitely revoked and their civil administrations dismanteled. They were forcibly merged into a single military-controlled district: Plymouth Colony. The colonists themselves had no further say in its government, and it was placed under permanent martial law. Northern Massachussetts, which had been relatively calm throughout, was split off to become the self-governing Mayne Colony—partially to reward the people there for their lack of resistance, partially to punish the people of former Massachussetts for the abundance of same. Montréal, under martial law already, saw the British military presence increased considerably.

Ruling through fear, the British kept Plymouth Colony under their thumb while discouraging the other North American colonies from showing any signs of disloyalty. Meanwhile, loyalists were elevated of position to power—in an attempt to convince the population that Americans themselves could still rise in the government bureaucracy, if only they remained loyal...

These methods were depressingly succesful, for a time. But a system based on oppression and fear can never last forever. The revolt had been crushed, but the revolution drew closer every day.



END OF PART THREE



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FOOTNOTES

[1] “Phantom war”, meaning guerilla.

[2] These claims are exaggerated, although widely believed in America.


GENERAL NOTES

...and that, my friends, concludes Part Three. As of this installment, it's not much fun to be an American patriot ITTL. But who knows what the next part might still bring? After all, it has the possibly quite hopeful title:

If At First You Don't Secede...

...well, I'll leave you guessing as to how that sentence should end.
 
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katchen

Banned
You might want to read Richard Hughes "The Fatal Shore"(about the convict system in Australia) for some detail on how hanging was conducted in the UK and it's colonies in the 18th Century. Hughes goes into quite a bit of detail on the subject. At that time, the condemned commonly rode on a tumbril cart to the gibbet, the noose was placed around his or her neck, and the horse whipped to move forward so that the condemned fell off the cart. Or the condemned climbed a ladder to the noose, which was then twisted, thus the expression "twisted off.People who were hanged were expected to slowly strangle at that time, as the expressions for hanging "to die of a hempen quinsey" or the hangman "the gaggler" indicated. The trapdoor method and solicitude and care to break the condemned's neck did not come in until about the 1830s, according to Hughes.
 
You might want to read Richard Hughes "The Fatal Shore"(about the convict system in Australia) for some detail on how hanging was conducted in the UK and it's colonies in the 18th Century. Hughes goes into quite a bit of detail on the subject. At that time, the condemned commonly rode on a tumbril cart to the gibbet, the noose was placed around his or her neck, and the horse whipped to move forward so that the condemned fell off the cart. Or the condemned climbed a ladder to the noose, which was then twisted, thus the expression "twisted off.People who were hanged were expected to slowly strangle at that time, as the expressions for hanging "to die of a hempen quinsey" or the hangman "the gaggler" indicated. The trapdoor method and solicitude and care to break the condemned's neck did not come in until about the 1830s, according to Hughes.

Not a day goes by I don't learn something new. Thanks, katchen. I've edited the relevant section according to your description, for more historical accuracy. The book you mention sounds fascinating (in a somewhat gruesome way), and I'll make sure to look it up. :)
 
Part Four
IF AT FIRST YOU DON’T SECEDE…



They have taken our homes, driven us into hiding. But they have not killed us, and while we live, we persevere. They have suppressed us, but they have not stamped us out. While we breathe, we fight for our liberty, which is our birthright, derived from our Maker. But even if it were not, we have earned and bought it, at the expense of our ease, our estates, our pleasure, our blood. Many of our countrymen have given their lives for our freedom. To give up now would be to betray their sacrifice—I will not stand for it.”

—John Adams​


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Excerpted from Struggle for Freedom: the Revolutionary War, by Thomas J. Fields (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1979):

Assistance from the resistance movement in Montréal proved crucial in rebuilding the rebel cause in New England—and fostering its development in the other colonies. Before long, the tactics of the resistance were universally embraced by those opposed to British tyranny. Instead of rebel uprisings, the British military forces found themselves facing an invisible foe: the Sons of Liberty. Based on the resistance movement formed by Sanssouci in Montréal—and expertly trained by veteran insurrectionists sent to the other colonies for this very purpose—the Sons of Liberty quickly became the bane of the British Crown. In the span of a few years, a rag-tag band of rebels on the verge of annihilation turned into a secret army that even the might of the British army could not defeat. A legion of ghosts, fighting a permanent guerre des fantômes.

The British military responded in typical fashion, with ever more cruel suppression of the colonies’ good people. Day after day, new recruits joined the rebel ranks. Every son of a harrassed farmer or an overtaxed shopkeeper became also a Son of Liberty, and thus the British continued to sow the seeds of war and bloodshed. Over time, it became clear to the people all colonies, even those previously unopposed to British rule, that they were now enslaved by a tyrant, and that resistance was the only viable solution. Initially, the middle and southern colonies were less inclined to open revolt, having as yet faced less hardships. British military presence in those parts was relatively minor, which presented opportunities in itself. Wanted fugitives from New England and Montréal found a safe haven in Virginia and the Carolinas.

Following the failure of the Williamsburg Convention, Samuel and John Adams found themselves in hiding at the estate of Thomas Jefferson, whom they had met in Williamsburg. Jefferson, one of the youngest delegates to the Convention, was from the outset among the most zealous supporters of the New England revolt, urging Virginia to join in that cause of liberty. At the time, his pleas fell on deaf ears, but it quickly led him to develop close connections among the independence-minded segments of American society. The fact that he spoke fluent French soon made him one of the most important figures in coordinating between the rebels in Montréal and the Sons of Liberty elsewhere.

Before long, the Underground Trail was established, intended to smuggle wanted fugitives out of New England and Montréal, to the relative safety of the more southern colonies. This way, rebels such as Braith and Lansquenet managed to flee occupied Plymouth Colony. At the same time, weapons and other supplies were delivered to the resistance fighters in the north. The many secret routes taken—collecively referred to as the “trail”—often led through dangerous areas, putting the brave men aiding the cause of liberty at risk of discovery by the British, or attack by Indians. (Famous is the tale of Paul Revere’s midnight ride, when he was pursued by both the British army and the Indians—and only managed to escape alive because his assailants started firing on each other…)

The success of such underground smuggling routes left the British with no alternative but to station more and more soldiers in the middle and southern colonies, which in turn led to a steady rise in support for the Sons of Liberty in those areas of the continent. Suppression tactics became steadily more brutal, until nearly all movement of people or supplies from one colony to another without prior permission became outlawed. Support for the British Crown dwindled away, and all America became a giant powderkeg.


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Maugerville, Nova Scotia, 2nd of December 1771

“Come on, make way! Mothers with children first!” Adam was yelling at the top of his lungs, but still he barely managed to make himself heard. He climbed on top of one of the crates, cupping his hands around his mouth. “Listen to me, people! Listen up! LISTEN UP!”

At last they were starting to quiet down. He looked at the crowd, at their hollow cheeks and empty eyes. It goddamn near broke his heart to see people that hungry, that… starved.

“My people,” he started, “my countrymen. I know you’re all hungry, but for the love of God— let’s make sure the mothers and the children are fed first. We are men. We are Americans. We’re not redcoats who leave families to starve.”

He almost expected the men in the crowd to just ignore him, or to jeer, but they stepped back silently, allowing the women to go first. They knew, just as Adam did, that there wasn’t enough food for everyone. And they still stood back. “Sir!” one of them yelled. “Is it true that the French paid for this?”

Adam looked the man in the eye, staying quiet for a moment. “Yes. That’s right. The good people of Montréal are our brothers. Britain betrays us, and men we once called enemies are keeping us alive.” Barely alive, he knew. Maurice had told him they had little enough in Montréal, and getting supplies past the redcoats was getting more difficult every year.

“I assure you,” he told the crowd, “there are plenty of Americans—no matter their language—who are helping out their neighbors right now. These are hard times. We need each other now.” They cheered, at that, and Adam ducked his head, flushing slightly. He’d never get used to that. To being cheered on.

At last, it seemed all the children had been fed. The men trudged forward. Adam noticed how they shared the bread, breaking it into equal pieces. Not enough to live on, not even on a good day. And in this cold winter… he shivered. He wished he could’ve given more. But he only had enough for three more food distributions, three more weeks of trying to save the hungry of Maugerville from complete starvation.

As the men ate, he considered the future. The Sons of Liberty had already asked him to join them, and he’d readily agreed. Who’d have thought that a butcher from Boston would end up a revolutionary, travelling the colonies and trying to help people get by?

His thoughts were harshly interrupted by a gunshot. The entire crowd froze, as the redcoat officer lowered his gun. Seated on his horse, he looked down on the emaciated men with a look of disdain. Behind him were at least forty soldiers, standing at attention.

“What is this?” the officer asked haughtily. “An illegal food distribution?” He looked at adam with an icy glare. “Sir, have the proper taxes been paid for this shipment of food?”

Of course not. That would’ve left less money to buy actual food. Adam had hoped to be done before any damned rat could betray these goings-on to the redcoats. He cursed his own carelessness. He was reasonably sure that they wouldn’t know him for a wanted refugee, not this far from Boston. But that didn’t mean they wouldn’t just hang him anyway. No-one was safe, these days.

“I assume from your silence,” the officer barked, “that this is not the case. Men! Arrest this criminal, and impound the goods!”

The first stone flew before the first soldier could take the first step. Followed by a second stone, and a third. The soldiers opened fire as the officer quickly turned his horse to retreat behind his men. A rock hit him squarely in the back of the head, and he thundered to the ground.

As he saw the soldiers shooting at the hungry masses, Adam did not hesitate to pick up a brick himself. Estimating the distance, he drew back his hand, and threw it as hard as he could.


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Excerpted from Americans, Defend Your Birthright, a pamphlet published by the Sons of Liberty following the violent suppression of the Nova Scotia food riots:

AMERICANS, DEFEND YOUR BIRTHRIGHT!

The vicious REDCOATS would steal your LIVES, your FOOD, and your RIGHTS, but you MUST NOT LET THEM! They are THIEVES and MURDERERS.

The cowardly REDCOATS on the Second of December have murdered TWENTY-SEVEN unarmed Americans in cold blood. The people of MAUGERVILLE have been STARVING and only the kindness of good men such as ADAM BRAITH has saved them from Death.

When the damned REDCOATS came to STEAL the food that BRAITH had delivered for his Countrymen at the Risk of his very LIFE, and moreover to ARREST the kind benefactor himself, his Countrymen rushed to his aid.

The unfeeling REDCOATS thereupon opened fire on the unarmed, killing TWENTY-SEVEN. Though they had to FLEE before the rightious anger of the People, they returned in greater number, arresting INNOCENT MEN and naming them guilty WITHOUT TRIAL.

As a result of this injustice, the kind ADAM BRAITH is forced into hiding once more, and SEVENTEEN more INNOCENT AMERICANS will be MURDERED by hanging at the end of this very month. Some of these are ONLY BOYS, not yet even fit to lift a musket.

HOW MUCH LONGER MUST WE ABIDE THESE CRIMES?

AMERICANS, RISE UP!


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Excerpted from Struggle for Freedom: the Revolutionary War, by Thomas J. Fields (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1979):

With the British execution of the food rioters—or at least their so-called “ringleaders”—one may safely say that any chance of good relations between Great Britain and Nova Scotia was crushed. From that moment on, Nova Scota rapidly developed into a hotbed of dissent and secessionism, on par with Plymouth and Montréal. There was widespread support for the riots, and some of the men executed were hardly more than boys, and most likely they had nothing to do with the riots anyway. It was only the arrival and distribution of food supplies to Nova Scotia within the month that prevented a second revolt such as the one earlier suppressed bloodily in Plymouth Colony...

It now became clear to the British government that their colonial policy was not sorting the desired effects. In 1772, the British crown issued the Colonial Acts of North America. These Acts aimed to reorganize British North America, in order to make it more governable. The four Acts were the following:

  • The Montréal Act, which separated Montréal into two separate colonies—one Francophone and one Anglophone. In the Francophone rump-colony, the French language was given official recognition, but the anti-Catholic laws were not lifted, and it remained under martial law.
  • The Canada Act, which organized the territory separated from Montréal into Canada Colony. [1]
  • The Indiana Act, which reserved the Indiana Territory exlusively as a settling ground for displaced natives. Other land west of the Appalachians was opened for white settlers.
  • The Rupert’s Land Act, which granted the remainder of British North America (bar Newfoundland) to the Hudson Bay Company, for exclusive exploitation.
All in all, these Acts placated none of the colonists. The French Catholics in Montréal were still second-class citizens (if that) and had to swallow the fact that a significant part of “their” land was split off. The Anglophone colonists of Canada Colony felt that they should have received more land that was instead granted to the Hudson Bay Company. The colonists south of the great Lakes saw the newly opened territory—between the Appalachians and the Mississippi—as insufficient, and felt that Indiana should also have been opened to settlement. It has been quipped that the only people truly pleased with the Colonial Acts were the directors of the Hudson Bay Company.


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FOOTNOTES

[1] TTL’s “Canada Colony” is basically OTL’s Lower Canada, though the borders are somewhat different—and more in Canada’s favor, at the expense of Montréal.
 
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  • The Indiana Act, which reserved the Indiana Territory exlusively as a settling ground for displaced natives. Other land west of the Appalachians was opened for white settlers.

Several questions arise.
'
Who are the British ministers responsible for these policies?

OTL, there was considerable debate in Parliament about British policy in America. Actions such as the wholesale execution without trial of British subjects, including women, would create a huge political storm. ITTL the British government is a faceless monster, subject to no constraints.

How much is all this costing the British government?

Parliament is not going to vote unlimited funds for the execution of bad policies.

What form does the resistance in Canada or New England take?

Ambushes of patrols and raids on outposts? The narrative is vague. Unlesss the British have a lot of troops, they cannot occupy more than a small area, and that allows the colonists in the reminder to form substantial armies. How many men do the British have?

Finally, where is "Indiana"?

Not, obviously, OTL's Indiana.
 
Several questions arise.

Who are the British ministers responsible for these policies?

OTL, there was considerable debate in Parliament about British policy in America. Actions such as the wholesale execution without trial of British subjects, including women, would create a huge political storm. ITTL the British government is a faceless monster, subject to no constraints.

I'll be honest; I'm portraying it this way on purpose. Even IOTL, Americans have a way of mythologizing their struggle for independence, describing it in terms of a war between patriots and tyrants. In a way, I love that about America - but it doesn't really make for objective historiography. ITTL, that tendency is even stronger, more pronounced. In the eyes of TTL's Americans, the Britain they fought (though not neccesarily modern, nowadays Britain) really was the Evil Empire.

Needless to say, Britain sees things rather differently. Everything you read in this part is from the American perspective. I'm deliberately doing it like that. In a future part, we'll jump back in time for a bit, and look at these same (or simultaneously happening) events from a British perspective. That will shed some light on the matter, and provide a narrative for the other side (which in no way considers itself a faceless, oppressive monster).

How much is all this costing the British government?

Parliament is not going to vote unlimited funds for the execution of bad policies.

It's costing them a lot, and there are certainly objections in Parliament. But for now, I'll keep the exact socio-political climate in Britain a bit of mystery. (I know, that seems like an easy cop-out, but I'm intentionally leaving the British perspective for a later part.)

What's essentially happened - that we now know of - is that Britain got a somewhat easier/cheaper victory in the Six Years' War than it did in OTL's Sever Years' War. That led to a bit more (over)confidence on the British side, which manifested in a slightly harsher stance in regards to France, and an (even) less tolerant policy where it came to the Catholic, Francophone people of "Montréal". This pushes that population (disgruntled IOTL, but not ready to revolt) over the edge, leading to insurrection. British response is one of suppression, and when the Anglophone colonists start getting uppity, this general hardline stance is carried over into the British response to that issue.

One might say everything just escalated, and the British generally feel that they have made some errors in judgement, but can't go back anymore. They feel they've suppressed the revolt, and residual rebel activity just has to be stamped out now...

What form does the resistance in Canada or New England take?

Ambushes of patrols and raids on outposts? The narrative is vague. Unlesss the British have a lot of troops, they cannot occupy more than a small area, and that allows the colonists in the reminder to form substantial armies. How many men do the British have?

In actuality, the British are indeed severely outnumbered. They control the major cities, and nothing else. They organize military patrols to crack down on smuggling and to enforce other policies, but as you said: they can't control more than a small area at a time.

Finally, where is "Indiana"?

Not, obviously, OTL's Indiana.

It depends on what you mean by 'OTL's Indiana'. ITTL as IOTL, the original British notion was to restrict settlement to the area east of the Appalachians. They have now, ITTL, opened up the lands south of the Ohio river for settlers. The "Indiana Territory" is basically what IOTL became the Northwest Territory later on: the area between the Ohio river and the Great Lakes. It's more or less inevitable that such a territory, with such similar borders to OTL, would be formed: the Ohio river just makes for a great natural boundary.
 
Part Four, continued. Took me a week to get this on paper. It involved adapting existing works to fit ITTL, which I thought would be fun to try, but surprisingly turned out to be far more difficult than writing excerpts from entirely fictional works. Weird, right?

Anyway - now, it seems, I'm back on track. You may expect further updates in the coming days. :)



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Excerpted from Radical Freedom: The Life and Works of Thomas Paine, by Peter Lewis (Shelbeigh Press, Confederacy of Southern America, 1955):

In the summer of 1772, Paine published The Case of the Officers of Excise, his first political work. By means of this twenty-one-page article he joined his fellow excise officers in asking the British parliament for better pay and working conditions. While he was in London, distributing copies of the article, he was first introduced to Benjamin Franklin—who was there to petition parliament on behalf of the American colonies, seeking to have the Colonial Acts repealed.

Neither Paine nor Franklin had the good fortune to be given any consideration by parliament, but they soon found a more attentive audience in each other. Franklin praised Paine’s writing, urging Paine to emigrate to colonial America, where his pen could be put to better use than in Britain. Paine was well aware that parliament was never going to listen to his arguments, and when Franklin offered to pay for the voyage, Paine decided to take him up on the offer.

In early 1773, Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Paine left Britain for the last time in both their lives. The voyage was a troubled one, and six passengers succumbed to disease—Paine’s wife among them. Upon arrival in America, Paine fought his grief by seeking a new mission in his life, which he found in the American calls for independence. He became a citizen of Pennsylvania by taking the oath of allegiance, soon after arriving there. Finding employment as the editor of the Pennsylvania Magazine, he also began to write pamphlets calling for American independence. They soon found their way to a large number of readers (…)


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Excerpted from American Enlightenment, by Elizabeth Clarence (Fontaine Publishing House, Confederacy of Southern America, 1942):

It has often been observed that a common opponent is the strongest unifying force known to humankind, and the American Revolution is nothing if not the definitive proof of this. A shared hatred of tyranny and oppression united all men who held liberty in their hearts, regardless of their political or social differences. It brought together the landed gentlemen and the common laborers, it drew together politicians and philosophers. It even brought the English and French colonists into a single fold.

A major contribution to this development was the pamphlet written by Thomas Paine, and published in 1773, not long after his arrival in America. Simply entitled Plain Truth, [1] it was without any doubt the most incendiary political work in the history of the whole continent. Addressed to the common man, in a language and style that could be understood by all, it literally won over the American people for the cause of independence. So very much so that it has been remarked that “Without the pen of Thomas Paine, Washington and Sanssouci would have raised their swords in vain.”

The pamphlet was divided in five sections:

  1. Of the Origin and Design of Government in general,
  2. Some concise Remarks on the English and Prussian Constitutions.
  3. Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession.
  4. Thoughts on the Present State of American Affairs.
  5. On the Present Ability of America, with some Miscellaneous Reflections.

Particularly the second section has been called a masterpiece. Despite—or perhaps because of—its plain language, it has been hailed as one of the most clearly articulated analyses of the constitutional models of both Britain and Prussia. Paine found a perfect balance between admiration of these models’ strengths and scorn for their weaknesses and imperfections. Finally, he calls back upon his earlier analysis in the fifth section, where he offers a perfected model that incorporates the great strengths of the British and Prussian models, but corrects their faults. Paine’s suggestions are in fact thought to have been a major influence on the Articles of Confederation and the later Continental Charter (the name of which is in fact derived from Paine’s proposal outlined in Plain Truth). It is safe to say that Thomas Paine played a major role in ensuring that the Enlightenment philosophy and the reformist plans of men such as Montesquieu was translated into a political reality: the very reality that we call America.


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Excerpted from Plain Truth, by Thomas Paine (published 1773):

We have it in our power to make the world anew. A situation, similar to the present, hath not happened since the days of Noah until now. The birthday of a new world is at hand, and a race of men, perhaps as numerous as all Europe contains, are to receive their portion of freedom from the event of a few months. The reflexion must command our awe, and in this point of view, how trifling, how ridiculous, do the little, paltry cavellings, of some few power-hungry men appear, when weighed against the business of a world?

Instead of gazing at each other with suspicious or doubtful curiosity, let each of us hold out to his neighbour the hearty hand of friendship, and unite in drawing a line, which, like an act of oblivion, shall bury in forgetfulness every former dissention. Let the names of Whig and Tory be extinct; and let none other be heard among us, than those of a good citizen, an open and resolute friend, and a virtuous supporter of the RIGHTS of MANKIND and of the FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES OF AMERICA. [2]


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Excerpted from History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution, by Mercy Otis Warren (published 1792):

It must be acknowledged that the voice of the people seldom breathes universal murmur, but when the insolence or the oppression of their rulers extorts the bitter complaint. On the contrary, there is a certain supineness which generally overspreads the multitude and disposes mankind to submit quietly to any form of government, rather than to be the expense and hazard of resistance. They become attached to ancient modes by habits of obedience, though the reins of authority are sometimes held by the most rigorous hand. Thus we have seen in all ages the many become the slaves of the few; preferring the wretched tranquility of inglorious ease, they patiently yield to despotic masters, until awakened by a multiplication of wrongs and slights. So it was in America, that people awakened to the injustice of British tyranny.

Still, it has been noted that the first opposition to the mistreatment of these colonies has been made on different grounds in New England and the more southerly colonies. The New England men generally founded their claims on the rights of British subjects and the privileges of their English ancestors, and this was the moral basis of the New England revolt. The people of more southerly colonies, and particularly the Virginians, in their resolves, came forward conscious of their own independence and at once asserted their rights as men. Profoundly influenced by the writings of Thomas Paine, and that most famous native son of Virginia, Thomas Jefferson, they were not concerned with the rights granted to their ancestors by any king, but instead only concious of the rights that every man derives from his very birth.

The era was not far distant when the other colonies adopted their reasoning, and took the same ground, the claim of native independence, regardless of charters of foreign restrictions. Once aroused to a consciousness of the native freedom and equal rights of man, the American man revolted at the idea of servitude, and by the British oppressions of these colonies, by innumerable exactions and restrictions on all, a general apprehension prevailed, that nothing but a firm, vigorous and united resistance could shield from the attacks that threatened the total extinction of civil liberty throughout the continent. [3]


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Excerpted from Struggle for Freedom: the Revolutionary War, by Thomas J. Fields (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1979):

The violent suppression of the food riots in Nova Scotia and the introduction of the Colonial Acts had left North America on the brink of renewed hostilities, but for the moment things still seemed relatively calm on the surface. Then 1773 dawned, Plain Truth was published, and the mood of the whole population definitively shifted as a result. The people had now been presented with a clear, compelling vision of an independent America—and they embraced this vision. All that was needed for the inevitable explosion was a single spark. That was provided when, that same year, the tax incentives that the British government had offered to the Floridian settlers expired. The resulting protests were relatively minor, but they coincided with another, more far-reaching development. The British parliament, wary of introducing new taxes to the colonies, instead chose alternative means of exploiting the American people: they outlawed the time-honored practice of homesteading.

Since the founding of the North American colonies, it had been the normal way of things that any man could simply travel past the westernmost settlement and thereby become an immediate landowner. The land was owned by no-one, [4] and a simple claim would entitle him to its use and ownership. It was what truly made the American colonies into frontier nations, into lands of free opportunity. And that was what the British now sought to terminate.

It was the position of their parliament that all the unsettled land in the colonies belonged exclusively to the king, and that colonists would have to buy the land from the government before being allowed to settle there. Moreover, the British completed the work they had started with their previous Currency Act of 1764: a new Act outlawed all colonial currency, forcing the colonists to adopt the British Pound. This would force all new settlers to take out large loans to finance any purchase of land. Simply put, the British aimed to introduce to America a policy of economic enslavement.


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Excerpted from A Monetary History of America, by Roberto DeSanto (Aurora Publishing, Confederacy of Southern America, 1889):

It was the Currency Act of 1773, more than anything else, that started the American Revolution. Benjamin Franklin later wrote that “when they took our money, this caused such widespread inconvenience and misery to the people that it was the principal cause of the Revolution.” [5] And that was ultimately the truth of it.

Up to the Currency Act, it had been standard colonial practice to use bills of credit, often on personal title, as currency for larger financial transactions. When the bills of credit—called Colonial Scrip at the time—were outlawed, it caused a severe economic crisis: naturally, outlawing the circulating medium caused an economic depression in the colonies. The British had little regard for this disastrous turn of events, believing that it would go a long way in forcing the colonies to adopt the British Pound. Instead, it forced the colonies to reject the British Government.


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FOOTNOTES

[1] IOTL, this was actually Paine’s original title for what he later renamed Common Sense. The pamphlet he produces ITTL is somewhat different, particularly because it explicitly draws on the Prussian reforms of Montesquieu.

[2] This entire section is an amalgation of OTL quotes from Paine’s Common Sense, with minor alterations.

[3] History of the Rise, Progress, and Termination of the American Revolution is a real book, written by Mercy Otis Warren, sister of James Otis jr. This section is largely based on quotes from that book, but arranged in a different order, and altered to fit TTL’s context.

[4] Native Americans? What Native Americans?

[5] OTL quote, in case you're wondering.
 
The third installment of Part IV. Don't say I never give you nuthin'. ;) (Okay, I admit, it's a short one. But there's more coming soon.)



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Excerpted from Struggle for Freedom: the Revolutionary War, by Thomas J. Fields (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1979):

Protests erupted across America, and the various resistance movements seized the moment to execute plans that had long been in the making. Rebels united their organizations into a single front, resolved to free their country or die in the attempt. Resistance became revolution, rebel became patriot. In all colonies, coordinated strikes against British authorities were carried out simultaneously, all conceived in the same design: to capture or kill the British commanders in the colonies—and thusly, to decapitate the enemy. In Montréal, a massive uprising resulted in the near-immediate defeat of Wolfe’s army. Survivors had to flee the colony, but found no safe haven, as other colonies had also exploded into open revolution. The American patriots coordinated their efforts through Committees of correspondence, keeping each other informed of the situation in other colonies.

Such committees had first been formed during the New England Revolt, and had been starting to form again—in secret—since early 1772, when Samuel Adams returned to Plymouth Colony via the Underground Trail, and set one up in Boston. Later that year, the largest colony, Virginia, set up its Committee of Correspondence, on which Patrick Henry and Thomas Jefferson both served. Frédéric Sanssouci established a committee in Montréal, serving on it himself, together with lieutenants such as Lansquenet. All still in secret at that time. The committees linked patriots in all the colonies, allowing various rebel networks to work together, and eventually they provided the framework for a rebel government. The patriots serving on the committees comprised most of the leadership in their communities, and when they joined their forces, became the leaders of the united American resistance against the British.


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Boston, Plymouth, 11th of November 1773

Adam looked at the miserable heap of a man. He had expected himself to feel… rage. Hatred. The near-uncontrollable urge to kill this tyrant. But no. Looking at james Wolfe, beaten up, stripped of his uniform, kneeling on the floor, he felt nothing but contempt. This was an officer, had once been a good man perhaps, but he had grown into his role as oppressor of these colonies. Now, James Wolfe was nothing but a criminal. And a criminal caught, at that.

“It’s up to you, my friend.” Maurice walked up behind him. “You know I’d prefer to just kill him, but it’s in your hands now.”

They had brought him here to have a say in it. To decide. Adam cast a glace at the marshal, Sanssouci. The man looked calm, resolved. Catching Adam’s gaze, he managed something of a wry smile. “A man who behaves like a pig should not complain when he is treated as one. And sooner or later, pigs end up facing the butcher’s knife. No one would blame you, mister Braith.”

But Adam knew he wouldn’t be able to do it. Perhaps he was a hypocrite, because he’d killed more than a few people in his time, ever since… (and he felt a momentary jolt of the expected fury when he rembered his dead child, but it was soon replaced by the dull sadness of having seen too many children dead already, and knowing the fight was far from over). He shook his head. “I was a butcher once. Now I am a patriot. We’re fighting for something here… something bigger than ourselves. So no more summary executions. He gets a trial.”

And he knew that no jury in all America would suffer James Wolfe to live, but at least they’d debate it first. It could be called justice, of a sort. It would, perhaps, separate them from the redcoats. And he needed that. He needed to know that he was not an animal, that all the bloodshed had at least been for a just cause. He needed it, and America needed it. If this was to be a free continent, it had to be founded on the right principles. The right to be tried by a jury was one of those principles. Once again, he looked marshal Sanssouci in the eyes, and he found approval there. It was like the man was reading his mind, or perhaps… like they shared the same idea.

The idea of a free America, with… justice for all.


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Excerpted from Struggle for Freedom: the Revolutionary War, by Thomas J. Fields (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1979):

It is famously said that when the Americans put Wolfe in front of the firing squad, the shots were heard around the world. It can at least be concluded that from that moment on, there was no longer any thought of turning back. The man got his trial, and by all accounts it was a fair trial, but war was simply inevitable by that point, and in London, Wolfe’s execution became symbolic of the need to destroy rebellious America. Boston had been taken by the Patriot revolutionaries, and throughout the colonies, the American people begun setting up Committees of Correspondence. The continent was up in arms.

Following the Currency Act and the prohibition of homesteading, the committees—formerly operating in secret—“came out of hiding”, openly forming rebel governments (of sorts) to coordinate the fight against the British. For that there was to be a fight was by that point common knowledge. British military commanders and loyalist leaders had been killed in assasinations or executed after swift trials, and organizations such as the Sons of Liberty had morphed into the backbone of newly-established militias—which were engaged in open warfare against the British troops in America. There could be no doubt that Britain would send more soldiers, and that war against the world’s most powerful empire was but moments away.

The patriots knew this, and they did what they had failed to do during the New England Revolt. They organized. Using their momentum, their broad support and the fact that they momentarily had the upper hand, they used all available means to make themselves ready for the coming war. The Committees of Correspondence evolved into representative bodies, known as “House of Representatives”, “State Congress”, “State Convention” or some similar name, varying per colony. Or more accurately; per state. These were independent entities now, having chosen to sever their ties with Great-Britain. They were free nations, and they intended to behave as such.

In late 1773, after the execution of Wolfe in Boston, the committees started to push for a general congress to be held. More than anything, they knew they had to coordinate their efforts, lest this revolution meet the same ill fate as the one in New England previously had. At that point, patriot-held Boston was already under siege by the British, and the armies of king George were assembling to strike against the American states.

In January 1774, the First Continental Congress convened in Philadelphia, consisting of representatives from each of the representative assemblies of the states. It was to serve as a vehicle for deliberation and collective action. Unity was the first priority. The representatives from Plymouth had considered forming three separate delegations, representing the former colonies of Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island, but they ultimately decided against it. Although many people of the region had considered the forced merger of their colonies to be tyrannical, none could deny that they had grown close as brothers, facing suppression and despotism together. A kindred spirit had emerged, and with their original, separate administrative bodies dismantled, they had set up a single committee of correspondence that represented all of Plymouth Colony. As such, they had also sent a single delegation to Congress—to speak for all of them. Benjamin Franklin lauded this show of unity and shared resolve, and urged the Americans that now was the time to stand together, and on the first of August 1774, the rebellious states proclaimed both their independence from Britain and their resolve to stand or fall together. Of the nineteen British colonies of North America, it was only Newfoundland that sent no representatives to the Continental Congress and remained firmly loyalist. The other eighteen [1] declared their independence from the crown on the first of August 1774, by means of a document chiefly authored by Virginia’s Thomas Jefferson.


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Pennsylvania State House, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 1st of August 1774

It was a close thing, in the end. To the very last, Maurice feared that any one state might reject the declaration after all, dooming their effort. That Jefferson! He was a good man—a great man, a visionary, and Maurice would follow him to the ends of the earth, but by God! He was stubborn as an ox! Driven by revolutionary zeal, he had refused nearly all proposed alterations to his proposed document. “This is meant to present out objectives to the peoples of the world,” he had insisted, “so our cause may command their assent. How can it do that, if we hide our cause in meaningless obscurity?”

Apparently, the idea that some patriots might have a different view of what the revolutionary cause was or should be had never actually crossed Jefferson’s mind. Or if it did, he just rejected it out of hand. Part of Maurice was glad, because he believed in this Declaration. Every paragraph, every last word. But it would have been easier, perhaps, to allow the Carolinians the comfort of erasing that part about slavery. It read very much like a condemnation… And it was, it was! Maurice knew that Jefferson wanted to abolish that particular disgrace, in time. They had discussed it often, in the long hours they had spent talking, while waiting for this moment.

Such an irony, then, that the Southern representatives had only trusted Jefferson’s inclusion of the paragaph on slavery because Jefferson was a slaveholder himself! They had discussed that, too. So strange a man, this Thomas Jefferson. Burning with a passion to free all men, but at the same time the owner of many slaves. The idea was appalling to Maurice; surely it was wrong to own another person? The thing was—Jefferson agreed. Maurice had gotten the impression that here was a man tied up in knots, at war with himself. He only hoped that Jefferson’s love of liberty—liberty for all—would prevail in the end.

For now, it would have to wait. No plans to end slavery could be made now. They had only barely convinced the Southern states to support the Declaration. But at least that was done, now. Fifteen “ayes”, and three abstentions. New York and the Carolinas. But not a single “nay”. It was a fait accompli—they were now free and independent states, resolved to fight this war out to the end, together… no matter what that end might be.

He stepped outside, following the others. The war of ideas won—for now—the war for America was about to be fought. High time the people got to hear exactly what they were supposed to fight for. Maurice knew they would embrace this Declaration, just like they embraced the works of Thomas Paine. He knew it. Everyone knew it. Maréchal Frédéric had taken one look at Jefferson’s Declaration, and he had deemed it sublime. Mister Adams and mister Franklin had assured Maurice that this was it, this was everything they believed, put down on paper. The people would feel no differently.

They stood before the State House now, and the crowd fell silent, eager to hear. The secretary of Congress, mister Thompson, waited for a single moment longer. And then he began to read aloud.

“When in the course of mortal Events it becomes necessary for a People to advance from that Subordination in which they have hitherto remained...”


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FOOTNOTES

[1] Montréal, Canada, Nova Scotia, St. John's Island, Mayne, Plymouth, New Hampshire, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, West Florida and East Florida.
 
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Razgriz 2K9

Banned
All of Britain's North American mainland colonies sans Newfoundland? Wow Parliament, way to piss off every freakin' body.
 
All of Britain's North American mainland colonies sans Newfoundland? Wow Parliament, way to piss off every freakin' body.

I'm having so much fun writing the British perspective on all this. Of course, due to the way I've structured the story, that'll only be posted a while from now. But I can tell you: they really thought their approach of suppression was working. '1774' comes as a real shock to the British.
 
On with it! The fourth installment of part IV is here.



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Flag 1 - USA (small).jpg

The flag of the United States of America, as adopted by the Continental Congress in 1775, purportedly after a design by Betsy Ross. [1]


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Excerpted from American Enlightenment, by Elizabeth Clarence (Fontaine Publishing House, Confederacy of Southern America, 1942):

The original American Declaration of Independence remains a defining work—perhaps the defining work, in the political sphere—of the American Enlightenment. In this, it surpasses even works that in their own right must be considered to be among the founding documents of the modern age, such as the writings of Thomas Paine. Jefferson, near the end of his life, wrote “this was the object of the Declaration of Independence—not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of, not merely to say things which had never been said before; but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm as to command their assent, and to justify ourselves in the independent stand we were compelled to take.” By all accounts, this is deep humility. The ideas enshrined in the Delaration were not original to Jefferson, but they had never been openly stated with such clarity. The Declaration did command the assent of all reasonable men who read it.

It could have been different. There was significant pressure to eliminate certain paragraphs entirely, or to soften the phrasing in many instances. [2] It would have been easy to give in, and to see the Declaration butchered, amputated into mediocrity. But Jefferson held his ground, supported unflinchingly by John Adams, Samuel Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Maurice Lansquenet, Richard Henry Lee, and many other representatives of the people—who understood the gravity of the moment and the importance of this document. They persevered, and the Declaration was adopted. Three states abstained from the vote, but none dared oppose a cause that all knew to be just. And so it came to be that this text came to complete that great corpus of works, the writings of the American Enlightenment. With the Declaration, Jefferson provided the central text of that corpus which may rightly be called the Scripture of Reason and Liberty.


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Excerpted from Struggle for Freedom: the Revolutionary War, by Thomas J. Fields (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1979):

Immediately upon adopting the resolution that formalized American independence, the Continental Congress debated to the issue of a united government of the several states. [3] It was not doubted by anyone that only if the states were to unite could they expect to succesfully fight the British armies. If they all stood apart, they would certainly be subdued one after the other. Unity was a prequisite for success and indeed for survival. The only point of contention was the form and status of any continental government.

After an intense debate, the Articles of Confederation were drafted, in order to settle the matter of continental union. The Articles envisioned the eighteen former colonies as a confederacy of independent but voluntarily united states, their cooperation organized by the Continental Congress itself, which in turn delegated the executive to the newly-created office of the Consul. Breaking completely with the European tradition, this head of the executive was to be an elected figure, if indirectly. The Consul of the United States was to be elected by Congress itself, for a six-year term, it was decided, to provide continuity of government—which would certainly be needed in the coming time of war. Naturally wary of replacing a foreign tyranny with a domestic one, and seeking to protect their new-found independence, the representatives of the states endowed the Continental Congress and the Consulate only with strictly limited powers, primarily concerned with foreign relations and war.

During the debate, the initial presumtion was that, having escaped from the yoke of unfaire taxation, the stes would ans should not suffer any new government to levy any taxes. It soon became evident, however, that Congress would require some stable source of revenue, in order to be able to pay for a Continental Army to be created. This was perhaps the most contested topic of all, but eventually the representatives were all convinced, and it was stipulated in the Articles that all states would annually donate one percent of their total revenue to Congress, and two percent at a time of war.

With the Articles drafted, the Revolutionary War could begin in earnest. Of course the Articles were designed at a time of great urgency, and they contained multiple imperfections. Not least among which was the uncertainty regarding the exact function of the Articles. It was generally regarded to be the definitive pact of an confederal alliance between otherwise independent states. Some, however, viewed it as a temporary stopgap, to be insidiously replaced at some later point by a more robust document that would turn the free confederacy into a centralized federation... [4]


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Excerpted from American Enlightenment, by Elizabeth Clarence (Fontaine Publishing House, Confederacy of Southern America, 1942):

The Articles proved no less a product of the Enlightenment spirit than did the Declaration. And like the Declaration, the Articles were innovative, not only reflecting the vision of modernity, but advancing it in new directions, providing new focus and dimension. Here was the first legal document that completely and utterly abolished all restrictions on on interstate travel or commerce within the territory to which it applied. That is to say: neither the general government nor any of the states of the Confederacy were allowed to make any law or regulation to restrict the movement of persons, goods, or services within the Confederacy. There can be no doubt that the general commitment to such a stipulation stemmed from the intense hatred of the strict regulation of travel and commerce under British rule.

Furthermore, the Articles determined that the laws of any state would apply to all those individuals who entered it, whether they were citizens of that state or not—thus providing equality before the law, regardless of circumstance. This provision is clearly derived from the legal writings of Montesquieu, and provides an improvement over the Prussian constitution of that era.

Lastly, the general government was granted full and exclusive power to organize and directly administrate the western territories until they could join the Confederacy as full-fledged states in their own right. This seems a minor provision of a more technical nature—and that is indeed what it was, until the status of the territories became crucial in regard to the institution of slavery…


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Excerpted from A Monetary History of America, by Roberto DeSanto (Aurora Publishing, Confederacy of Southern America, 1889):

Often overlooked when historians dicuss the Articles of Confederation is the fact that the Articles were breathtakingly innovative in that they first established a continental monetary policy. Up to the introduction of the Articles, the former colonies had all had their own currencies and policies regarding currency. With the Articles stipulating that the states would have to provide revenue for the continental government, that would no longer suffice. The united American states would need to have a common, universal currency. Therefore, it was also in the Articles that the former Colonial Scrip—universally used as a means of payment—would be replaced by Continental Scrip: a uniform bill of credit, representing legal tender, for all the states. The more centralist representatives at this point argued for a central, government-owned bank to be established, but these suggestions were rejected by the vast majority of their peers. The credit bills were to be issued by the states themselves, but with the number of bills created to be determined by the Continental Congress, in order to safeguard the intrinsic value of the bills.

The intention was to create a single means for the several states to pay their annual stipend to the newly-formed general governement. But without explicitly intending to, Congress also made Continental Scrip into a de facto currency that could be used throughout the Confederacy. This was in itself a good thing, but the Continental Scrip at that time was nonetheless a form of fiat currency, not backed by gold or silver, for instance—and therefore vulnerable to inflation and devaluation. Despite the best efforts of the Continental Congress, the Scrip suffered from serious inflation during the war, and did as a result plummet in real value. This problem was partially caused by the economic warfare that the British successfully waged by counterfeiting Scrip bills on a large scale. Benjamin Franklin accurately summarized this turn of events as follows: “The artists they employed performed so well that immense quantities of these counterfeits which issued from the British government in New York, were circulated among the inhabitants of all the states, before the fraud was detected. This operated significantly in depreciating the whole mass (...)” [5]


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FOOTNOTES

[1] ITTL, as IOTL, that story is disputed.

[2] Which is what happened IOTL. Notably, a paragraph thought to condemn the paractice of slavery was removed. ITTL, the Declaration is much more like Jefferson’s original OTL draft.

[3] IOTL, this was only considered at a later time, but ITTL, the failure of the New England Revolt lends a sense of urgency to the topics of organized cooperation and some form of centralized leadership.

[4] Please observe that the writer is biased. Just as IOTL, there were those who desired only a loose alliance of states and those who wished for a strong national union. Fields is writing from a decidedly anti-centralist viewpoint, and treats the centralists quite unfairly.

[5] OTL quote. The British used this tactic of economic warfare in OTL, and to great effect.


GENERAL NOTES

At this point, for the sake of clarity, it is perhaps useful to list the ways in which TTL’s Articles of Confederation differ from OTL’s version. ITTL, the Articles:
  • leave the legislative power with the existing Continental Congress, rather than establishing the United States in Congress Assembled;
  • delegate real, if limited, executive power to a Consul (who is elected, by Congress, for a six-year term), rather than granting Congress some negligable executive power that proves mostly useless;
  • establish that the states have to pay a fixed stipend to Congress, rather than having Congress rely on gifts and loans as IOTL;
  • explicitly stipulate that neither Congress nor state governments may limit interstate travel or commerce in any way;
  • demand that the laws of any state apply to all those individuals who enter it, whether they are citizens of that state or not;
  • grant Congress the full and exclusive power to organize and directly administrate the western territories until they become states, and;
  • establish a general monetary policy for the Confederacy, and institute a universal currency.

Flag 1 - USA (small).jpg
 

iddt3

Donor
Quoting Katchen in another thread, and based on your own hints, this is kind of what I expect the confederation of Southern America to be:
I believe that if Thomas Jefferson had not been away as Ambassador to France in 1786 that he would have led a southern mutiny against the Constitution that would have resulted in the Carolinas and Georgia not ratifying the Constitution and therefore staying with the Articles of Confederation. Jefferson;s native Virginia would have split into two states, with South Virginia (south of the James River and with it's capital probably at Charlottesville or Roanoke) staying with the Articles and North Virginia, with it's capital remaining at Williamsburg ratifying the Constitution due to the influence of that Nothern Virginian George Washington.
Since none of the southern states would give up their land claims, there would only be four states in the Confederation (five once Florida is acquired) until Louisiana comes up) which would be workable. It would make for an interesting TL with two United States's especially if carried through to the present.
Obviously it might not be Jefferson playing that role, and there is no indication so far that Washington achieves Father of the Nation status in TTL, but I kind of expect everything north of Virginia to be the federalized Republic, everything south to be the Confederacy, with Virginia itself being drawn to one or the other.
Anyway, keep up this great TL, I'm really enjoying it!
 
(...) Obviously it might not be Jefferson playing that role, and there is no indication so far that Washington achieves Father of the Nation status in TTL, but I kind of expect everything north of Virginia to be the federalized Republic, everything south to be the Confederacy, with Virginia itself being drawn to one or the other.
Anyway, keep up this great TL, I'm really enjoying it!

You are thinking very much in the right direction, but it's not quite like this, and there's more to it. I'm glad that you're enjoying this TL, and I hope the sequence of events that I have planned will not disappoint. :)

I'll post the next - and final - installment of Part IV very soon; I just finished writing it. Now I'm going to let it rest for a moment, then I'll read it over one last time as a final check for errors, and then I'll post it here.
 
The final installment of Part IV! Enjoy, folks. :)



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Excerpted from Struggle for Freedom: the Revolutionary War, by Thomas J. Fields (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1979):

Following the introduction of the Articles, it was Benjamin Franklin whom the representatives of the people elected to the Consulate—for if there was ever a grand old man of the American independence movement, it was Franklin. Had he not been among the first to call upon the colonies to unite? Was he not the most eminent civillian figure in all the colonies? There could be no other. Upon his appointment to the Consulate, Franklin wasted no time in appointing a cabinet of three capable men: Robert Morris as his Finance Secretary, Thomas Jefferson as his Foreign Secretary and Maurice Lansquenet as his War Secretary. (At that time, the position of Domestic Secretary had not yet been created.)

Jefferson immediately urged for an alliance with France, “the natural enemy of Britain, and thus, our natural friend,” to which Franklin concurred. His choice of ambassador was, however, detested by Jefferson—who considered mr. Burr to be an egotist without sound moral character. Nevertheless, it was Aaron Burr who was dispatched to France, and by all accounts, he excelled in his work. If he was indeed a schemer, as some have characterized him, then his scheming in this case was of great benefit to the United States. In 1775, France began its support of our confederacy, and following Burr’s journey to the Netherlands, this fellow Republic followed suit the next year—as did Spain. An alliance against Britain took shape. [1]


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Excerpted from A History of Warfare, by A.J. Steinhower (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1941):

By the close of 1773, nearly all British forces previously occupying Montréal had been killed or driven across the border—and many of those who were driven to Rupert’s Land or Newfoundland perished in any case, from exposure to the elements. The two-pronged attack by Sanssouci and volunteer militia forces under Benedict Arnold saw the last British-held forts in and around Montréal Colony captured by the Americans, with Fort Ticonderoga—a strategically important point on Lake Champlain between Montréal and New York—falling to the patriots in early 1774. Other forts, already captured by resistance fighters under Sanssouci’s overall command, were fortified to repel the British.

Immediately upon signing the Declaration of Independence, the Contintal Congress approved a large-scale military campaign in the north, with the goal of driving the British military forces still present in Northern America from their fortified positions before they could be reinforced. On September 20th, 1774, the forces of marshal Sanssouci, colonel Arnold and general Richard Montgomery marched through Montréal, and then into Mayne Colony, expelling the British forces from those parts.

Meanwhile, Plymouth Colony to the southeast had been firmly secured by the Americans in early 1774, when the patriots had finally defeated and killed Thomas Gage, the British commander-in chief in America. Gage had eluded capture initially, fleeing Boston during the uprising in 1773, but was later defeated—as he retreated from Boston, thousands of militiamen attacked his forces along the roads, inflicting great damage. The countryside was in the hands of the revolutionaries, and no safe haven was left to Gage. With the arrival of volunteer forces from Virginia, commanded by colonel George Washington of Virginia, the revolutionaries executed a final assault on Gage’s forces, in which the general himself was killed.

The British military presence in America had been concentrated in the north. With the establisment of patriot control over Montréal and Plymouth colonies, most of America was—for the moment—liberated from British occupation. Nova Scotia was theoretically held by the British, but in actuality, the colony was in open revolt, and Halifax was held by a patriot militia.

Realizing that New York, Boston, Halifax, Montréal City and Québec City would be crucial to determining the outcome of the war, the generals of the newly-formed Continental Army devised a strategy. Marshal Sanssouci, for the moment the de facto commander-in-chief of the Continental Army, would return west with the bulk of his forces, to secure Québec City. General Montgomery would split off with a sizable force to defend Montréal City. General Horatio Gates would head south from Boston, to secure New York. Arnold, now made a general, would head north to relieve the patriot militia forces in Nova Scotia, securing Halifax for the Americans. Washington, also made a general, would defend Boston.

They had little time. Fresh British forces were already underway, and would soon land. The momentary security would have to be used to make all America ready for a hostile invasion. Aware of Boston’s desperate shortage of gunpowder, Washington asked Sanssouci for supplies. In early april 1774, heavy cannons that the patriots had captured at Fort Ticonderoga were brought to Boston by Colonel Henry Knox. It was not a moment too soon—about 5000 British soldiers soon arrived near Boston by sea shortly thereafter, and in June 1774, British forces under General William Howe attempted to seize the Charlestown peninsula. The Americans held their ground, but incurred heavy losses. The siege was not broken therafter, and Gage was soon appointed as the British commander-in-chief. His tenure was not to be long, however, as general Washington executed a daring plan to relocate the heavy cannons during a single night, without being detected. At sunrise, a surprise attack smashed the British forces, forcing Howe to surrender.

From this moment on, Washington was considered the hero of the Revolutionary War in the minds of countless Americans. His courage had enabled a crushing blow against the British, and had saved Boston from a very real threat. The British campaign to capture Montréal, meanwhile, was doomed from the very outset. The British were initially unhindered at sea, for France had not yet become involved and a Continental Navy as yet existed only in theory. A safe landing was, however, all they could expect. Marshal Sanssouci had, by the time reinforcements arrived from Britain, assumed full command of the colony. When a squadron of British ships under Captain Charles Douglas arrived in the spring of 1775 to lay siege to Québec City, Sanssouci was prepared and fully capable of defending his position.


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Excerpted from Struggle for Freedom: the Revolutionary War, by Thomas J. Fields (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1979):

To defend New York, general Gates spread about 20,000 soldiers along the shores of the harbor, concentrated on Long Island and Manhattan. The British under general Clinton, along with recently hired Hessian troops, were already assembling on Staten Island. In early september 1774, general Cornwallis landed on Long Island with some 22,000 men, and proceeded to drive Gates’s forces back to Brooklyn Heights, securing a decisive British victory in one the largest battles of the entire war. Cornwallis then laid siege to the American fortifications. Gates attempted to evacuate his forces across the east river, but was by sheer coincidence discovered. Cornwallis attacked the Americans in their vulnerable state, resulting in the near-annihilation of Gates’s forces. Realizing the inevitability of defeat, general Gates himself valiantly stayed behind with a small force to fight the British for as long as possible—to the death—allowing the rest of his decimated forces to escape. [2]

Cornwallis quickly took control of New York City. The remaining American forces could do nothing but retreat in as orderly a fashion as they could manage. Cornwallis subsequently ordered general Clinton to seize Newport, Rhode Island, while Cornwallis himself gave chase to the remains of Gates’s army through New Jersey, until the Americans were forced to withdraw across the Delaware River into Pennsylvania. This provided temporary safety, as the British entered winter quarters, with New York under their control and their campaign at an apparent conclusion for the season.

The outlook of the American soldiers was bleak indeed. “These are the times that try men’s souls,” wrote Thomas Paine, who was with the army on the retreat. The remnants of Gates’s army had dwindled to fewer than 2000 men fit for duty, and would be reduced a mere 500 after enlistments expired at the close of 1774. Fearing a coming British assault, the Continental Congress had evacuated Philadelphia in despair. Victories in the north, as Montréal and Plymouth remained firmly under patriot control and Arnold captured Halifax (denying Britain the use of that port entirely), provided a morale boost to the American cause—but with Philadelphia in danger, and New York under occupation, no one could deny the reality that the war might yet be lost within a year.


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Excerpted from A History of Warfare, by A.J. Steinhower (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1941):

As Captain Douglas laid siege to Québec City, marshal Sanssouci—while not directly in danger of losing his secure position—was restricted in his movements. Washington, similarly, faced a naval blockade of Boston, and could not abandon his duties there. This freed the British to plan their offensives from New York. In eary 1775, three major campaign were launched. General Cornwallis—newly appointed as commander-in-chief—would march on Philadelphia, the seat of the Revolutionary government. General Clinton would set out to completely pacify New Jersey, and then launch further assaults against the more southerly colonies. An army under general Carleton would march on Albany, with the further intention of continuing to capture Montréal City.

Cornwallis moved slowly and carefully, landing 15,000 troops in at the northern end of Chesapeake Bay. Between him and Philadelphia, patriot militias and newly-enlisted had assembled into an army of some 12,000 men, commanded by Nathanael Greene—a militia soldier who had risen to the occasion, and found himself promoted to the rank of general. After a series of skirmishes, Cornwallis outmaneuvered Greene and took Philadelphia. Green attacked the British encampment outside the city, but was unable to rout the British. He retreated to watch and wait.

General Clinton, meanwhile, had succesfully subdued New Jersey. From his secure position, he took 2,000 men and a naval squadron to invade North Carolina, but abandoned this plan when he learned that he would not be able to count on any real support from loyalists. His strategy had assumed a large base of loyalist supporters, which would rally to the king gif iven some military support. This proved to be a pipe dream—the loyalists in America were hopelessly disorganized. He went further south, attempting to seize Charleston, South Carolina; the leading port in southern America. This seemed to him an effective way to wage the war, but it turned into a failure when his naval force was defeated by the forts, and again, no loyalists emerged to aid him.

The Albany campaign turned into a dismal failure for the British. Carleton led about 10,000 men north from New York City, towards Albany, but his march was hampered by the Americans, who literally knocked down trees in his path. Realizing that the British could not move past Québec, where Sanssouci held them at bay, general Montgomery departed from Montréal City, rushing south. As Carleton attacked patriot-held Albany, he was unexpectedly faced with Montgomery’s forces, and was soundly defeated by the Americans. He had no choice but to surrender. Following Howe’s surrender at Boston, this was a second major blow to the British. It was immediately followed by a third, as France joined the war on the American side.


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Excerpted from Struggle for Freedom: the Revolutionary War, by Thomas J. Fields (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1979):

French entry into the war forced a change in British strategy. Cornwallis abandoned Philadelphia to reinforce New York City, and Clinton withdrew from South Carolina. Greene, joining up with several new forces under generals Anthony Wayne and Henry Lee III, and also assisted by Prussian volunteer baron Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben, followed Cornwallis on his withdrawal. Just as Clinton reached New York City, before a French fleet under Admiral d’Estaing arrived off the American coast. The French fleet worked to lift the blockade of Boston and Québec, while Greene laid siege to New York. The war had turned around.

Breaking through the French fleet, the British had no choice but to abandon New York. The blockades of Boston and Québec still held, for the moment, but Cornwallis was acutely aware that time was working against him. He and Clinton turned their attention to the southern colonies, where they hoped to regain control. They had no choice; at this point, their primary motivation was no longer to subdue America, but to keep the Royal Navy closer to the Caribbean, where the British needed to defend economically important possessions against the French (and, soon, the Spanish).

In early 1776, Clinton landed in Georgia, and captured Savannah. Cornwallis landed further north, his ships attacking Charleston from the sea, while he marched on the city over land. He succeeded in capturing it, trapping most of Greene’s army—which had rushed to defend the city—in the process. With relatively few casualties, Cornwallis and Clinton had seized the biggest citiea and seaports of Southern America, providing a solid base for further advances. The remnants of the southern Continental Army withdrew to North Carolina, but were pursued British forces commanded by Banastre Tarleton, who incurred heavy losses in a series of skirmishes. American military activity in the region was no longer effectively possible, though the war was carried on by insurgents.

In the summer of 1776, the siege and blockade of Boston, as well as Québec, could no longer be supported. With Washington and Sanssouci free to engage the British, all remaining British military presence in Northern America was wiped out. The Continental Army was fully united under the command of general Washington—marshal Sanssouci pre-empted any argument about whether he or Washington should be given supreme command by simply declining the position. The forces of Washington, Sanssouci, Montgomery, Arnold and Von Steuben joined up with French troops under the compte de Rochambeau and the marquis de La Fayette. Marching south, they relieved the forces of Greene, Wayne and Lee from the attacks by Tarleton. The Continental Army, fully united, then marched to the relief of Charleston.

Clinton moved north from Savannah to aid Cornwallis, and they put up heavy resistance. The initial attempt by the continental Army to capture Charleston ended in a bloodbath, where general Arnold tragically perished, forever to remain a hero to his countrymen. Nevertheless, it rapidly became clear that the British had no chance of winning. Not only were they vastly outnumbered, the United States were now aided by France, Spain and the Netherlands. Shortly after the Battle of Savannah, a Spanish fleet appeared off the coast of Nassau, in the Bahamas, and the city surrendered without a fight. Spain thereupon took possession of the Bahamas. The British realised at that point that further warfare could only mean the loss of more Caribbean territory to the French or Spanish. Besieged, Cornwallis had no choice but to surrender at the close of 1776. With this, all British military activity in America came to a halt, and the war was effectively at an end.


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Excerpted from A History of Warfare, by A.J. Steinhower (Rockwell Books, Confederacy of Southern America, 1941):

With his armies defeated, king George abandoned all hope of subduing America by military means, but remained determined—in his words—“never to acknowledge the independence of the Americans, and to punish their contumacy by the indefinite prolongation of a war which promised to be eternal”. His intention was to constantly harrass the Americans, if he could not conquer them. He planned to destroy their opportunities for trade, to bombard their ports, to sack and burn towns along the coast and to incite Native Americans to attack civilians in frontier settlements. Such plagues would “keep the rebels harassed, anxious, and poor, until the day when, by a natural and inevitable process, discontent and disappointment were converted into penitence and remorse”—whereupon he expected them to beg for permission to return to his authority.

This plan brought the risk of disaster, as it could very well prolong the war with France and Spain—meaning Britain could still stand to lose yet more valuable Caribbean territory—already having lost the Bahamas. In late 1777, the peace faction gained control of Parliament, forcing the king to bring an end to the war. In early 1778, the war was formally concluded with the Treaty of Paris, between Britain, the United States, France and Spain. This treaty stipulated that the annual payments that France was forced to pay after the Six Years’ War would be discontinued. Britain, France and the United States recognized Spanish ownership of the Bahamas. Spain retroceded Louisiane, which France had ceded to Spain following the Six Years’ War, to France. In return, France sold Saint-Domingue to Spain for a modest sum, enabling Spain to merge it with Santo Domingo. The whole island, formally named Hispaniola, was renamed Dominica.

Moreover, the treaty stipulated that Britain recognized the independence of the eighteen United States, as well as their sovereignty over Indiana Territory, and all territory east of the Mississippi River. The United States, in turn, recognized British dominion over Newfoundland Colony [3] and over the vast territory of Rupert’s Land. Determining the final borders between British America and the United States required lengthy negotiations: the British pushed for a longer shoreline along the the Labrador coast, mainly with fishing rights in mind, resulting in a larger Newfoundland Colony. The Americans, exploiting the fact that Canada’s western border had never been accurately determined, claimed an area that had been part of Prince Rupert’s Land, along the northern shore of Lake Superior. The Americans also claimed the western shore of Lake superior, aiming to encircle the entire lake, joining Canada to the Indiana Territory. The British vehemently protested this, however, wanting to retain access to the lake through Prince Rupert’s Land. The western shore ultimately remained in British hands. [4] When the negotiations finally were concluded, the matter of American independence was settled.


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Map - 1779 - USA - 04.png

The political situation in (eastern) America, following the conclusion of the Treaty of Paris. [5]



END OF PART FOUR​



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FOOTNOTES

[1] The entire revolution takes place earlier ITTL, but the support of these other nations is also more quickly won. This can be credited in large part to Burr, who I imagine would have been far more crafty an ambassador and alliance-forger than the overly-honest and somewhat taciturn John Adams, who held the position IOTL. Also, in the case of France, it rather helps that a colony of French-Americans is one of the rebelling parties.

[2] This is the patriotic interpretation. An alternative rendering of events holds that Gates fully intended to escape, and simply failed to do so. In that case, his failure has been misinterpreted as heroism. Decide for yourself what you consider plausible.

[3] Which includes not only Newfoundland Island, but also Labrador and Anticosti Island (as it did for a time in IOTL).

[4] The area in question, which would have been part of the Northwest Territory IOTL, was contested IOTL, so I can easily see the British holding on to it ITTL, considering that the Americans already gain the northern shore of Lake Superior.

[5] This map ignores conflicting territorial claims made by various states, and shows the internal borders as they were ultimately agreed upon.


GENERAL NOTES

I'd like to thank Umbric Man for pointing out some glaring research errors I had made throughout Part IV. It has helped me to edit and improve the TL. :)

This concludes both the American struggle for independence and the fourth chapter of this timeline. We're not quite done with America yet, though. By now, there are swarms of butterflies flapping their wings in France, Britain and other parts of Europe... but they will have to wait a little longer. First, we'll have a look at America after the revolution. It's an independent country now, but what kind of a country is it to become? Opinions differ. Widely. Radically. Perhaps even violently. We will find out more in Part V:


American Dreams​

Map - 1779 - USA - 04.png
 
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Damn that was fantastic. An earlier American Revolution. All british colonies (well, most of them) united as American States.....glorious.
 
Damn that was fantastic. An earlier American Revolution. All british colonies (well, most of them) united as American States.....glorious.

I'm glad you liked it! Be forewarned though; these numerous United States look pretty on a map right now, but they are not all that tranquil. There will be a lot of political turmoil to come. ;)
 
OMG. I LOVE THIS. LOVE, LOVE, LOVE.

*ahem*

You're providing a much more muscular Enlightenment, it feels like...one where the rights of man seem to be going in-step with the establishment of small and plucky states (Prussia, American colonists). I would imagine some sort of link could be made...

I have a few quibbles and questions on the American Revolution, though!

1) You note Fredericton (in OTL New Brunswick) as existing, but it only was founded around 1785 and named for George III's second son. There WAS an Acadian settlement (Pointe-Ste.-Anne or St. Ann's Point) at OTL Fredericton, and a small, small distance away was the village of Maugerville, where local patriots like John Allan and Jonathan Eddy had settled and used as a base during Eddy's raid. I would imagine Maugerville would both be the site of the 'Fredericton' riot and takes the place of the city in TTL. Very, very minor point I'm making however.
2) I'm very very surprised Plymouth did not split back into Massachusetts, Connecticut, or Rhode Island to be honest. The local governments would have done it as soon as possible, IMO, and consider their forced merger to be a level of tyranny as much as the Quebec Act expanded Quebec's borders in OTL. This is probably my one big point if one must be taken into your consideration.
3) West Florida's capital was Pensacola, which you have in East Florida. The province's other big city, Mobile, is also in East Florida; without those ports WF will be a very unhappy backwater for decades to come. I would say let the Florida's OTL borders be kept the same.
4) More curiosity than anything else, but how did the Canada/Montreal/Labrador borders come about? I'm quite impressed America got so much of Rupert's Lands.
5) PEI was only named in 1791 in OTL from St. John Island...but to be honest I can see this as a very simple handwave. I'm just happy someone remembered it was already a separate colony by this point! :D

....these are all fairly small points, because you've captured the atmosphere of the age perfectly, and I love seeing how you wove such a great tale that's distinctly parallel but still recognizable to OTL so far. This is great writing and you frankly ought be proud!
 
OMG. I LOVE THIS. LOVE, LOVE, LOVE.

*ahem*

You're providing a much more muscular Enlightenment, it feels like...one where the rights of man seem to be going in-step with the establishment of small and plucky states (Prussia, American colonists). I would imagine some sort of link could be made...

You know what I love? Reactions like yours. And not just because I like to hear people are enjoying this TL, but because you point out where I can do better. That enables me to improve my work, and makes me a better writer. So thank you! :D

You are very right about the Enlightenment; that's what this TL is ultimately about. Ideas and visions. Of course, there's often a dark side, and brighter lights can cast deeper shadows. In the end, however, my goal is to portray a world where the Enlightenment is strengthened. The early USA, and other nations of the time (like eighteenth-century France, which Part VI will be about) for that matter, were such fascinating places - full of radical new ideas. IOTL, I feel we often got the short end of the stick when it came to implementing those ideas. ITTL, that will be different.

First, though, let me address your points:

1) You note Fredericton (in OTL New Brunswick) as existing, but it only was founded around 1785 and named for George III's second son. There WAS an Acadian settlement (Pointe-Ste.-Anne or St. Ann's Point) at OTL Fredericton, and a small, small distance away was the village of Maugerville, where local patriots like John Allan and Jonathan Eddy had settled and used as a base during Eddy's raid. I would imagine Maugerville would both be the site of the 'Fredericton' riot and takes the place of the city in TTL. Very, very minor point I'm making however.

I wouldn't call it minor. This is sloppy research on my part, and I'll edit it right away. Maugerville shall take the place of Fredericton.


2) I'm very very surprised Plymouth did not split back into Massachusetts, Connecticut, or Rhode Island to be honest. The local governments would have done it as soon as possible, IMO, and consider their forced merger to be a level of tyranny as much as the Quebec Act expanded Quebec's borders in OTL. This is probably my one big point if one must be taken into your consideration.

My reasoning was that since they had rebelled together, some measure of kindred spirit had emerged. Their original administrative bodies had been dismantled, and in fighting the British, they had set up committees of correspondence that represented all of Plymouth Colony (strength through unity and all that). This eventually meant that they were also jointly represented in the Continental Congress: it would make no sense to send three delegations when, in practice, the rebels in Plymouth Colony were all working together.

Given that reasoning, does it sound plausible? Or am I misjudging this?


3) West Florida's capital was Pensacola, which you have in East Florida. The province's other big city, Mobile, is also in East Florida; without those ports WF will be a very unhappy backwater for decades to come. I would say let the Florida's OTL borders be kept the same.

Very good point. I had completely missed that. I'll alter those borders.


4) More curiosity than anything else, but how did the Canada/Montreal/Labrador borders come about? I'm quite impressed America got so much of Rupert's Lands.

The Canada-Montréal border was determined by the British, and explicitly designed to favor largely Anglophone Canada; the Canada-Rupert's Land border was less well-defined, however. After the war, the British pushed for more shoreline in Labrador, with fishing rights in mind. The area is hardly populated and very much out of the way, so the Americans are both unwilling and unable to contest it. In return, they claim a larger swathe of Rupert's Land, using the ill-defined Canada-Rupert's Land border to legitimize the claim. On the other hand, the British hold on to a stretch of land (west of Lake Superior) that would have been part of the Northwest Territory IOTL (it was contested IOTL, so I can easily see the British holding on to it).


5) PEI was only named in 1791 in OTL from St. John Island...but to be honest I can see this as a very simple handwave. I'm just happy someone remembered it was already a separate colony by this point! :D

I had this completely wrong! Somehow, I'd gotten the idea in my head that the British had changed the name far earlier. This is actually pretty useful, because I was really wondering if PEI would retain its name in TTL (where the monarchy is hated more intensely), of opt to simply change its name back to St. John's Island. Now I can just edit it to St. John's Island everywhere.


....these are all fairly small points, because you've captured the atmosphere of the age perfectly, and I love seeing how you wove such a great tale that's distinctly parallel but still recognizable to OTL so far. This is great writing and you frankly ought be proud!

These points have been very helpful, and I wouldn't call them small. Really, really glad you're enjoying this TL. If you see any more mistakes, do not hesitate to point them out to me.


UPDATE: I have edited the TL, using your suggestions.
-Fredericton has been changed to Maugerville.
-The border between West and East Florida has been pushed further east, so that Pensacola and Mobile are both in West Florida.
-The establishment of the Canada/Montréal/Labrador borders is now described in some more detail, in the section that deals with the Treaty of Paris.
-All references to Prince Edward Island have been edited to St. John's Island.
-I've uploaded a revised map, reflecting the altered Florida border and the changed name of St. John's Island.

I have not yet dealt with the issue of Plymouth Colony.
 
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