The Legacy of Saint Brendan: A History of the Western Hemisphere, 512 to 1400
- Thread starter Rognvald
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Ah, I was a bit lost with references to all the rivers and islands. I suppose the island the Asgardians ruined was Cuba? But I don't know of any great Cuban river, but then I've hardly studied the geography of Cuba closely. Generally I wouldn't expect a river worth worrying about on any Caribbean island but that might just show how little I know.
Or is the island Santo Domingo? One of the greater Antilles I imagine, Bahama islands would have even less in the way of rivers.
So I was hoping there would be added footnotes for all the place names--I remember that "featherland" is Mexica, or possibly more the Mayan country (by this time the great golden age of the Maya OTL has come and gone, but possibly trade with the northlanders has enabled a revival on newer terms). It could be either Mexico or Central America then I guess, or the rising new empire might straddle both, southern Mexico and most of Central America. Have the Mesoamericans undergone a fair number of waves of infections and thus developed the ability to maintain enduring ties with Mirwick on their own stable terms? (That won't mean Eurasian diseases won't be decimating, the Old World stew is just plain virulent and diverse, but it gives them a leg up anyway). Or have Mirwick traders just learned to be cautious about killing off their trade partners (usually anyway)? But by and large the river names and so on would send me searching the thread to remind myself. Can there be a map at this point?
And what, by 1400, are the limits of the Known New World? Has anyone journeyed down to say the mouths of the Amazon, or even beyond to say Rio de Plata? Have any of the European influenced peoples gotten to the Pacific coast, say by Balboa's shortcut in Central America (these as guests, not conquistators, obviously) or by some epic exploration beyond their organized Native rivals around OTL Michigan to leapfrog past to say the Columbia, or is everything west of the Mississippi and south of the Caribbean all Here Bee Dragouns territory?
Or is the island Santo Domingo? One of the greater Antilles I imagine, Bahama islands would have even less in the way of rivers.
So I was hoping there would be added footnotes for all the place names--I remember that "featherland" is Mexica, or possibly more the Mayan country (by this time the great golden age of the Maya OTL has come and gone, but possibly trade with the northlanders has enabled a revival on newer terms). It could be either Mexico or Central America then I guess, or the rising new empire might straddle both, southern Mexico and most of Central America. Have the Mesoamericans undergone a fair number of waves of infections and thus developed the ability to maintain enduring ties with Mirwick on their own stable terms? (That won't mean Eurasian diseases won't be decimating, the Old World stew is just plain virulent and diverse, but it gives them a leg up anyway). Or have Mirwick traders just learned to be cautious about killing off their trade partners (usually anyway)? But by and large the river names and so on would send me searching the thread to remind myself. Can there be a map at this point?
And what, by 1400, are the limits of the Known New World? Has anyone journeyed down to say the mouths of the Amazon, or even beyond to say Rio de Plata? Have any of the European influenced peoples gotten to the Pacific coast, say by Balboa's shortcut in Central America (these as guests, not conquistators, obviously) or by some epic exploration beyond their organized Native rivals around OTL Michigan to leapfrog past to say the Columbia, or is everything west of the Mississippi and south of the Caribbean all Here Bee Dragouns territory?
The island was mentioned in the latter updates in the main timeline. There was once a theiving trade culture on Marajo Island, or Pawu in this timeline, which controlled Amazonian trade. That was the island the Asgardians messed up.
It honestly would take me a lot of time to try to make a compendium for this timeline’s terms, which... I need to do, haha, for the sequel thread. When the Series Bible is made, I don’t know... I’ll post it here? It might be a bit big... maybe I’ll link it somehow? I’ll figure it out.
Setralanders have a vague idea about the Pacific Northwest, but all trade there goes through Horse People intermediaries. South America‘s East Coast is roughly understood, but it getsvauger the further south you get. Few organized coastal settlements means the Asgardians care little. The Pacific has been visited more than anything else, and the West Coast of all but Central America is a little-known territory. Though people are coming to realize thereis something BIG southwest of Fjothrland (in what would be Peru), contact has been spotty.
Previews: K’omani, 1400
Straddling the wide Kikadit River was a sprawling city, one that could rival even the best that Fjothrland and Europe had to offer. Five-hundred thousand souls, the largest settlement in Talbeah. These five-hundred thousand rubbed shoulders with one another in palatial open air markets. They made bets at many of the ball fields that dotted the city scape. And, most importantly, they prayed together in great throngs.
Today saw one such prayer. Crowds beneath the palisade separating the sacred central district of the city from the mundane remainder craned their necks to the mound above them. Atop the artificial hill, a dozen women in white skirts kneeled in front of a freshly dug trench. Their hair was perfumed, their garments spotless, their faces beautiful and their bearing noble.
Behind them, making his way down the line, was a priest, a sacred noose in his hands. One by one, he strangled the women. The others did not flinch, patiently awaiting their fate. When they succumbed, he released his rope’s grip and allowed them to fall into the trench. Each death caused the crowds below to shout prayers to the Great Panther, asking for his acceptance of their sacrifice.
Or so the Setralander records claim. Archaological digs in old K’omani have revealed large numbers of victims of human sacrifice, most killed by a broken neck, suggesting strangulation. Contemporary chroniclers claim that this was to give power and strength to the Great Panther, to allow him to fend off the Death-Christ, the demon figure that they believed the Europeans worshipped. Disputes still exist over the purpose of those sacrificed, but one telling fact remains-
None of their hands were bound.
Today saw one such prayer. Crowds beneath the palisade separating the sacred central district of the city from the mundane remainder craned their necks to the mound above them. Atop the artificial hill, a dozen women in white skirts kneeled in front of a freshly dug trench. Their hair was perfumed, their garments spotless, their faces beautiful and their bearing noble.
Behind them, making his way down the line, was a priest, a sacred noose in his hands. One by one, he strangled the women. The others did not flinch, patiently awaiting their fate. When they succumbed, he released his rope’s grip and allowed them to fall into the trench. Each death caused the crowds below to shout prayers to the Great Panther, asking for his acceptance of their sacrifice.
Or so the Setralander records claim. Archaological digs in old K’omani have revealed large numbers of victims of human sacrifice, most killed by a broken neck, suggesting strangulation. Contemporary chroniclers claim that this was to give power and strength to the Great Panther, to allow him to fend off the Death-Christ, the demon figure that they believed the Europeans worshipped. Disputes still exist over the purpose of those sacrificed, but one telling fact remains-
None of their hands were bound.
This is one of the best TL's on the entire site, and I'm glad that another update is coming.
Woohoo!!!!! This cheers me up after what has been an incredibly trying and stressful week!
Chapter Six, Part Three: Autumn
Chapter Six, Part Three: Autumn
The latter-half of the 13th century would prove to be one of great uncertainty in both Talbeah and Keshigu. To the North, longer winters and shorter summers would begin to prove a difficult beast to get a handle on, while in the South a titanic conflict began that would change the face of Keshigu forever. Civil conflict would rear its ugly head again in Talbeah, and in Fjothrland, the advances of the Purepechans would pose a challenge to the would-be hegemon of Cholula. This was, indeed, a prelude to the more anarchic years to come.
Setraland
As the second half of the 13th century dawned, the Kings of Setraland were at a crossroads when it came to expansion. Their defeat in the Lenape War had given them a sharp lesson about pushing further south, but the ever-hungry sugar markets in Europe demanded expansion. Eyes, instead, began to turn towards the Five-Lakes in the west. Dufgall, an old and bitter man after being forced to give up his ambitions on the Lenapehoking in the Peace of Manna-hata, was eager to pursue a campaign against the less-organized tribes in the region. However, his ambitions would be cut short by an assassin’s blade.
Assassination was nothing new to Christian monarchs in this era, even the more isolated Hreinings of Setraland. However, this marked the beginning of a disturbing trend, brought on by the elective monarchy established by Ansgar. When a monarch did not perform up to “standards”, nobility would be much more supportive of a plot to remove the monarch and open the playing field up again. With a new election would come new bribes, new land grants, and new promises- it would greater empower the grandees that ran the King Thing.
With Dufgall’s death in 1252, the feudal lords, company chiefs, and high clergy gathered again at Dun Cormac to debate which of the next generation of Hreinings should become monarch. Money, land, and promises flowed, but a new King was eventually chosen; Dufgall’s second-son, the 27-year old Bjollok. Bjollok won the day at the King Thing because of his bold promise- to end the threat of the Wind Lodge once and for all.
Ever since the Christian victory in the Afonbreni Civil War two centuries before, and the subsequent Setralander take-over of the region along the Tullaha River, the descendants of Wind Lodge diehards had been a nagging problem on the northern frontiers. Having long-since intermarried and intermingled with the semi-nomadic tribes of this vast region, it was unlikely any still clung to the idea of restoring the traditional Afonbreni Confederacy. It’s also unlikely any were members of the originalWind Lodge anymore.
If it hadn’t been for the tendency of the tribes in this area to raid settlements and farms every now and again, they likely would have escaped notice. However, over the course of the 13th century these raids had become more and more common. This may have been due to environmental factors, as temperatures began to drop; this would have affected their ability to thrive in their traditional lifestyle. Whatever the case, the raids had caused much consternation in the frontier regions, enough for Bjollok to pull a victory at the King Thing. Bringing up distant memories of the Afonbreni Civil War and the violence and economic disruption, as well as the more recent native rebellions in the Wabanahkik, Bjollok stirred up anti-pagan sentiments at the Thing.
With his election secured, Bjollok took a few years to secure his base of support and distribute a few of his promised bribes. By 1255, he encouraged a campaign to secure the northern frontiers and push back the Wind Lodge. Unlike his predecessors, Bjollok did not participate actively in the fighting. Instead, he remained at Frithrborg. Chroniclers nearer to the time ascribed this to “cowardice”, though if one looked at his situation through a different perspective, he was likely trying to avoid blame for any mistakes made in the war (similar mistakes had, after all, cost his father his life). This left the conduct of the war to coalitions of lords and company chiefs known as Comharchumainn, or “Cooperatives”.
Cooperatives originated because Bjollok had the annoying tendency to grant new territory, the reward for participation in the conflict, to conflicting claimants. Two different lords could get a promise from the monarch for the same region, without any apparent care by the King. While an examination of some of these land-claims that survive shows that they aren’t entirely identical, the knowledge of the region north of the Tullaha was not clear, which was reflected in the language of the documents. It could be very easy for misinterpretations to arise- and arise they did.
This encouraged lords who wished to press their particular claim to work together with others. There was strength in numbers, and by securing a stronger coalition, one could cower another into withdrawing their stake in a region. Over time, however, the Cooperatives would take a life of their own, eventually coming to define politics in Setraland for much of the 14th and 15th Centuries.
This war against the tribes proved to be more difficult than Bjollok or his supporters had hoped. The nomadic nature of the tribes in the region allowed them to avoid conflict with the larger Setralander formations, striking at supply lines and patrols. The use of the horse by the natives here, while not near the level of the Horse People of the plains, nevertheless allowed them greater mobility than previous native forces the Setralanders had faced.
What really saved the Setralander war effort from becoming a complete debacle was the fact that there were multiple tribes in the region. While Bjollok’s propaganda had painted them all with the same Wind Lodge brush, they were separate polities. There were internal conflicts that could be exploited by the invading Setralanders. Alliances were made, deals were struck, and natives turned against each other.
This, instead, raised a new set of issues. A vast stretch of frontier was pacified by 1267, in the sense that many native tribes had pledged allegiance in some form or another to the Setralander nation and “accepted baptism” (with varying degrees of sincerity). However, their oaths to Setraland were less oaths to the King and more oaths to the Cooperative that had brought them to terms. A private war, of sorts, began to replace that of a frontier conflict, as disputes between Cooperatives over stretches of relatively empty wilderness boiled over into violence.
Greed, just as it had in the initial aftermath of the Afonbreni Civil War, had driven the Setralanders to civil conflict. Bjollok, however, believed strongly in the principle of non-interference in the affairs of his subjects- as long as taxes were paid. He allowed this war to continue, ignoring the forts and battles raging in his own territory fought by his own vassals. He focused instead on internal matters of recreation. Many ascribe the development of the Setralander equivalent of the tournament, the commorthas, to him. Indeed, he did host several large commorthas in a specially built arena at Frithrborg.
Bjollok’s death in 1279 brought a temporary lull to hostilities in the high-frontier, as nobles traveled to Dun Cormac to participate in another King Thing. Here the Cooperatives found their footing as ready-made political coalitions. This created another layer of bribery and political corruption under that of the candidates for the throne; stronger Cooperatives would make similar promises to weaker ones to secure their vote at the Thing for their chosen candidate.
Succeeding to the throne would be the 32-year old eldest son of Bjollok, Kalmann. More business-minded than his father and grandfather had been, Kalmann focused his attention towardthe expansion of Setralander trade in Talbeah. As the native powers of Talbeah became more powerful and developed their internal economies, the balance of trade had shifted away from the Tullaha. The rich lands around the Ohiyo River were of particular interest to the Setralanders, especially the territories which bordered the Five Lakes.
Kalmann would shift Setralander attentions away from the North towards this region, though he would leave the issue of frontier territory ownership open. Perhaps he was afraid of angering one Cooperative or another; whatever the case, the high frontier of Setraland would continue to be a place of violence for decades to come.
During the 1280s, Setralander merchants would seek to penetrate into the Ohiyo River Country, occasionally coming into conflict with Lenape or Paqwachowng traders (and, more rarely, traders from K’omani). This region was full of opportunity to go around, however; there were well-over thirty proto-states that competed for control of this region. Some were as small as a palisade on a strategic point on the river and its surrounding farmland, while others were almost large enough to be considered “duchies” by chroniclers. The residents of these proto-states shared similar religious beliefs and cultural norms, but had their own traditions of leadership and a tradition of competition.
It was this trading conflict over the Ohiyo that would begin to drive a wedge between the Setralanders and the Paqwachowng. Kalmann, thinking that these proto-states would be more willing to participate in trade with Setraland if they shared a similar religious background, began to push for missionary efforts as well as mercantile into the 1290s, as well as granting the right to construct trading settlements along the southern banks of the Lake of St. Ringan (Lake Erie). This was taken as a threat to the Paqwachowng, who were seeking to spread Ahonism into the region for similar reasons.
This split would come to have major economic consequences in the 14th century, as the Paqwachowng were seen as a vital stopping point for ships sailing north from Asgardand ships sailing south from Setraland, as well as the main suppliers of oyangwa for European markets. As the Paramount Chiefs became more hostile to Setralander ships, a new rendezvous point would have to be settled on- which would lead, in turn, to the supreme importance of Inis Bandearg in the 14th century, as well as the further development of the Asgardian economy.
All the while, the weather began to change, especially towards the beginning of the 1300s. The Chronicles of Rineen in particular make note of the cooling summers, noting that wheat growing in the far-Northern reaches of Setraland was beginning to become more difficult. Little did those at the time realize that the Intermediate Warm Period was at an end, and that temperatures were going to continue to drop from where they had been.
Lenapehoking
The Lenape began the latter half of the 13th century on a high note. Their young Confederation had successfully fended off invasion attempts from both Setraland and the Paqwachowng, and faith in the “confederacy of confederacies” was higher than ever before. But a nation cannot live off of its victories forever; new challenges are the one constant in statecraft.
For the Lenape, this new challenge was the rise of differing strains of thought about how the Confederation should proceed. Some within the “Seven Beaded Belt” felt that the victories in the Lenape Wars proved that cooperation in all instances was the key to a stronger position in Talbeah. Only by strengthening the mutual ties between the various tribes and minor confederations that made up the Lenapehoking could they fully protect themselves from future aggression.
Others, however, were not so sure. Some felt that now that the war was over and the attentions of the Paqwachowng and Setralanders were turned elsewhere, the Lenapehoking had served its purpose, and no longer needed to exist. Of course, these anti-confederates reasoned, the alliance could always come back into play should future aggression rear its ugly head. But, for now, there was no need to link the tribes together, and each should be allowed to pursue their own ways, as they had for centuries leading up to the Confederation.
For the most part, the Confederation did not pursue either course of action. Instead, it settled on a middle ground of sorts, where the Confederation acted as a “collective bargaining” instrument for outside trade deals, as well as a military deterrent. By not going one way entirely or another, the Confederation managed to not badly alienate either passionate side, instead leaving both mildly disappointed.
However, running the Confederation in peacetime proved to be a difficult task. With no central executive, but rather a collective body (similar to the Afonbreni of yesteryear), decisions took a long time to make. The Confederation’s council met yearly, and had to discuss a year’s worth of items in only a few weeks of deliberation. This meant that, for the most part, individual tribes were able to conduct business as they saw fit, until the next meeting of the Council would give centralized input.
The main foreign policy focus of the Lenapehoking during this period was trade with the tribes near the Ohiyo River. As previously mentioned, both the Paqwachowng and the Setralanders sought to become embroiled in this trade, though they would become more of a factor later in the century. Until the 1270s, the Lenapehoking were the largest trade partners in the along the Ohiyo River, not counting the infiltration of K’omani goods that had already begun to take place in the western reaches of the river country.
This would allow the Lenape to take advantage of the untapped trading opportunities in the region, growing their coffers and allowing the development of their internal economy. Unlike the Paqwachowng or the Afonbreni before them, there was no immigrant population of Europeans to establish smithies and other industries; the Lenape were, for the most part, self-taught miners and builders of weaponry, tools, and other goods. This reflected the general loss of the European edge over the natives of Talbeah.
As the Paqwachowng and Setralanders became more involved in the Ohiyo, the council-style government and general decentralization of the Confederation meant that the Lenape generally lost out. By the turn of the century, the LenapehokingConfederation was in last place in the race for influence in the Ohiyo, especially as religion began to be more of a driving issue there.
Paqwachowng
The latter-half of the 13th century saw the gradual decline in the power of the Paramount Chief over the Paqwachowng. Paemotinck, who ascended to the throne at the age of 12 after his father’s assassination, was controlled by a regency council of sorts. The boy was considered to be slow, given to religious meditations and had a distaste for violence. This allowed him to be directed by the regents, who wrote decrees in his name and generally had run of the realm.
However, they were not bad rulers. Compared to Onawmanient, they did not lead the Paqwachowng into any wars with major powers, instead choosing to focus on the economy. This did not mean that their reign was entirely peaceful; far from it. The Paqwachowng economy revolved around subjugating smaller tribes to then press oyangwa quotas onto; therefore, any major expansion of the economy required warfare or diplomatic pressures.
The focus of Paqwachowng expansion turned from the north towards the south, which, on reflection made more sense for their economy. Oyangwa, though it did grow a little in the territory of the Lenapehoking, flourished in the warmer soil to the south. The tribes here were also much less organized when compared to the Lenape. Indeed, the Southern Campaigns of 1259-1283 were great successes for the Paqwachowng, subjugating proto-states and semi-nomadic tribes as far south as the Ya’hi River (Santee Riber).
Paemotinck would die in 1282, replaced by his own minor son, Rapaantam, who was 13 when he became Paramount Chief. This reinforced the power of the regency, though Rapaantam did not share his father’s weak mind. On occasion, he would try to fight against the regents, However, he was “distracted” by repeated illnesses, creating long periods of time where the regents power was all but unchecked by royal prerogative.
One of the most notable accomplishments he managed without regency interference, however, was setting the stage for the Paqwachowng trade interests along the Ohiyo River. While the economy of the Paramount Chiefdom did revolve around oyangwa, it nevertheless had a developed metallurgy economy, as well as a need to import food to offset the large amounts of land set aside for oyangwa cultivation. It was also his influence that encouraged the spreading of Ahonism to the region- a bold missionary test for a relatively young religion.
In this respect, the great catastrophes of the 14th century can be laid at the feet of Rapaantam, though the regents and his successors must also take a share of that blame.
Asgard
As the Paqwachowng expanded South, the Asgardians prepared for their next great attempt against the Pawu. The stubborn islanders had managed to repulse their first attempt at capturing the Shingu River trade, and this was an insult that could not be left unanswered. Therefore, the thalassocracy readied itself once again for war, this time on a much grander scale than the previous assault.
Ships were gathered, from war canoes of the Lukkai vassal tribes to the greater sailing ships of the Asgardians themselves. Asgardian agents visited the territories of Mayapan and Cholula, seeking to hire mercenaries for use in a campaign. Bands of warriors from as far as Setraland sailed south to participate in an endeavor which promised “gold and riches”; shares of the loot from the Pawu.
Pawu, itself, was not blind to these attempts. Archaeological evidence and Asgardian chronicles indicate that the island inhabitants feverishly tried to fortify themselves against another attack. They were hindered, however, by the spread of the ravaging plagues that accompanied European contact; their population dropped, hobbling any attempt to fend off a larger assault. When the blow finally came, they were able to hold out for a few months at best before finally succumbing to the sheer weight of numbers and equipment.
To the dismay of the Asgardians, however, there was no great horde of treasure awaiting them at the successful completion of this conquest. Instead, all that they found were pots, beads, and carved shells; the sorts of trade goods that were of immense value to natives along the Shingu River, but which had little interest for the mercantile minded Asgardians. This, in turn, created new problems for the thalassocracy; fearing a strong native resistance, they had hired many mercenaries- all of whom expected to be paid with loot that proved to be less than valuable.
With fear in mind of not being paid, the mercenaries put aside their diverse differences of religion and culture and united behind the cry- “Where is our money?” After a year of no payment being delivered, and refusing to disband, the mercenaries, referred to in Asgardian texts as the “Free Brothers”, rebelled against the Asgardian retinue on the island, killed most of them (as well as any remaining inhabitants of the original Pawu culture), and demanded a ransom for the island. This came as a shock to the Asgardians, as did the fact that many of the Free Brothers were, in fact, Asgardians themselves- more loyal to gold than to nationality. Lacking the military means to launch a counter invasion against such a dug-in force, the Council of Asgard sat down and debated what to do.
Councilwoman Siv came up with the eventual solution- why not play to the mercenaries strengths? A messenger was sent to the Free Brothers holed up on Pawu Island- their payment would come in the form of land grants along the Shingu River. The Asgardians had no idea how big the ShinguRiver actually was- therefore, they proved awfully generous, hoping that the natives of the interior or wild beasts or disease would kill the mercenaries before they figured out what had happened. These Free Brothers would have to pay nominal tribute to the Asgardians, as well as conduct all their trade beyond the shores of the river via Pawu Island.
The Free Brothers, after deliberating amongst themselves, agreed; withdrawing from Pawu, they sailed down the Shinguand began to establish their own patrimonies, based off the odd land-claims given to them by the Asgardian leadership. What they found down the river were a variety of small tribal communities which had been devastated by plague. Several settlements were simply abandoned, their inhabitants having escaped into the jungle. Their towns became the property of the Free Brothers, who set up a variety of so-called “Free Counties”, beginning in the 1270s and 1280s.
These Free Counties did not live up to their monikers, as they relied on slave labor. Expeditions into the jungle, or piratical expeditions down the coastlines against other tribes, were needed to create a labor force able to work the rich black soil. Life in these “boom-towns” was crude, brutish, and short, for slave and master alike. The Asgardians hoped that the Free Counties would eventually fight themselves into extinction; they did not yet realize the important role that they would play in securing the Asgardian economy in the coming century.
K’omani
While Asgard dealt with its rebellious mercenaries, Setraland’s nobility fought a constant fight in the high-frontier, and Paqwachowng expanded its borders dramatically south, the K’omani continued to build up their power along the shores of the Kikadit River. The dating of religious artifacts suggests that by the end of this period, the K’omani religion was dominant in the “Ten Cities” that made up its confederation.
Fragmentary records from the confederation note that raids by the Horse People were becoming more common during this period, forcing the development of a more professional military force to protect against them.
Expansion seems to have been slow in this period, though the soft-power of K’omani seems to have strengthened. Anti-Jesus figures begin to appear at the mouth of the Kikadit around the turn of the 14th century, and trade goods from K’omani were a part of the Ohiyo River economy. The dramatic expansion to the south had not yet taken place, nor had the campaigns aimed at putting more distance between the core of the “Ten Cities” and the Horse People.
Still, however, the K’omani distinguished themselves as being the most centralized and well-developed state along the Kikadit’s long stretch- a distinction which would facilitate their rapid rise to power in the coming century.
The latter-half of the 13th century would prove to be one of great uncertainty in both Talbeah and Keshigu. To the North, longer winters and shorter summers would begin to prove a difficult beast to get a handle on, while in the South a titanic conflict began that would change the face of Keshigu forever. Civil conflict would rear its ugly head again in Talbeah, and in Fjothrland, the advances of the Purepechans would pose a challenge to the would-be hegemon of Cholula. This was, indeed, a prelude to the more anarchic years to come.
Setraland
As the second half of the 13th century dawned, the Kings of Setraland were at a crossroads when it came to expansion. Their defeat in the Lenape War had given them a sharp lesson about pushing further south, but the ever-hungry sugar markets in Europe demanded expansion. Eyes, instead, began to turn towards the Five-Lakes in the west. Dufgall, an old and bitter man after being forced to give up his ambitions on the Lenapehoking in the Peace of Manna-hata, was eager to pursue a campaign against the less-organized tribes in the region. However, his ambitions would be cut short by an assassin’s blade.
Assassination was nothing new to Christian monarchs in this era, even the more isolated Hreinings of Setraland. However, this marked the beginning of a disturbing trend, brought on by the elective monarchy established by Ansgar. When a monarch did not perform up to “standards”, nobility would be much more supportive of a plot to remove the monarch and open the playing field up again. With a new election would come new bribes, new land grants, and new promises- it would greater empower the grandees that ran the King Thing.
With Dufgall’s death in 1252, the feudal lords, company chiefs, and high clergy gathered again at Dun Cormac to debate which of the next generation of Hreinings should become monarch. Money, land, and promises flowed, but a new King was eventually chosen; Dufgall’s second-son, the 27-year old Bjollok. Bjollok won the day at the King Thing because of his bold promise- to end the threat of the Wind Lodge once and for all.
Ever since the Christian victory in the Afonbreni Civil War two centuries before, and the subsequent Setralander take-over of the region along the Tullaha River, the descendants of Wind Lodge diehards had been a nagging problem on the northern frontiers. Having long-since intermarried and intermingled with the semi-nomadic tribes of this vast region, it was unlikely any still clung to the idea of restoring the traditional Afonbreni Confederacy. It’s also unlikely any were members of the originalWind Lodge anymore.
If it hadn’t been for the tendency of the tribes in this area to raid settlements and farms every now and again, they likely would have escaped notice. However, over the course of the 13th century these raids had become more and more common. This may have been due to environmental factors, as temperatures began to drop; this would have affected their ability to thrive in their traditional lifestyle. Whatever the case, the raids had caused much consternation in the frontier regions, enough for Bjollok to pull a victory at the King Thing. Bringing up distant memories of the Afonbreni Civil War and the violence and economic disruption, as well as the more recent native rebellions in the Wabanahkik, Bjollok stirred up anti-pagan sentiments at the Thing.
With his election secured, Bjollok took a few years to secure his base of support and distribute a few of his promised bribes. By 1255, he encouraged a campaign to secure the northern frontiers and push back the Wind Lodge. Unlike his predecessors, Bjollok did not participate actively in the fighting. Instead, he remained at Frithrborg. Chroniclers nearer to the time ascribed this to “cowardice”, though if one looked at his situation through a different perspective, he was likely trying to avoid blame for any mistakes made in the war (similar mistakes had, after all, cost his father his life). This left the conduct of the war to coalitions of lords and company chiefs known as Comharchumainn, or “Cooperatives”.
Cooperatives originated because Bjollok had the annoying tendency to grant new territory, the reward for participation in the conflict, to conflicting claimants. Two different lords could get a promise from the monarch for the same region, without any apparent care by the King. While an examination of some of these land-claims that survive shows that they aren’t entirely identical, the knowledge of the region north of the Tullaha was not clear, which was reflected in the language of the documents. It could be very easy for misinterpretations to arise- and arise they did.
This encouraged lords who wished to press their particular claim to work together with others. There was strength in numbers, and by securing a stronger coalition, one could cower another into withdrawing their stake in a region. Over time, however, the Cooperatives would take a life of their own, eventually coming to define politics in Setraland for much of the 14th and 15th Centuries.
This war against the tribes proved to be more difficult than Bjollok or his supporters had hoped. The nomadic nature of the tribes in the region allowed them to avoid conflict with the larger Setralander formations, striking at supply lines and patrols. The use of the horse by the natives here, while not near the level of the Horse People of the plains, nevertheless allowed them greater mobility than previous native forces the Setralanders had faced.
What really saved the Setralander war effort from becoming a complete debacle was the fact that there were multiple tribes in the region. While Bjollok’s propaganda had painted them all with the same Wind Lodge brush, they were separate polities. There were internal conflicts that could be exploited by the invading Setralanders. Alliances were made, deals were struck, and natives turned against each other.
This, instead, raised a new set of issues. A vast stretch of frontier was pacified by 1267, in the sense that many native tribes had pledged allegiance in some form or another to the Setralander nation and “accepted baptism” (with varying degrees of sincerity). However, their oaths to Setraland were less oaths to the King and more oaths to the Cooperative that had brought them to terms. A private war, of sorts, began to replace that of a frontier conflict, as disputes between Cooperatives over stretches of relatively empty wilderness boiled over into violence.
Greed, just as it had in the initial aftermath of the Afonbreni Civil War, had driven the Setralanders to civil conflict. Bjollok, however, believed strongly in the principle of non-interference in the affairs of his subjects- as long as taxes were paid. He allowed this war to continue, ignoring the forts and battles raging in his own territory fought by his own vassals. He focused instead on internal matters of recreation. Many ascribe the development of the Setralander equivalent of the tournament, the commorthas, to him. Indeed, he did host several large commorthas in a specially built arena at Frithrborg.
Bjollok’s death in 1279 brought a temporary lull to hostilities in the high-frontier, as nobles traveled to Dun Cormac to participate in another King Thing. Here the Cooperatives found their footing as ready-made political coalitions. This created another layer of bribery and political corruption under that of the candidates for the throne; stronger Cooperatives would make similar promises to weaker ones to secure their vote at the Thing for their chosen candidate.
Succeeding to the throne would be the 32-year old eldest son of Bjollok, Kalmann. More business-minded than his father and grandfather had been, Kalmann focused his attention towardthe expansion of Setralander trade in Talbeah. As the native powers of Talbeah became more powerful and developed their internal economies, the balance of trade had shifted away from the Tullaha. The rich lands around the Ohiyo River were of particular interest to the Setralanders, especially the territories which bordered the Five Lakes.
Kalmann would shift Setralander attentions away from the North towards this region, though he would leave the issue of frontier territory ownership open. Perhaps he was afraid of angering one Cooperative or another; whatever the case, the high frontier of Setraland would continue to be a place of violence for decades to come.
During the 1280s, Setralander merchants would seek to penetrate into the Ohiyo River Country, occasionally coming into conflict with Lenape or Paqwachowng traders (and, more rarely, traders from K’omani). This region was full of opportunity to go around, however; there were well-over thirty proto-states that competed for control of this region. Some were as small as a palisade on a strategic point on the river and its surrounding farmland, while others were almost large enough to be considered “duchies” by chroniclers. The residents of these proto-states shared similar religious beliefs and cultural norms, but had their own traditions of leadership and a tradition of competition.
It was this trading conflict over the Ohiyo that would begin to drive a wedge between the Setralanders and the Paqwachowng. Kalmann, thinking that these proto-states would be more willing to participate in trade with Setraland if they shared a similar religious background, began to push for missionary efforts as well as mercantile into the 1290s, as well as granting the right to construct trading settlements along the southern banks of the Lake of St. Ringan (Lake Erie). This was taken as a threat to the Paqwachowng, who were seeking to spread Ahonism into the region for similar reasons.
This split would come to have major economic consequences in the 14th century, as the Paqwachowng were seen as a vital stopping point for ships sailing north from Asgardand ships sailing south from Setraland, as well as the main suppliers of oyangwa for European markets. As the Paramount Chiefs became more hostile to Setralander ships, a new rendezvous point would have to be settled on- which would lead, in turn, to the supreme importance of Inis Bandearg in the 14th century, as well as the further development of the Asgardian economy.
All the while, the weather began to change, especially towards the beginning of the 1300s. The Chronicles of Rineen in particular make note of the cooling summers, noting that wheat growing in the far-Northern reaches of Setraland was beginning to become more difficult. Little did those at the time realize that the Intermediate Warm Period was at an end, and that temperatures were going to continue to drop from where they had been.
Lenapehoking
The Lenape began the latter half of the 13th century on a high note. Their young Confederation had successfully fended off invasion attempts from both Setraland and the Paqwachowng, and faith in the “confederacy of confederacies” was higher than ever before. But a nation cannot live off of its victories forever; new challenges are the one constant in statecraft.
For the Lenape, this new challenge was the rise of differing strains of thought about how the Confederation should proceed. Some within the “Seven Beaded Belt” felt that the victories in the Lenape Wars proved that cooperation in all instances was the key to a stronger position in Talbeah. Only by strengthening the mutual ties between the various tribes and minor confederations that made up the Lenapehoking could they fully protect themselves from future aggression.
Others, however, were not so sure. Some felt that now that the war was over and the attentions of the Paqwachowng and Setralanders were turned elsewhere, the Lenapehoking had served its purpose, and no longer needed to exist. Of course, these anti-confederates reasoned, the alliance could always come back into play should future aggression rear its ugly head. But, for now, there was no need to link the tribes together, and each should be allowed to pursue their own ways, as they had for centuries leading up to the Confederation.
For the most part, the Confederation did not pursue either course of action. Instead, it settled on a middle ground of sorts, where the Confederation acted as a “collective bargaining” instrument for outside trade deals, as well as a military deterrent. By not going one way entirely or another, the Confederation managed to not badly alienate either passionate side, instead leaving both mildly disappointed.
However, running the Confederation in peacetime proved to be a difficult task. With no central executive, but rather a collective body (similar to the Afonbreni of yesteryear), decisions took a long time to make. The Confederation’s council met yearly, and had to discuss a year’s worth of items in only a few weeks of deliberation. This meant that, for the most part, individual tribes were able to conduct business as they saw fit, until the next meeting of the Council would give centralized input.
The main foreign policy focus of the Lenapehoking during this period was trade with the tribes near the Ohiyo River. As previously mentioned, both the Paqwachowng and the Setralanders sought to become embroiled in this trade, though they would become more of a factor later in the century. Until the 1270s, the Lenapehoking were the largest trade partners in the along the Ohiyo River, not counting the infiltration of K’omani goods that had already begun to take place in the western reaches of the river country.
This would allow the Lenape to take advantage of the untapped trading opportunities in the region, growing their coffers and allowing the development of their internal economy. Unlike the Paqwachowng or the Afonbreni before them, there was no immigrant population of Europeans to establish smithies and other industries; the Lenape were, for the most part, self-taught miners and builders of weaponry, tools, and other goods. This reflected the general loss of the European edge over the natives of Talbeah.
As the Paqwachowng and Setralanders became more involved in the Ohiyo, the council-style government and general decentralization of the Confederation meant that the Lenape generally lost out. By the turn of the century, the LenapehokingConfederation was in last place in the race for influence in the Ohiyo, especially as religion began to be more of a driving issue there.
Paqwachowng
The latter-half of the 13th century saw the gradual decline in the power of the Paramount Chief over the Paqwachowng. Paemotinck, who ascended to the throne at the age of 12 after his father’s assassination, was controlled by a regency council of sorts. The boy was considered to be slow, given to religious meditations and had a distaste for violence. This allowed him to be directed by the regents, who wrote decrees in his name and generally had run of the realm.
However, they were not bad rulers. Compared to Onawmanient, they did not lead the Paqwachowng into any wars with major powers, instead choosing to focus on the economy. This did not mean that their reign was entirely peaceful; far from it. The Paqwachowng economy revolved around subjugating smaller tribes to then press oyangwa quotas onto; therefore, any major expansion of the economy required warfare or diplomatic pressures.
The focus of Paqwachowng expansion turned from the north towards the south, which, on reflection made more sense for their economy. Oyangwa, though it did grow a little in the territory of the Lenapehoking, flourished in the warmer soil to the south. The tribes here were also much less organized when compared to the Lenape. Indeed, the Southern Campaigns of 1259-1283 were great successes for the Paqwachowng, subjugating proto-states and semi-nomadic tribes as far south as the Ya’hi River (Santee Riber).
Paemotinck would die in 1282, replaced by his own minor son, Rapaantam, who was 13 when he became Paramount Chief. This reinforced the power of the regency, though Rapaantam did not share his father’s weak mind. On occasion, he would try to fight against the regents, However, he was “distracted” by repeated illnesses, creating long periods of time where the regents power was all but unchecked by royal prerogative.
One of the most notable accomplishments he managed without regency interference, however, was setting the stage for the Paqwachowng trade interests along the Ohiyo River. While the economy of the Paramount Chiefdom did revolve around oyangwa, it nevertheless had a developed metallurgy economy, as well as a need to import food to offset the large amounts of land set aside for oyangwa cultivation. It was also his influence that encouraged the spreading of Ahonism to the region- a bold missionary test for a relatively young religion.
In this respect, the great catastrophes of the 14th century can be laid at the feet of Rapaantam, though the regents and his successors must also take a share of that blame.
Asgard
As the Paqwachowng expanded South, the Asgardians prepared for their next great attempt against the Pawu. The stubborn islanders had managed to repulse their first attempt at capturing the Shingu River trade, and this was an insult that could not be left unanswered. Therefore, the thalassocracy readied itself once again for war, this time on a much grander scale than the previous assault.
Ships were gathered, from war canoes of the Lukkai vassal tribes to the greater sailing ships of the Asgardians themselves. Asgardian agents visited the territories of Mayapan and Cholula, seeking to hire mercenaries for use in a campaign. Bands of warriors from as far as Setraland sailed south to participate in an endeavor which promised “gold and riches”; shares of the loot from the Pawu.
Pawu, itself, was not blind to these attempts. Archaeological evidence and Asgardian chronicles indicate that the island inhabitants feverishly tried to fortify themselves against another attack. They were hindered, however, by the spread of the ravaging plagues that accompanied European contact; their population dropped, hobbling any attempt to fend off a larger assault. When the blow finally came, they were able to hold out for a few months at best before finally succumbing to the sheer weight of numbers and equipment.
To the dismay of the Asgardians, however, there was no great horde of treasure awaiting them at the successful completion of this conquest. Instead, all that they found were pots, beads, and carved shells; the sorts of trade goods that were of immense value to natives along the Shingu River, but which had little interest for the mercantile minded Asgardians. This, in turn, created new problems for the thalassocracy; fearing a strong native resistance, they had hired many mercenaries- all of whom expected to be paid with loot that proved to be less than valuable.
With fear in mind of not being paid, the mercenaries put aside their diverse differences of religion and culture and united behind the cry- “Where is our money?” After a year of no payment being delivered, and refusing to disband, the mercenaries, referred to in Asgardian texts as the “Free Brothers”, rebelled against the Asgardian retinue on the island, killed most of them (as well as any remaining inhabitants of the original Pawu culture), and demanded a ransom for the island. This came as a shock to the Asgardians, as did the fact that many of the Free Brothers were, in fact, Asgardians themselves- more loyal to gold than to nationality. Lacking the military means to launch a counter invasion against such a dug-in force, the Council of Asgard sat down and debated what to do.
Councilwoman Siv came up with the eventual solution- why not play to the mercenaries strengths? A messenger was sent to the Free Brothers holed up on Pawu Island- their payment would come in the form of land grants along the Shingu River. The Asgardians had no idea how big the ShinguRiver actually was- therefore, they proved awfully generous, hoping that the natives of the interior or wild beasts or disease would kill the mercenaries before they figured out what had happened. These Free Brothers would have to pay nominal tribute to the Asgardians, as well as conduct all their trade beyond the shores of the river via Pawu Island.
The Free Brothers, after deliberating amongst themselves, agreed; withdrawing from Pawu, they sailed down the Shinguand began to establish their own patrimonies, based off the odd land-claims given to them by the Asgardian leadership. What they found down the river were a variety of small tribal communities which had been devastated by plague. Several settlements were simply abandoned, their inhabitants having escaped into the jungle. Their towns became the property of the Free Brothers, who set up a variety of so-called “Free Counties”, beginning in the 1270s and 1280s.
These Free Counties did not live up to their monikers, as they relied on slave labor. Expeditions into the jungle, or piratical expeditions down the coastlines against other tribes, were needed to create a labor force able to work the rich black soil. Life in these “boom-towns” was crude, brutish, and short, for slave and master alike. The Asgardians hoped that the Free Counties would eventually fight themselves into extinction; they did not yet realize the important role that they would play in securing the Asgardian economy in the coming century.
K’omani
While Asgard dealt with its rebellious mercenaries, Setraland’s nobility fought a constant fight in the high-frontier, and Paqwachowng expanded its borders dramatically south, the K’omani continued to build up their power along the shores of the Kikadit River. The dating of religious artifacts suggests that by the end of this period, the K’omani religion was dominant in the “Ten Cities” that made up its confederation.
Fragmentary records from the confederation note that raids by the Horse People were becoming more common during this period, forcing the development of a more professional military force to protect against them.
Expansion seems to have been slow in this period, though the soft-power of K’omani seems to have strengthened. Anti-Jesus figures begin to appear at the mouth of the Kikadit around the turn of the 14th century, and trade goods from K’omani were a part of the Ohiyo River economy. The dramatic expansion to the south had not yet taken place, nor had the campaigns aimed at putting more distance between the core of the “Ten Cities” and the Horse People.
Still, however, the K’omani distinguished themselves as being the most centralized and well-developed state along the Kikadit’s long stretch- a distinction which would facilitate their rapid rise to power in the coming century.
Chapter Seven: The Cold
Chapter Seven: The Cold
The fourteenth century is defined as the true start of the “Little Ice Age” in the Western Hemisphere, Europe having felt its effects for around fifty years at this point. Temperatures dropped across Talbeah (with Keshigu not feeling the effects as strongly, if at all), forcing nations to adapt and change. Growing seasons shortened, which proved to be too much for several of the smaller native proto-states that had developed along the old Blade Trade routes and the coastlines. This created an environment ripe for consolidation and formation of more centralized states, as those would be better able to handle the sudden dearth of resources.
The Ohiyo and Oyangwa
In the beginning of this period, Setraland was engaged in competition with the Lenape and the Paqwachowng for influence over the Ohiyo River proto-states. Many of the Cooperatives that had been formed during the conflict with the “Wind Lodge” tribes had shifted their attention south, placing the northern disputes behind the fight for new, more fertile farmland. Despite the King Kalmann’s desires to wield a united front in Ohiyo, the Cooperatives were as interested in competing with each other as they were in competing with the Lenape or the Paqwachowng.
The developments in the Ohiyo over the opening decades of the century caused relations between the former allies to deteriorate to the point where it became increasingly difficult for ships bound for Setraland to stop in Paqwachowng territory to take on new supplies and oyangwa. In 1324, a mob of Ahonistzealots attacked and burned a few ships owned by Setralandersin the harbor; similar attacks were repeated in 1326, 1327, and 1329. Efforts to get compensation for these attacks by the ships’ owners proved to be for naught, as the Paqwachownggovernment leaned towards supporting the extremists’ actions. In 1330, the Paramount Chief announced a temporary “embargo” of goods flowing towards Setraland, closing his markets to “Christian” (meaning Asgardian and Setralander) shipping.
The Paqwachowng chieftains, perhaps, thought that they could get away with this position due to the importance of their position in the Talbeahan trade. Oyangwa from their vast network of tributaries were funneled into the marketplaces of the Old World, and was considered to be one of the most valuable assets Talbeah had to offer. The trade in oyangwa was nearly as profitable as the trade in maple sugar, and many Setralanderlords, company chiefs, and merchants were invested in it.
Oyangwa and shipping rights were likely intended to be used as a bargaining chip; however, it would have the opposite effect. Setralanders, being good and zealous Christians, were angered at the native’s refusal to allow Christian missionary work in their territory, as well as their supposed targeting of Christian ships. The Asgardians, being good and zealous businessmen, were fed up with the concept of a Paqwachowng“embargo’. This led to several independent efforts to find alternate avenues of trade and acquisition of oyangwa.
The most important of these efforts was the development of the domestic oyangwa industry in Asgard. The crop had already been grown by the Lukkai for centuries before the arrival of the Asgardians, and the connection of the region to international trade meant that some Lukkai grew it on the side for extra income. But, it took the Asgardian Commonwealth (as historians have come to label it) to make it a true business venture. Fields and forest were cleared on the islands, subsistence farming replaced by new grasteads [1], massive estates granted to wealthy and powerful Asgardians… with little to no regard for the native Lukkai. Often, the grasteads would arise on territory controlled by Lukkai vassals, enriching their chieftains who were cut in on the deal. But the demographic effect on the Lukkai who were often forced to work the fields were not positive; by 1350, Asgardian records indicate that many of the Lukkai were simply being worked to death out of sheer greed by those above them.
With the development of the grastead system, a new rendezvous location was needed for traders from Asgard and Setraland. The Paqwachowng territory, by virtue of its geography, had played host to traders from both realms, acting as a keystone in Talbeahan trade. Some traders risked the longer sea journeys, but this came with greater rates of ship loss. It would take an Asgardian being blown off course in 1348 to discover a passable replacement- the island of Ingunsland [2]. The discoverer who lent her name to this island, Ingun Folkmardottir, was a savvy-minded Asgardian trader who quickly realized the potential importance of “her” island. Within two years, ships were beginning to arrive at Ingunsland.
This, of course, had a net negative effect on the Paqwachowng. The sons of Ahon had not counted on the fact that they had as much to lose from disconnecting from the international market as the powers they were targeting, if not more so. For while the initial effect of the embargo was detrimental to Asgard and Setraland, both improvised and simply cut out the middleman. As the Paramount Chief relied on duties collected from the oyangwa trade and shipping fees to pay the wages of his retainers and further his policy objectives, his authority began to wane. Indeed, the Paqwachowng as a whole began to enter a period of weakness, as their entire system of government and expansion relied on finding new land to plant oyangwa and new workers to work the land.
Setraland
As economic war raged on the Atlantic coast, a disturbing fact began to crop up in the annals of Setraland. The winters were growing longer and the summers were growing colder. While the first few years this was written off as fluke, the effects began to make themselves felt more strongly by the 1320s. Crop failures and famines were common in the already tenuous Far-Northern reaches of the Kingdom, and they crept further south as time went on. The petty nobility of the north, never really involved in the politics of the greater Kingdom, stubbornly clung to their freezing lands, often fighting peasant revolts as those who worked that same freezing land tried to escape to warmer climes. Many simply slipped away, as individuals or family groups, and began the treacherous journey South.
Developments in the north, however, were of little concern to the Cooperatives that were gaining more and more strength during this period. The death of King Kalmann in 1312 resulted in another meeting of the King Thing, with the deals made here entrenching the authority of the nobility vis a vis their monarch. In, perhaps the most stunning move, the nobility voted to elect a veritable child as their King. Patrek, the 17-year-old grandson of Kalmann, was more interested in women and drink than running his realm and had accomplished little of note.
And this was where the weakness of the King Thing system reared its ugly head. Though it had been created as a way to ensure that the most qualified monarch would be selected, it had mutated to justify the selection of a monarch who would do the least to tread on the precious privileges of the nobility. As long as Patrek received a cut of the profits of international trade, as was his due, he had no incentive in involving himself in foreign adventurism or internal disputes. The Cooperatives had full run of the Kingdom.
Not that this wasn’t met with shock and horror by a certain slice of the population- namely, Patrek’s relatives who felt they were infinitely more qualified to run the Kingdom. One in particular, Feilan (his twenty-nine-year-old cousin), raised the flag of rebellion, promising to end the King Thing and restore righteous, Divinely ordained rulership to the Kingdom. Needless to say, his position was not very popular, and he was quickly and brutally put down.
The Cooperatives were focused on competition in the Ohiyo, as well as the effort to find alternate avenues of trade with Asgard. That is not to say they forgot their feuds with each other. Far from it. The competition simply shifted from the frontiers to the Ohiyo valley and the sea lanes. Volkert Smied, in The Conquest of the West, claims that this “dynamism” was what helped prevent the development of crippling decadence that could have led to the collapse of the Setralander Kingdom, given its position of wealth on the trade lanes. Like many of Smied’sconclusions, however, historians have moved away from this. While this competition did help encourage experimentation with tactics and encouraged an open mind in diplomacy, it did not do wonders for Setralander unity.
Sadly for them, however, Patrek would meet a rather ignominious end. In 1335, Patrek, chasing his latest mistress in a fit of drunken revelry, tripped and hit his head on a wall. The resulting head injury proved more severe than originally anticipated, and Patrek succumbed the following year. Therefore, in 1336, the King Thing met yet again to select their next monarch. Bribery flowed once again like money, and Kjaran, a 24-year old nephew of the “Merry Monarch” was selected.
Much to everyone’s surprise, Kjaran made an earth-shattering decision. Arriving at Dun Cormac with his pregnant wife to accept the King Thing’s offer, Kjaran just… stayed there. The nobility, the most important of which had second homes in that important settlement, waited, but Kjaran did not return to the island that the Kingdom was named for. He instead invited the Archbishop of Talbeah to travel to Dun Cormac to crown him, at the Cathedral of the King and Queen of Heavan, rather than the Cathedral of Saint Brendan back in Frithrborg.
This marked the end of the secular importance of the island of Setraland in the Kingdom. While it would remain the ecclesiastical center, being the home of the Archbishop, it would never again play host to the capital. Why was this? The Cold. Kjaran had found little value in remaining on an island where, increasingly, even turnips were having a hard time growing.
It would be this same cold that would enable the invasion of Akiak and Issumatar…
The Inuit Incursion
As the Cold tightened its grip on Setraland during the latter-half of the 14th century, reports filtered in from outposts in the north of strange occurrences. Sailors reported seeing small canoes in the dark that would vanish away as they drew closer. Monks recorded that movement would be seen in the snows, but on further investigation, there would be nothing but what appeared to be sled tracks. These were written off as fantasies, until the first attack in 1365.
Ever since the first interactions of the Fanaithe in the North of Talbeah, the peoples on the frozen periphery at the top of the map had remained a mystery. With the plagues devastating the populations of nearer Talbeah, the early Irish settlers had no real reason to look to the lands of ice, as they had richer, more fertile soil open for them. Perhaps there had been some small measure of interaction, on a more personal, individual basis (likely confirmed by Inuit records), but nothing that made the annals or chronicles.
Therefore, one must rely on oral testimony of the Inuit themselves for records of their past, until they explode onto the greater Talbeahan scene. According to them, their ancestors were devastated by the plagues that affected everyone else, butmanaged to band together and survive. Over the centuries, shipwrecked sailors, escaped convicts, and frontier wanderers interacted with them, and, slowly, through these interactions and their own ingenuity, the Inuit tribes had developed metallurgy, creating tools and weaponry out of iron forged from meteorites and makeshift mines. [3]
As the Cold progressed further, the various Inuit tribes began to expand their reach out further. This was their element, after all. They had adapted to life in the frozen tundra and seas, and this added more territory to their already extensive glacial patrimony. As they approached the more settled borders of Setraland, however, something unexpected happened. Two brothers, Akiak and Issumatar, began to unify the disparate Inuit peoples under one banner.
What was their reason for this? The oral traditions aren’tquite certain. Some held that the expansion was, in the beginning, accidental. Others say that they claimed some sort of religious mission. Whatever the case may be, by the early 1360s, an empire of sorts had arisen in the north, one that was ready to expand into more hospitable climes.
The blow of the Inuit fell squarely on the already beleaguednorthern nobility of the Kingdom of Setraland. These northern lords were, many of them, direct descendants of the original Fanaithe companies that had explored this land hundreds of years before. There had been few incursions of the Briton and Norse petty nobility, and the language of the north was mostly unaffected by the words they brought with them. It was, in many respects, the last place that would have been vaguely familiar to Saint Brendan had he been transported forward in time.
This was also the weakest region of the Kingdom, both in terms of manpower and economic strength. This made the Inuit attacks more successful than they had any right to be. Afterall, the Inuit had had little to no experience in siege warfare, especially of prepared positions like those they faced in the region. But these fortifications were undermanned, many were in disrepair, and their defenders were more than happy to run south to escape both the frosts and the invaders.
King Kjaran, further removed from the north by his relocation to Dun Cormac, was more interested in furthering the Kingdom’s cause in the Ohiyo than defending the a more unproductive region of his patrimony. A desultory relief expedition was launched in 1370, and managed to reclaim a city or two, but it was recalled and redirected towards supporting Setralander settlers in the Ohyo.
By 1375, the two Inuit warchiefs and the King would come to some sort of understanding, though it was never clear if it wasan actual formal one or one of convenience. The Mishta River [4] would delineate the Inuit and Setralander sphere, though raids across the line would be common for centuries to come. For the most part, these were launched by the Inuit, though a few noted Setralander ravagers would come across the pages of history. Nevertheless, something unthinkable even a century ago occurred.
Setraland had given ground. The Lenape may have shattered the myth of European invincibility, but it was the Inuit who had swept away the pieces. It was not only possible now for the Kingdom to be halted, but to suffer reverses and loss of territory. It was, truly the end of an era.
The Kingdom of the Setting Sun
Kjaran died a year after conceding the north to Akiak and Issumatar, and the King Thing met and elected his son, Athmiul, as King. Athmiul would oversee a few decades of relative peace. Under his reign, the Setralander control of the Ohiyo would be secured, as the Paqwachowng began to stumble and fall due to the economic mess they had created for themselves. The Lenape, though they did try, were simply unable to compete with the missionary zeal of Christianity. By the late 1380s, the various tribes and city-states of the region had pledged loyalty to monarchy- in Athmiul’s estimation, a glorious victory to make up for any ignominy that the Kingom had suffered at the hands of the Inuit.
However, this absorption would result in new concerns. To the West, the Neshnabé Peninsula [5] played home to the Zhingobiiwaatig Ningodwasswi, or “Six Pines”, a powerful confederation that, in many respects, reflected how indigenous societies had developed since the arrival of the Irish almost nine-hundred years before. Six central tribes formed the basis of the confederation, with sub-tribes and smaller cities pledging loyalty to them, tied by a complex relationship of marriage relations, tribute, and the development of a fledgling religious sect. Armed with metal weaponry, clad in metal armor, and with horses playing a role in both agriculture and the military, to any observer from the Old World they seemed much like any other state.
The Zhingobiiwaatig had come together as a direct result of the Cold. As fields became less fertile, smaller, weaker city states and tribes were unable to provide for all of their needs. This created insecurity, which could either be resolved by the dissolution of the relatively sedentary state and a return to a semi-nomadic lifestyle (seen most commonly in the mountains and hills to the south); or, turning to a larger, more secure tribe or city-state for protection. In many respects, the Cold is responsible for the mediatization of native states in Talbeah, all but forcing the next level of societal development upon the people.
This particular state was also able to compete directly with Setraland. With the trade and control of Lake Cullaun and Lake Kinale [2] on the line, the Zhingobiiwaatig deployed raiders and pirates to predate on Setralander shipping. Additionally, they sought to expand their own control in the region, presenting a front that could possibly reopen the recently settled question of ownership of the Ohiyo. A showdown was in the cards for the Setralanders and the Zhingobiiwaatig.
Athmiul, however, would not live to see that showdown take place. After a brief illness, the King passed in 1398, and was succeeded by his own son, Myrkjartan. King Myrkjartanwould be the face of Setraland for the next few decades, andfocused on uniting his Kingdom behind the idea of war with a settled state. He would also make a blunder that would sow the seeds for the largest conflict Talbeah had ever seen…
The Paqwachowng Collapse
As Setraland secured the Ohiyo in the closing years of the 14th Century, the Paqwachowng found itself in crisis. Though a new Paramount Chief had made a belated effort to try to reclaim Ssetralander and Asgardian business in 1361, ending the embargo, it was too late. Ingunsland had replaced the Chiefdom as a trade hub, and Asgard (and her Free Counties) had replaced it as the premier producer of oyangwa. This had weakened the authority of the Paramount Chief, which his ancestors had won through conquest, economic drive, and religious zeal.
The final blow, however, would come from the very religious zeal that the Paqwachown Chieftains had unleashed. Ahonism had come into its own, with a written scripture and a fervent and loyal following. The days when it was naught but another tribal faith were long forgotten, and in the minds of its practitioners and priests, it was every bit the equal of the Christianity it had been designed to imitate.
In the 1380s, a Paqwachowng, for lack of a better word, lay preacher began to amass a large following to his interpretation of Ahonist doctrine. Otiotan was his name, and he called for a wholesale revival of what he viewed as the “true principles” of Ahonism. The Paramount Chief exercised too much control, he preached, as did the rigid religious hierarchy he had set up to support him. Ahonism was meant to be a religion for everyone, he decreed, and it stood opposed to the very concept of centralized control. The reverses of the 14th Century were obviously signs that Ahone had grown angry with his people for perverting his doctrine.
Needless to say, this did not go over well with the powers that were among the Paqwachowng. Efforts to arrest or simply murder Otiotan failed, and instead incited a religious-driven revolt against the centralized chiefdom. The chaos gave others opportunities to snap at the heels of the distracted and weakened Paramount Chief; the Lenape, pushing from the North, saw this as the perfect chance to make up for coming late to the game in Ohiyo and expand their influence south. Many of the tribes that had been subdued by the Paqwachowng and forced to grow oyangwa for sale in international markets saw this as a chance to regain their freedom.
This also created a power vacuum in Southeastern Talbeah, which was to be fulfilled by the Mvskokvlke Confederation. Much like the Zhingobiiwaatig, the Mvskokvlke were the result of the Cold, as well as geopolitical concerns, forcing tribes to come together into larger polities. Its sudden rise to prominence over the course of the 1390s, as it absorbed several of the tribes that had revolted from the Paqwachowng and suddenly found themselves without a protector, put it on the map in more ways than one. It’s feelers south into Myrwick also horrified the Asgardians, who had never had to deal with an organized neighbor before.
Though other, more supraregional concerns would prevent any clashes in the next century, the Mvskokvlke and the Asgardians would, one day, come to blows over the fate of the Southeast…
Let the Good Times Roll
To Asgard, the close of the 14th Century was a renewed Golden Age. The opening of the oyangwa trade, wrested from the near monopoly of the Paqwachowng, saw gold flow into their coffers more so than ever before. Now was the time of the Myrwick Pyramids, gaudy imitations of Fjothrland religious temples that were instead palaces and shrines to the almighty power of trade. Asgard had grown from a swampy settlement of displaced raiders to a city in its own right. Men and women alike grew rich in the trade, or traveled to Fjothrland to participate in the wars there as mercenaries.
But not all was well for everyone in Asgard. The Lukkaipopulation was devastated by the sudden embrace of the grastead economy. Starvation was the main culprit, as fields that had been used to feed their tribes were plowed over and used to grow oyangwa. The Asgardians, though, always looking for ways to make more efficient money, came to realize that destroying the Lukkai population may not be the best way to get oyangwa long term.
Two solutions presented themselves; the first was the beginning of the Trans-Lukkai slave trade. Asgardians, who already had extensive contacts in Fjothrland, began to purchase or capture natives there and carry them off to their grasteads, forcing them to work the fields in exchange for minimal food and board. The second also involved slavery; the grasteadsystem spread itself into the Free Counties along the Shinguriver. The rich soil there meant that the grasteads could be larger and more efficient than any in the Lukkai.
Asgard had found its niche; it was a thlassocracy, a slavocracy, and a tradocracy. Merchants more than warriors drove its politics and its decisions. However, Golden Ages cannot last, and Asgard’s was very soon to end with a crash…
K’omani
As always, K’omani grew from strength to strength, just outside of the ken of the Setralanders, Asgardians, or Lenape. As the Cold tightened its grip, K’omani expanded both south and north, sticking to the rivers, absorbing the city-states that clung to their banks through conquest or vassalage. By the dawn of the new century, K’omani had become the largest power on the Kikadit River, controlling trade there. Its religion followed in the wake of the expansion, traced by the discovery of anti-Jesus figures in archaeological digs in the region. Indeed, K’omanihad positioned itself well to both survive the Cold, as well as take advantage of its mediatizing influences.
This would grant K’omani a powerful base of population, eventually granting it the strength to drag Talbeah into a titanic conflict. The fates of great religions; the destiny of kingdoms, confederations, and tribes; the future of the entire continent would be settled by a war, the scale of which had never beforebeen seen…
[1] Grastead, direct translation is “Plant-Place”. This term was adopted as these were farms specializing in a single cash crop. The equivalent word OTL would be a plantation. These did not spring up overnight, of course. They were the natural development of the Asgardian effort to exploit the indigo trade, which created proto-grasteads. It took the vacuum of the Paqwachowng withdrawal from the oyangwa trade, however, to fully kick-start the system.
[2] OTL Bermuda
[3] Inuit metallurgy, IOTL, was surprisingly advanced. Tools and weapons made from meteorite iron were not unknown among them.
[4] OTL Churchill River
[5] OTL Michigan Peninsula
The fourteenth century is defined as the true start of the “Little Ice Age” in the Western Hemisphere, Europe having felt its effects for around fifty years at this point. Temperatures dropped across Talbeah (with Keshigu not feeling the effects as strongly, if at all), forcing nations to adapt and change. Growing seasons shortened, which proved to be too much for several of the smaller native proto-states that had developed along the old Blade Trade routes and the coastlines. This created an environment ripe for consolidation and formation of more centralized states, as those would be better able to handle the sudden dearth of resources.
The Ohiyo and Oyangwa
In the beginning of this period, Setraland was engaged in competition with the Lenape and the Paqwachowng for influence over the Ohiyo River proto-states. Many of the Cooperatives that had been formed during the conflict with the “Wind Lodge” tribes had shifted their attention south, placing the northern disputes behind the fight for new, more fertile farmland. Despite the King Kalmann’s desires to wield a united front in Ohiyo, the Cooperatives were as interested in competing with each other as they were in competing with the Lenape or the Paqwachowng.
The developments in the Ohiyo over the opening decades of the century caused relations between the former allies to deteriorate to the point where it became increasingly difficult for ships bound for Setraland to stop in Paqwachowng territory to take on new supplies and oyangwa. In 1324, a mob of Ahonistzealots attacked and burned a few ships owned by Setralandersin the harbor; similar attacks were repeated in 1326, 1327, and 1329. Efforts to get compensation for these attacks by the ships’ owners proved to be for naught, as the Paqwachownggovernment leaned towards supporting the extremists’ actions. In 1330, the Paramount Chief announced a temporary “embargo” of goods flowing towards Setraland, closing his markets to “Christian” (meaning Asgardian and Setralander) shipping.
The Paqwachowng chieftains, perhaps, thought that they could get away with this position due to the importance of their position in the Talbeahan trade. Oyangwa from their vast network of tributaries were funneled into the marketplaces of the Old World, and was considered to be one of the most valuable assets Talbeah had to offer. The trade in oyangwa was nearly as profitable as the trade in maple sugar, and many Setralanderlords, company chiefs, and merchants were invested in it.
Oyangwa and shipping rights were likely intended to be used as a bargaining chip; however, it would have the opposite effect. Setralanders, being good and zealous Christians, were angered at the native’s refusal to allow Christian missionary work in their territory, as well as their supposed targeting of Christian ships. The Asgardians, being good and zealous businessmen, were fed up with the concept of a Paqwachowng“embargo’. This led to several independent efforts to find alternate avenues of trade and acquisition of oyangwa.
The most important of these efforts was the development of the domestic oyangwa industry in Asgard. The crop had already been grown by the Lukkai for centuries before the arrival of the Asgardians, and the connection of the region to international trade meant that some Lukkai grew it on the side for extra income. But, it took the Asgardian Commonwealth (as historians have come to label it) to make it a true business venture. Fields and forest were cleared on the islands, subsistence farming replaced by new grasteads [1], massive estates granted to wealthy and powerful Asgardians… with little to no regard for the native Lukkai. Often, the grasteads would arise on territory controlled by Lukkai vassals, enriching their chieftains who were cut in on the deal. But the demographic effect on the Lukkai who were often forced to work the fields were not positive; by 1350, Asgardian records indicate that many of the Lukkai were simply being worked to death out of sheer greed by those above them.
With the development of the grastead system, a new rendezvous location was needed for traders from Asgard and Setraland. The Paqwachowng territory, by virtue of its geography, had played host to traders from both realms, acting as a keystone in Talbeahan trade. Some traders risked the longer sea journeys, but this came with greater rates of ship loss. It would take an Asgardian being blown off course in 1348 to discover a passable replacement- the island of Ingunsland [2]. The discoverer who lent her name to this island, Ingun Folkmardottir, was a savvy-minded Asgardian trader who quickly realized the potential importance of “her” island. Within two years, ships were beginning to arrive at Ingunsland.
This, of course, had a net negative effect on the Paqwachowng. The sons of Ahon had not counted on the fact that they had as much to lose from disconnecting from the international market as the powers they were targeting, if not more so. For while the initial effect of the embargo was detrimental to Asgard and Setraland, both improvised and simply cut out the middleman. As the Paramount Chief relied on duties collected from the oyangwa trade and shipping fees to pay the wages of his retainers and further his policy objectives, his authority began to wane. Indeed, the Paqwachowng as a whole began to enter a period of weakness, as their entire system of government and expansion relied on finding new land to plant oyangwa and new workers to work the land.
Setraland
As economic war raged on the Atlantic coast, a disturbing fact began to crop up in the annals of Setraland. The winters were growing longer and the summers were growing colder. While the first few years this was written off as fluke, the effects began to make themselves felt more strongly by the 1320s. Crop failures and famines were common in the already tenuous Far-Northern reaches of the Kingdom, and they crept further south as time went on. The petty nobility of the north, never really involved in the politics of the greater Kingdom, stubbornly clung to their freezing lands, often fighting peasant revolts as those who worked that same freezing land tried to escape to warmer climes. Many simply slipped away, as individuals or family groups, and began the treacherous journey South.
Developments in the north, however, were of little concern to the Cooperatives that were gaining more and more strength during this period. The death of King Kalmann in 1312 resulted in another meeting of the King Thing, with the deals made here entrenching the authority of the nobility vis a vis their monarch. In, perhaps the most stunning move, the nobility voted to elect a veritable child as their King. Patrek, the 17-year-old grandson of Kalmann, was more interested in women and drink than running his realm and had accomplished little of note.
And this was where the weakness of the King Thing system reared its ugly head. Though it had been created as a way to ensure that the most qualified monarch would be selected, it had mutated to justify the selection of a monarch who would do the least to tread on the precious privileges of the nobility. As long as Patrek received a cut of the profits of international trade, as was his due, he had no incentive in involving himself in foreign adventurism or internal disputes. The Cooperatives had full run of the Kingdom.
Not that this wasn’t met with shock and horror by a certain slice of the population- namely, Patrek’s relatives who felt they were infinitely more qualified to run the Kingdom. One in particular, Feilan (his twenty-nine-year-old cousin), raised the flag of rebellion, promising to end the King Thing and restore righteous, Divinely ordained rulership to the Kingdom. Needless to say, his position was not very popular, and he was quickly and brutally put down.
The Cooperatives were focused on competition in the Ohiyo, as well as the effort to find alternate avenues of trade with Asgard. That is not to say they forgot their feuds with each other. Far from it. The competition simply shifted from the frontiers to the Ohiyo valley and the sea lanes. Volkert Smied, in The Conquest of the West, claims that this “dynamism” was what helped prevent the development of crippling decadence that could have led to the collapse of the Setralander Kingdom, given its position of wealth on the trade lanes. Like many of Smied’sconclusions, however, historians have moved away from this. While this competition did help encourage experimentation with tactics and encouraged an open mind in diplomacy, it did not do wonders for Setralander unity.
Sadly for them, however, Patrek would meet a rather ignominious end. In 1335, Patrek, chasing his latest mistress in a fit of drunken revelry, tripped and hit his head on a wall. The resulting head injury proved more severe than originally anticipated, and Patrek succumbed the following year. Therefore, in 1336, the King Thing met yet again to select their next monarch. Bribery flowed once again like money, and Kjaran, a 24-year old nephew of the “Merry Monarch” was selected.
Much to everyone’s surprise, Kjaran made an earth-shattering decision. Arriving at Dun Cormac with his pregnant wife to accept the King Thing’s offer, Kjaran just… stayed there. The nobility, the most important of which had second homes in that important settlement, waited, but Kjaran did not return to the island that the Kingdom was named for. He instead invited the Archbishop of Talbeah to travel to Dun Cormac to crown him, at the Cathedral of the King and Queen of Heavan, rather than the Cathedral of Saint Brendan back in Frithrborg.
This marked the end of the secular importance of the island of Setraland in the Kingdom. While it would remain the ecclesiastical center, being the home of the Archbishop, it would never again play host to the capital. Why was this? The Cold. Kjaran had found little value in remaining on an island where, increasingly, even turnips were having a hard time growing.
It would be this same cold that would enable the invasion of Akiak and Issumatar…
The Inuit Incursion
As the Cold tightened its grip on Setraland during the latter-half of the 14th century, reports filtered in from outposts in the north of strange occurrences. Sailors reported seeing small canoes in the dark that would vanish away as they drew closer. Monks recorded that movement would be seen in the snows, but on further investigation, there would be nothing but what appeared to be sled tracks. These were written off as fantasies, until the first attack in 1365.
Ever since the first interactions of the Fanaithe in the North of Talbeah, the peoples on the frozen periphery at the top of the map had remained a mystery. With the plagues devastating the populations of nearer Talbeah, the early Irish settlers had no real reason to look to the lands of ice, as they had richer, more fertile soil open for them. Perhaps there had been some small measure of interaction, on a more personal, individual basis (likely confirmed by Inuit records), but nothing that made the annals or chronicles.
Therefore, one must rely on oral testimony of the Inuit themselves for records of their past, until they explode onto the greater Talbeahan scene. According to them, their ancestors were devastated by the plagues that affected everyone else, butmanaged to band together and survive. Over the centuries, shipwrecked sailors, escaped convicts, and frontier wanderers interacted with them, and, slowly, through these interactions and their own ingenuity, the Inuit tribes had developed metallurgy, creating tools and weaponry out of iron forged from meteorites and makeshift mines. [3]
As the Cold progressed further, the various Inuit tribes began to expand their reach out further. This was their element, after all. They had adapted to life in the frozen tundra and seas, and this added more territory to their already extensive glacial patrimony. As they approached the more settled borders of Setraland, however, something unexpected happened. Two brothers, Akiak and Issumatar, began to unify the disparate Inuit peoples under one banner.
What was their reason for this? The oral traditions aren’tquite certain. Some held that the expansion was, in the beginning, accidental. Others say that they claimed some sort of religious mission. Whatever the case may be, by the early 1360s, an empire of sorts had arisen in the north, one that was ready to expand into more hospitable climes.
The blow of the Inuit fell squarely on the already beleaguednorthern nobility of the Kingdom of Setraland. These northern lords were, many of them, direct descendants of the original Fanaithe companies that had explored this land hundreds of years before. There had been few incursions of the Briton and Norse petty nobility, and the language of the north was mostly unaffected by the words they brought with them. It was, in many respects, the last place that would have been vaguely familiar to Saint Brendan had he been transported forward in time.
This was also the weakest region of the Kingdom, both in terms of manpower and economic strength. This made the Inuit attacks more successful than they had any right to be. Afterall, the Inuit had had little to no experience in siege warfare, especially of prepared positions like those they faced in the region. But these fortifications were undermanned, many were in disrepair, and their defenders were more than happy to run south to escape both the frosts and the invaders.
King Kjaran, further removed from the north by his relocation to Dun Cormac, was more interested in furthering the Kingdom’s cause in the Ohiyo than defending the a more unproductive region of his patrimony. A desultory relief expedition was launched in 1370, and managed to reclaim a city or two, but it was recalled and redirected towards supporting Setralander settlers in the Ohyo.
By 1375, the two Inuit warchiefs and the King would come to some sort of understanding, though it was never clear if it wasan actual formal one or one of convenience. The Mishta River [4] would delineate the Inuit and Setralander sphere, though raids across the line would be common for centuries to come. For the most part, these were launched by the Inuit, though a few noted Setralander ravagers would come across the pages of history. Nevertheless, something unthinkable even a century ago occurred.
Setraland had given ground. The Lenape may have shattered the myth of European invincibility, but it was the Inuit who had swept away the pieces. It was not only possible now for the Kingdom to be halted, but to suffer reverses and loss of territory. It was, truly the end of an era.
The Kingdom of the Setting Sun
Kjaran died a year after conceding the north to Akiak and Issumatar, and the King Thing met and elected his son, Athmiul, as King. Athmiul would oversee a few decades of relative peace. Under his reign, the Setralander control of the Ohiyo would be secured, as the Paqwachowng began to stumble and fall due to the economic mess they had created for themselves. The Lenape, though they did try, were simply unable to compete with the missionary zeal of Christianity. By the late 1380s, the various tribes and city-states of the region had pledged loyalty to monarchy- in Athmiul’s estimation, a glorious victory to make up for any ignominy that the Kingom had suffered at the hands of the Inuit.
However, this absorption would result in new concerns. To the West, the Neshnabé Peninsula [5] played home to the Zhingobiiwaatig Ningodwasswi, or “Six Pines”, a powerful confederation that, in many respects, reflected how indigenous societies had developed since the arrival of the Irish almost nine-hundred years before. Six central tribes formed the basis of the confederation, with sub-tribes and smaller cities pledging loyalty to them, tied by a complex relationship of marriage relations, tribute, and the development of a fledgling religious sect. Armed with metal weaponry, clad in metal armor, and with horses playing a role in both agriculture and the military, to any observer from the Old World they seemed much like any other state.
The Zhingobiiwaatig had come together as a direct result of the Cold. As fields became less fertile, smaller, weaker city states and tribes were unable to provide for all of their needs. This created insecurity, which could either be resolved by the dissolution of the relatively sedentary state and a return to a semi-nomadic lifestyle (seen most commonly in the mountains and hills to the south); or, turning to a larger, more secure tribe or city-state for protection. In many respects, the Cold is responsible for the mediatization of native states in Talbeah, all but forcing the next level of societal development upon the people.
This particular state was also able to compete directly with Setraland. With the trade and control of Lake Cullaun and Lake Kinale [2] on the line, the Zhingobiiwaatig deployed raiders and pirates to predate on Setralander shipping. Additionally, they sought to expand their own control in the region, presenting a front that could possibly reopen the recently settled question of ownership of the Ohiyo. A showdown was in the cards for the Setralanders and the Zhingobiiwaatig.
Athmiul, however, would not live to see that showdown take place. After a brief illness, the King passed in 1398, and was succeeded by his own son, Myrkjartan. King Myrkjartanwould be the face of Setraland for the next few decades, andfocused on uniting his Kingdom behind the idea of war with a settled state. He would also make a blunder that would sow the seeds for the largest conflict Talbeah had ever seen…
The Paqwachowng Collapse
As Setraland secured the Ohiyo in the closing years of the 14th Century, the Paqwachowng found itself in crisis. Though a new Paramount Chief had made a belated effort to try to reclaim Ssetralander and Asgardian business in 1361, ending the embargo, it was too late. Ingunsland had replaced the Chiefdom as a trade hub, and Asgard (and her Free Counties) had replaced it as the premier producer of oyangwa. This had weakened the authority of the Paramount Chief, which his ancestors had won through conquest, economic drive, and religious zeal.
The final blow, however, would come from the very religious zeal that the Paqwachown Chieftains had unleashed. Ahonism had come into its own, with a written scripture and a fervent and loyal following. The days when it was naught but another tribal faith were long forgotten, and in the minds of its practitioners and priests, it was every bit the equal of the Christianity it had been designed to imitate.
In the 1380s, a Paqwachowng, for lack of a better word, lay preacher began to amass a large following to his interpretation of Ahonist doctrine. Otiotan was his name, and he called for a wholesale revival of what he viewed as the “true principles” of Ahonism. The Paramount Chief exercised too much control, he preached, as did the rigid religious hierarchy he had set up to support him. Ahonism was meant to be a religion for everyone, he decreed, and it stood opposed to the very concept of centralized control. The reverses of the 14th Century were obviously signs that Ahone had grown angry with his people for perverting his doctrine.
Needless to say, this did not go over well with the powers that were among the Paqwachowng. Efforts to arrest or simply murder Otiotan failed, and instead incited a religious-driven revolt against the centralized chiefdom. The chaos gave others opportunities to snap at the heels of the distracted and weakened Paramount Chief; the Lenape, pushing from the North, saw this as the perfect chance to make up for coming late to the game in Ohiyo and expand their influence south. Many of the tribes that had been subdued by the Paqwachowng and forced to grow oyangwa for sale in international markets saw this as a chance to regain their freedom.
This also created a power vacuum in Southeastern Talbeah, which was to be fulfilled by the Mvskokvlke Confederation. Much like the Zhingobiiwaatig, the Mvskokvlke were the result of the Cold, as well as geopolitical concerns, forcing tribes to come together into larger polities. Its sudden rise to prominence over the course of the 1390s, as it absorbed several of the tribes that had revolted from the Paqwachowng and suddenly found themselves without a protector, put it on the map in more ways than one. It’s feelers south into Myrwick also horrified the Asgardians, who had never had to deal with an organized neighbor before.
Though other, more supraregional concerns would prevent any clashes in the next century, the Mvskokvlke and the Asgardians would, one day, come to blows over the fate of the Southeast…
Let the Good Times Roll
To Asgard, the close of the 14th Century was a renewed Golden Age. The opening of the oyangwa trade, wrested from the near monopoly of the Paqwachowng, saw gold flow into their coffers more so than ever before. Now was the time of the Myrwick Pyramids, gaudy imitations of Fjothrland religious temples that were instead palaces and shrines to the almighty power of trade. Asgard had grown from a swampy settlement of displaced raiders to a city in its own right. Men and women alike grew rich in the trade, or traveled to Fjothrland to participate in the wars there as mercenaries.
But not all was well for everyone in Asgard. The Lukkaipopulation was devastated by the sudden embrace of the grastead economy. Starvation was the main culprit, as fields that had been used to feed their tribes were plowed over and used to grow oyangwa. The Asgardians, though, always looking for ways to make more efficient money, came to realize that destroying the Lukkai population may not be the best way to get oyangwa long term.
Two solutions presented themselves; the first was the beginning of the Trans-Lukkai slave trade. Asgardians, who already had extensive contacts in Fjothrland, began to purchase or capture natives there and carry them off to their grasteads, forcing them to work the fields in exchange for minimal food and board. The second also involved slavery; the grasteadsystem spread itself into the Free Counties along the Shinguriver. The rich soil there meant that the grasteads could be larger and more efficient than any in the Lukkai.
Asgard had found its niche; it was a thlassocracy, a slavocracy, and a tradocracy. Merchants more than warriors drove its politics and its decisions. However, Golden Ages cannot last, and Asgard’s was very soon to end with a crash…
K’omani
As always, K’omani grew from strength to strength, just outside of the ken of the Setralanders, Asgardians, or Lenape. As the Cold tightened its grip, K’omani expanded both south and north, sticking to the rivers, absorbing the city-states that clung to their banks through conquest or vassalage. By the dawn of the new century, K’omani had become the largest power on the Kikadit River, controlling trade there. Its religion followed in the wake of the expansion, traced by the discovery of anti-Jesus figures in archaeological digs in the region. Indeed, K’omanihad positioned itself well to both survive the Cold, as well as take advantage of its mediatizing influences.
This would grant K’omani a powerful base of population, eventually granting it the strength to drag Talbeah into a titanic conflict. The fates of great religions; the destiny of kingdoms, confederations, and tribes; the future of the entire continent would be settled by a war, the scale of which had never beforebeen seen…
[1] Grastead, direct translation is “Plant-Place”. This term was adopted as these were farms specializing in a single cash crop. The equivalent word OTL would be a plantation. These did not spring up overnight, of course. They were the natural development of the Asgardian effort to exploit the indigo trade, which created proto-grasteads. It took the vacuum of the Paqwachowng withdrawal from the oyangwa trade, however, to fully kick-start the system.
[2] OTL Bermuda
[3] Inuit metallurgy, IOTL, was surprisingly advanced. Tools and weapons made from meteorite iron were not unknown among them.
[4] OTL Churchill River
[5] OTL Michigan Peninsula
And there we go! Sorry for the “short form” Chapter Seven. It’s been a busy year for me... I moved across the country... I started a Master’s program... in addition to all this pandemic mess.
Still, I thought before setting out on writing the sequel, the original actually needed a conclusion. This helps you to know the situation in 1400, as I am going to try to some new methods of writing that will focus more on “historical actors”, perhaps interspersed with these sort of broad history sections.
Anyway, once again thank you guys for sticking with this thing over the past... two years!! I had no idea when I started writing this thing on my phone during a boring stretch of vacation that it would take off the way it did. I couldn’t have come this far without your comments, your questions, and your engagement.
Here’s hoping that the sequel doesn’t take two years to complete!
Still, I thought before setting out on writing the sequel, the original actually needed a conclusion. This helps you to know the situation in 1400, as I am going to try to some new methods of writing that will focus more on “historical actors”, perhaps interspersed with these sort of broad history sections.
Anyway, once again thank you guys for sticking with this thing over the past... two years!! I had no idea when I started writing this thing on my phone during a boring stretch of vacation that it would take off the way it did. I couldn’t have come this far without your comments, your questions, and your engagement.
Here’s hoping that the sequel doesn’t take two years to complete!
Map: Setraland at its Height
Okay, so. This map. Its like a year old (and kinda rough), so it may not accurately reflect how the story has changed in the days following... but its close to what Setraland's borders looked like before the Inuit invasion and just after the "conquest" of the Ohiyo (reflects direct control there, as opposed to indirect control).
Not shown is the absolute mosaic of Companies, grandees, native chieftains, ecclesiastical territories, and other subdivisions that would have made the map look really bizarre.
I added up your word counts and came to almost 70,000 words (actually almost 68,000). You basically wrote a short novel so I think 2 years is a decent amount of time to do that.
Anyway, besides offering my kudos, I would also like to request that for part 2 you put in a continually updating glossary of place names translating them into our world as I kept forgetting exactly which real world place was being referred to.
Anyway, besides offering my kudos, I would also like to request that for part 2 you put in a continually updating glossary of place names translating them into our world as I kept forgetting exactly which real world place was being referred to.
It's funny you would mention a short novel... (oooh, myseterious)
That's definitely something I agree with. I've even confused myself sometimes. The in universe name of the Amazon River, for example, changed because I forgot I had previously named it... Yeah. So the sequel will have a threadmarked glossary.
Speaking of, would y'all prefer me to have a second thread, or just continue with this one? I'd probably just straight up rename it "The Legacy of Saint Brendan" (the thread).
I think we'll be happy with whatever you do. If it's useful to have a distinct split - for example because you're moving to a different writing style or you're planning a big time-jump, then perhaps a new thread is best. Otherwise, you've got plenty of pages left on this thread before you reach the 500-page limit at which they're normally closed.
(Did I avoid actually answering your question? Yes, I did, sorry.)