Chapter Six, Part One: The Hemispheric Revolution, 1150-1200 AD
The contact between the Maya and the Asgardians on Christmas Day has traditionally been seen as the end of the “isolated” period of Talbeahan development. Central Talbeah, or “Fjorthrland”, as it was referred to by the Asgardians, was now brought into the greater continental trade system put in place by the Setralanders. Their own trading systems, which connected their city states with the peoples of the deserts of Chicomoztoc [1], would be merged into this system as well. The next fifty years would be a period of adjustment and change for almost all major groups of Talbeah, with some especially radical changes taking place among the Paqwachowng.
Setraland
Ansgar Wolfsbane, who had ruled Setraland since his “coup” at the age of 16, was 56 years old at the beginning of this period. For the vast majority of his subjects, there had been no king but Ansgar; his exploits were legendary, with his war against the Coastal Tribes and his adventurous youth told and retold and becoming near mythical. They were made even more mythical by Ansgar’s not having fought in a campaign since 1130, when his extended effort to force the Coastal Tribes to become tributaries finally reached its conclusion.
Ever since then, Ansgar had been focused on building up his kingdom, overseeing the creation of new fortresses, developing new roads, and undertaking a reformation of the legal system beginning in 1152. This was especially important for Setraland; for years now, rule within the Kingdom was based off of a strange balance of centuries-old Irish ecclesiastical law, the internal codes of various Fanaithe companies, the decrees of Gorfodi Owain, and bits and pieces of Ostish traditions. Ansgar hoped to forge the law into a tool used to protect the power of the crown and to ensure continued prosperity among the “Maple-Kingdom” (as European sources were wont to call it).
However, it would be this process of codification that would lay the seeds for conflict in Ansgar’s old age. The question of succession was raised. Arvid Far-Seeker had had only one son, Bolverk, who assumed the throne upon his father’s death; he, in turn, had had only one son, Sigvat the Red. However, after that point, succession got increasingly messy. Sigvat’s eldest son, Gudbrand, assumed control of the throne of Setraland without contest partially because his brother, Asvard, did not wish to contend for it. Gudbrand’s subsequent assassination under the auspices of his cousin Nafni, who had his own claim to the throne through Arvid’s daughter Grelod Hard-Hearted, resulted in Asvard assuming the throne. [2]
Succession after Asvard indicated how easy it was for usurpation to take place. Ansgar was Asvard’s bastard son, cast off to live with a Company Chief and generally ignored by his father. But his subsequent exploits in war resulted in him becoming more popular than Asvard’s legitimate heir, Kodran, who, along with his mother, was exiled by Ansgar after he was crowned king. Kodran had long since passed, but his own descendants maintained a claim to the throne and often lobbied the rulers of the North (their extended relations, all hailing from Hrein the Great) to help restore them to their “rightful” place.
While there was little threat of the King of Angland or the King of Danmark launching an invasion across the Atlantic, Ansgar nevertheless wished to shroud his taking of the throne with the veneer of legality. Thus, in 1159, Ansgar and his scholars decided to put the crown of Setraland as an “elected” one, where the grandees of the realm would gather to select from among his descendants who his successor would be.
There was precedent for this, in Europe as well as in Talbeah. The King of Angland, while of Ostish descent, was technically elected by the Anglish Witan; in earlier years, gatherings of Ostish warriors had acclaimed their own kings. In Talbeah, the Companies had a long-held tradition of electing their own leadership, even if this had become more of a ceremonial formality in the years after Owain’s arrival. By putting this in place, Ansgar made the popular demand of his supporters that had propelled him to the crown the new way of the Kingdom.
However, this was met with outrage by Ansgar’s eldest son, Bjorn. Bjorn was forty-five years old in 1159, and had been waiting with the expectation of inheriting the throne since his youth. He felt betrayed by this decision because he believed that the throne was his birthright- even if his father had been an illegitimate son, he was still Asvard’s eldest. In an election, Bjorn felt that he would be passed up in favor of his youngest brother, Arvid Fair-Hair, who was popular among the nobility for his love of hunting, parties, contests of strength, and women. Arvid Fair-Hair lacked the right temperament or abilities to actively rule over the Kingdom; only Bjorn had that ability.
Bjorn’s discontent caught the attention of other noblemen that chafed under Ansgar’s extended reign. Ansgar’s efforts to reform the law had been met with suspicion from noblemen that feared a curbing of their rights- they didn’t care about electing the King. They wanted an “absentee landlord” that would allow them to carry on unhindered and unbothered, much as Ansgar’s ancestors had. That Ansgar was taking the time to focus on the conduct of the affairs of the realm worried them, bringing up reminders of the stewardship of Grelod Hard-hearted while her brother, King Bolverk, warred on the heathen Afonbreni.
Bjorn therefore found conspirators to support him in his rebellion, and in February of 1160, he led a warband against his father, attacking the very seat of power itself in a hope of a quick victory. If he could capture his father, he could lock him away and claim the old man had gone crazy, and then assume control. However, Bjorn’s hopes were dashed after his father made a tremendous stand for an elderly man, holding off his efforts alongside a few of his most loyal housecarls until assistance could arrive. Bjorn then fled to the continent and raised his flag of rebellion there.
Ansgar was saddened and enraged by Bjorn’s betrayal, and immediately girded himself again in his war-gear and set off to put down this rebellion. Unfortunately, this would not be an easy task for the old king; he had invested much in the fortification of his realm, and now this came back to bite him. Gone were the times when he could meet rebel armies in the field and crush them in one decisive blow; much as had been experienced in his campaign against the Coastal Tribes, he now had to wage war against fortresses and reduce them, piece by piece.
Still, this only delayed the inevitable. Ansgar was a popular ruler by and large, and the majority of the grandees and petty nobility backed his play over Bjorn’s. As the war wore on, Bjorn found himself increasingly without friends, and in 1165, he was forced to flee to Europe as his father’s men were close on his heels. Ansgar’s victory had reinforced his control over the realm, and ensured that his new law code, the Lex Ansgarius, would become the basis of Setralander law for centuries to come.
Ansgar could have then died happy, but it was not the Will of the Almighty. He would linger on the throne for another fifteen years after his defeat of Bjorn’s Revolt. His reign would become the longest in history, passed only by the Koshin Emperor of Yamato in 1998. The decision of his to implement an electoral system for succession proved wise, for in the intervening years, all of his male children would die (including Bjorn, who was surprisingly killed by the descendants of the deposed Kodran).
This would open up the selection of the monarch to Ansgar’s grandsons, as women were not likely to become rulers in Setraland (due both to law as well as to memories of Grelod Hard-Hearted). The grandees of the realm were gathered- not at Peace Town, as the majority were based on the continent; instead, they gathered at Dun Cormac [3] along the Tullaha, as this was easier for them. The claimants to the throne were barred from attending, as under Ansgar’s laws, they were not allowed to influence the proceedings.
After a month of deliberation, debate, bribery, and promises, the final decision of the first “King Thing” of Setraland was made- Ansgar’s grandson, Hrein Iron-Hand, would be made the ruler.
Hrein Iron-Hand did have an iron-hand. He had lost his left hand while a young man of seventeen during the final battle of Bjorn’s Revolt, and it was replaced with a makeshift prosthetic made of iron. He had a reputation of being a ferocious warrior, who went into battle with a specially made shield attached to his metal limb. He was also known as a just man, often called in to resolve disputes between nobility.
Hrein would immediately receive a challenge. Almost as soon as the crown was on his head, the various Coastal Tribes that Ansgar had forced to become tributaries rose up in revolt, either driving out or killing the Setralander authorities and missionaries that had been forced upon them. They were encouraged by the charismatic Soquontamouk, a chieftain and purported magician who promised to liberate what the tribes termed the “Dawnland”. Soquontamouk’s Confederacy was a real threat to the security of Setraland’s trade South, as the tribes of the Dawnland turned pirate and raided the shipping lines.
Hrein Iron-Hand would march South and begin the Second Pacification of the Dawnland (the first being that launched by his grandfather decades before). He brought with him tactics developed from Bjorn’s Revolt which helped him in this effort. Catapults, protected rams, and tunneling all helped to turn the tide against the tribes. Hrein also maintained a harsh attitude against the Confederates, casting down their sacred places and burning their shamans in retaliation for their attacks against the priests.
In 1186, Soquontamouk’s Confederacy dissolved after the chieftain himself was captured and brutally executed by Hrein. Harsh terms would be placed on the survivors, among which was the forced baptism of many- as, Hrein reasoned, Christians were less likely to revolt against his authority. The Dawnland’s political uniqueness, with each tribe ruling over their own palisades, was ended as well, with the land divided into three Jarldoms and a newly-appointed Jarl appointed over each.
Hrein’s dealing with the Coastal Tribes was seen as just and fair by the Setralanders, who viewed the people of the Dawnland with disgust and anger after they began their revolt. However, his actions damaged Setralander standing with other native powers; it was the kickstarting event for the formation of the predecessor of Lenapehoking which would later prove a difficult obstacle for future Setralander expansion South. [4]
The remainder of the century would be a quiet one for Setraland, as they digested their new conquests in the Dawnland and as they continued to dominate the sugar trade with Europe. However, developments in the South would see Setraland no longer be the only power of note in northern Talbeah…
Paqwachowng
The fifty year period after first contact between the Maya and the Asgardians saw the Paqwachowng undergo a dramatic transformation from a tribal confederation to a more centralized, powerful kingdom. This was made possible by its continued role as intermediary between the goods of the South and the goods of the North. Chesepiook Bay was full of ships, both Asgardian and Setralander; the largest city, Youghtanund, was full of merchants haggling; and the chieftains of the tribe grew rich from the trade.
While trading wealth and interaction with European settlers had been the end of the Afonbreni Confederation, the Paqwachowng had gone in a different direction. Christianity had only managed to gain a small foothold among the tribe, but interaction with priests and missionaries had driven a gradual transformation of native myths. Ahone, the benevolent creator spirit, adopted more characteristics of the Christian God; Oke, the semi-malevolent spirit that existed alongside Ahone, gradually became less devilish, taking on more of a “mediator” role between supplicants and Ahone. The introduction of writing among the Paqwachowng helped to solidify previously nebulous myths, and slight religious differences between the tribes of the confederation were gradually subsumed under a new, empowered priesthood. [5]
The empowerment of the Paqwachowng priesthood and development of a more formalized religious structure took place over the hundred years of contact between the tribes and the Europeans. Alongside this century-long process, the paramount chiefs of the Paqwachowng were also becoming gradually more empowered. This was due to their possessing the high trading rights with first the Setralanders and then the Asgardians. Any who wished to engage in the profitable trade had to go to the paramount chief for permission and pay a rudimentary form of “tax”. This helped grow the coffers of the paramount chiefs, as well as place them at the head of the confederate “economy”- if a lesser chief offended the paramount chief, he would lose his chance to partake in the lucrative trade.
This created an environment by 1170 where a paramount chief with ambition stood to reform his tribal realm into a more formalized kingdom; there was such a paramount chief in the form of Matoaka.
Matoaka was a firm follower of “Ahonism” [6], a strong warrior, and a savvy trader. He realized, perhaps more than any other of his fellows, the value of oyangwa. Europe was a large market for the herb, and the Setralanders were always begging for more of it to load their ships with. However, the traditional farming methods of the Paqwachowng were not able to keep up with the demand.
The new chief had a plan to change that, however. He looked on the lands of his neighbors to the north, east, and south with greedy eyes. The tribes here were not as well organized as the Paqwachowng, having not had over a century of direct interaction with the Setralanders. Influenced by the practice of slavery and the man-tax in Setraland (where he had spent his youth), Matoaka hit upon an idea- why not fob oyangwa production off onto subjugated tribes? Just as the Setralanders set quotas for maple sugar, he could set quotas for oyangwa.
Before he could launch his campaign of conquest/business endeavor, Matoaka had to unite the chieftains behind him. Using a mixture of intimidation and wheedling, playing to the greed that the lesser chieftains had, Matoaka was able to rally his tribe around his banner. Playing a foremost role in this were the “Bear Guards”- descendants of the Asgardians that had returned from the South during the first, dangerous days of settlement there. Armed with axes and swords and wearing chainmail, the Bear Guards accompanied Matoaka on his visits to lesser chieftain’s settlements. Those chieftains that were less willing to cooperate with him would have their settlements ransacked by the Guards, with their warriors generally unable to do anything, as well as their economic rights stripped.
Thus, by 1176, Matoaka had managed to build support for a popular campaign against the neighbors of the Paqwachowng. Marching West alongside his tribal levies and Bear Guards, Matoaka dealt stiff defeats to the tribes of the interior, pushing over the next six years to the rolling, wooded mountains that served as a block for his ambitions. Some tribes capitulated; some tried to form alliances with each other to oppose him; some tribes fled. By the end of this war, however, Matoaka had crafted a realm that was nearly double the size of the original Paqwachowng Confederation. He also had thousands of thralls, ready to plant oyangwa and fuel his economic ambitions.
This victory electrified the Paqwachowng and rocketed Matoaka to the height of popularity. He became popular enough to carry out his greatest ambition. In a ceremony aping that of the coronation of the Setralander monarchs, Matoaka had the “paramount priest” of Ahone [7] place a magnificent headdress on him and was reaffirmed as paramount chief by an assembly of lesser chiefs and a crowd of supporters. This title now possessed more power than any of his ancestors had ever had before. He was, for all intents and purposes, a king.
The remainder of this period was spent consolidating the hold over the new conquests, as well as some small campaigns to the north and south. By the death of Matoaka in 1200, the Paqwachowng had gone from a regional power to one of the true great powers of Talbeah. Their prospects seemed greater than ever before.
However, in the 13th Century, they would reap the consequences of their actions, and meet a rival capable of not only stopping their conquests, but even reversing them…
Asgard
The Asgardian “discovery” of the Maya world, and the subsequent exploration of greater Fjorthrland, kicked off an era of wealth and power for these Ostish exiles. Integration with already existing trade routes, as well as further exploration of the Sea of Lukkai, was driven by a sudden increase in trade goods valued by Setraland (and, by extension, Europe). Exotic goods, especially shocolat [8], found interest in Europe, as it would become fashionable into the 13th Century for nobility and the wealthy to drink shocolat. This brought unprecedented income to the Asgardians, and facilitated the transformation of their community from a tenuous trade town to a powerful thalassocracy.
Asgardian exploration in Fjorthrland brought them into contact with not only the Maya, but many other tribal groups and petty realms. By the 1170s, Asgardians had reached the Valley of the Mexica, and had seen even the Vithian Ocean [9]. Their arrival and sale of iron goods kicked off the Second Blade Trade, and resulted in major repercussions within Fjorthrland (as discussed in the next section). It also instilled a sense of awe in the Asgardians- many had grown up thinking that the largest building was an alehouse, or maybe the royal dun of Setraland. The buildings of Fjorthrland, on the other hand, were massive; Asgardian architecture began to reflect an admiration for these structures.
Asgardians would also travel along the coast of Keshigu [10], marking the first European contact with this mysterious continent that not even their new Maya contacts knew much about. Their Lukkai friends did, however, and knowledge obtained from them enabled the Asgardians to establish rudimentary trade here. Of course, the most important discovery in this period were the Pawu; living on an island at the mouth of the Shingu River [11], they had a powerful mercantile culture driven by trade with tribes living further up the river. Asgardian arrival was noted as an oddity by these long-established merchants, and they refused to trade more than a few baubles with these strangers. They did not wish to upset the balance they had with the people along the Shingu. [12] This disappointed the Asgardians, but they rallied, for their new trade routes were already extensive.
Asgardian leadership in this period came to be dominated by the Council. After the death of Sigured in 1155, Gunnhild (the other member of that legendary duo) established what some scholars have termed “proto-democracy”. Asgard itself was divided into four quarters, and each quarter was tasked with electing its own representative. The four councilors would then gather and act as the executives of Asgard. [13] Elections were held at the decision of the councilors, so there was (unsurprisingly) a long period of governmental stability.
The Council was unique, however, in that it had both male and female representation. For this reason, many “female liberationists” and radical scholars have heavily examined Asgard, trying to paint it as a place of extreme equality between the sexes. While there was a higher degree of female participation in government and public life in Asgard than was the norm in European civilization, one must point out that the community itself was founded by a woman, and the duo that took power after her unfortunate demise included a woman. The old Ostish traditions of female leadership lasted longer in Asgard than they did anywhere else; the last references to “Sword-Maids” or “Shield-Maids” in Europe and Setraland ended around 1160 A.D., as they became more integrated into the general Christian sphere. In Asgard, they lasted until the very end.
The Asgardian culture also began to develop quite differently from its Setralander roots. The Asgardians were exposed to new native cultures at an astounding rate, and were quick to adopt food, words, fashion, and architecture to suit their own interests. The first Mirwick Pyramid was some ways off in this time, but during the end of the 12th Century Asgardian burial sites gradually became more grand, aping the tombs of the Maya kings.
Closer to home, Asgard slowly began to expand into Mirwick proper. The natives, devastated by plagues in the 1140s, no longer proved as potent of a threat, allowing the Asgardians to integrate some and push others out. The swamps proved a major obstacle, as well as the hostile wildlife, but by 1200, the Asgardians were firmly established as the only group of any real consequence in Mirwick (though they only had effective control of the eastern coastlines and parts of the interior).
Indeed, the 13th Century would see the Asgardians achieve some of the highest positions of power, driving their ambitions ever higher. Their ambitions, however, would also drag them into conflict, sowing the seeds for bloodshed around the Sea of Lukkai…
Fjothrland
The Asgsardian arrival at Macanxoc came during a time of transition in Fjothrland. The so-called “Classical” period of Maya history was since past, though powerful city-states yet remained. [14] To the North of the Maya, the various Nahua tribes continued to press further, settling their civilizations in the Valley of Mexico as Tollan Xicocotitlan collapsed under the weight of population pressure, migration, warfare, and a series of bad harvests. [15] It was a region ready to undergo a transformation, fueled by the resumption of the Blade Trade.
The Blade Trade, of course, had originally applied to the Talbeahan trade of iron tools and weaponry between the Afonbreni and the Europeans, but it had lost its economic power after the general diffusal of European metalworking knowledge over the next two centuries. Now, however, a larger new market for iron and metals opened up, and merchants were quick to jump on the opportunity. The harbors of the Paqwachowng grew full of Setralander ships hauling cheaply-made weapons, tools, and the like, exchanging it for Fjothrlander goods such as shocolat, gold, and other valuable trade goods. The Asgardians would then take the shipments of metal to Fjothrland ports (usually Maya, but during this period expanded North into Nahua and Purepechan territory) and sell them at high prices.
The sudden arrival of the Iron Age in Fjorthrland was a massive change, but it was not the earth-shattering one as discussed in Smied’s Conquest of the West. Smied believed that the introduction of iron weapons was the catalyst for political changes in the region, allowing Kings and chiefs to bully their weaker neighbors with more powerful retinues. However, more recent scholarship has demonstrated the relatively negligible effect that iron weaponry had on the shift in power- after all, many of the tribes here used obsidian, which though a stone, is intensely sharp and is even today favored in some medical settings over steel.
No, the greater effect that the Blade Trade had on Fjorthrland was the introduction of agricultural tools- the metal plow, more effective hand tools, and even the wind mill (which, though not a direct import through the Blade Trade, came as part of the “European technological package”). These advances would further strengthen the already developed agricultural traditions of Fjorthrland, allowing for greater exploitation of the land.
Even this, however, was not the catalyst for the political changes in the region.
The catalyst was the Plague.
In 1154, just a few years after the arrival of the Asgardians, the Plague began to be reported in Fjorthrland. Native texts from the era are full of terror, as the hidden, unknown killer of smallpox, influenza, and other European-imports ravaged populations. Some cities were simply abandoned in fear, while others quarantined themselves and hoped to ride out the storm. A power vacuum arose in the region due to the Plague not discriminating based on wealth or political influence.
The first to take advantage of the Plague were the Be’ena’a [16]. The King of Zaachila, after the effects of the Plague began to die down, began to move against the other city-states of the Be’ena’a and Nayivi Davi [17]. By the beginning of the 13th Century, his son came to dominate a relatively small, yet politically influential state on the Vithian coast. In Maya territory, city states within the “League of Mayapan” competed with each other for greater influence while also cooperating against those who became too powerful. The League’s territory spread during this time, as non-aligned city states tended to become targets for ambitious League members. Maconxoc refused to align itself, however, and its role as one of the major distribution sites for iron goods from the North made it rich enough to withstand outside pressure.
To the North of both Zaachila and the League, in the Valley of Mexico things were beginning to change as well. Cholula, the major center in this period, was able to use the chaos of the Plague to its own ends, expanding its influence into the Valley of Mexico, conquering many of the Nahua “principalities” that were beginning to arise in that region. The Nahua themselves would alternate between fighting Cholula and fighting themselves, which helped facilitate the Cholulan conquests. The Purepecha, to the West of the Valley, were not currently expanding outward but were going through a period of intense internal development. Their native metalworking tradition was now augmented by the arrival of iron tools and goods from the North; Purepechan experimentation with iron would eventually lead to radical changes in the politics around the Valley of Mexico…
K’omani
As nations rose and fell in Fjorthrland, as the Paqwachowng expanded their influence, as the Setralanders elected their King, and as the Asgardians braved the waves, a new power was rising. Located strategically along the Kikadit River [18] was K’omani. Originally founded by local natives influenced by the effects of the original Blade Trade, K’omani had grown to a decently-sized trading power when the Afonbren fell into civil war. The collapse of the Afonbreni Confederation led to a scattering of heathen Afonbren to the four-winds. While some became semi-nomadic raiders, a thorn in the side of the new Christian overlords of the Tullaha, others fled south along the trade routes.
Many would wind up in K’omani, bringing with them a hatred for Christianity, knowledge of iron-working, and an established military tradition. The people of K’omani would absorb them into their culture, and in exchange would become more powerful than any other tribe along the Kikadit. Expansion soon followed, and by the beginning of this period, K’omani controlled a long stretch of the Kikadit, from their city down to the town of Towosaghy, near the mingling of the Kikadit and Ohiyo Rivers. [19] During this fifty year period, K’omani would spread from the river banks, beginning to bring tribes and settlements around it more fully under its control.
The K’omani were fueled by a new religious tradition. While the Paqwachowng had adopted Ahonism, which reflected the influence of Christianity, the K’omani’s faith evolved in the opposite direction. Christianity was associated with death, disease, and famine; the skeletal “anti-Jesus” figures, common grave finds in the K’omani period, were a way to ward off the evil brought by the Christian God. The gods of the K’omani were strong, but could only be kept strong enough to protect against the Christian God by sacrifices. Human sacrifices, associated perhaps mostly with Fjorthrland (where they persisted long, despite outside efforts), were also a major part of the K’omani religion. With the spread of the K’omani political influence came a spread of their religious influence, as other native religious traditions were subsumed into the umbrella of the K’omani faith.
While European and Christian historians do tend to place a strong emphasis on the negative aspects of the K’omani culture, more even-handed treatments have begun to appear in recent years. The K’omani had a unique, complex culture. Their cities were large, their ceremonial mounds impressive. The streets of K’omani itself were packed with vendors hawking wares from across the Kikadit watershed; men gambling at ball-games; a rudimentary education system even existed, partly to instill devotion to the faith in the hearts of the nation’s future warriors and leaders.
The continued rise of K’omani would help fuel future conflict, especially as the borderlands between it and Christian-influenced civilization grew ever closer together…
[1] - Chicomoztoc is a Nahua term for the original home of their people. The Purepecha would adopt this Nahua term for referring to the desert and mountainous lands on their periphery (the OTL American Southwest)
[2] – As all recorded in the excerpt of The Chronicles of Rineen, found in Chapter Five.
[3] – OTL Montreal.
[4] – Lenapehoking, a realm dominated originally by the Lenape but soon assuming a “multi-cultural” character.
[5] – The Paqwachowng alphabet, as illustrated best in Blinne Ui Mainle’s The Strange Second Life of Ogham, maintains many similarities to the ogham brought by the Fanaithe to Talbeah. It is likely that early Fanaithe-descended traders with the Paqwachowng, who continued to use ogham as a sort of “secret code” among each other, introduced the system, which, over time, became more formalized and more widespread in use among the tribespeople.
[6] – The Christian term for the Paqwachowng religion.
[7] – Such a position did not exist until a year or so before Matoaka’s coronation; he all but created the position to facilitate the ceremony.
[8] – As the Mayan “x” is pronounced like a “sh”, and TTL receives its word for chocolate from the Maya instead of the Nahua, I’ve rendered “chocolate” as “shocolat”.
[9] – From the Ostish “Vithr”, meaning wide or expansive. The OTL Pacific.
[10] – From the native “Ke Shingu”, meaning “Land of the Great River”. OTL South America.
[11] – The OTL Amazon
[12] – Believe it or not, there was a large indigenous trading community on Marajoa island years before the Europeans arrived, only destroyed by disease.
[13] – Democracy of this kind was slightly unusual, but not unheard of. The Ostish of Askraland, for example, were led by the semi-democratic Althing which elected a Law-Speaker to act as a proto-executive and judge.
[14] – Maya scholars tend to dispute the usage of “Classical” Maya phraseology by European scholars, claiming an unbroken line of history since that period. However, this is not the place to discuss the merits of academic phraseology.
[15] – OTL “Tula” or “Tollan” collapsed in 1150, so right as the Asgardians arrive in Maya territory ITTL.
[16] – The OTL Zapotecs.
[17] – The OTL Mixtecs
[18] – The TTL term for the Mississippi River, coming from the Pawnee term for the River.
[19] – You can probably guess what river this is.
