Chapter Five, Part Three: Blood and Fire On the Tullaha, 1055-1080 A.D.
The Afonbren Confederation lacked any sort of central, directing leadership. It was, for all intents and purposes, an economic grouping, meant originally to help increase the trade power of the tribes along the Tullaha in the early days of the Blade Trade. However, over the next hundred years, the Confederation had begun to take on more symbolic meaning, becoming more concrete as cooperation brought the disparate tribes closer together. By 1055, an annual meeting of the major chiefs of the Confederation, known as the Council Fire, became a massive ceremonial event in the Confederation. A time for trade, marriages, negotiating the end of tribal disputes, and dealing with Confederation business. [1]
The general build up of conflict within the Afonbren came to a head at the Council Fire in 1055. Tensions had been building up for the past decades, as the Christian traders and their Iohristani associates butted heads with the traditional chieftains. The rise of the Wind Lodge had increased conflict further into actual blows, at least according to traditional sources. Most blame for this has historically been placed on the Wind Lodge, as Christian sources indicate that the Wind Lodge was responsible for attacking trade caravans or attempting the murder of prominent Christian traders. A small school of historians, hailing from mainly Neo-Native thought, has sought to change the accepted narrative by blaming the Christians and the Europeans for their ills, but this has been generally discounted by mainstream historians and has little traction outside their own echo chambers.
The reality is probably both sides were responsible for violence, and that escalated further over time. This developed in the context of further economic shifts within the Confederation, as the expansion of trade serving to enrich the Christian trading class. The economy of the Confederation, which was based on a sort of shell-currency known as wapapyaki, had been thrown into disarray by the trade. [2] The arrival of European metal tools had made the ease of manufacturing the belts of wapapyaki easier. This allowed those with access to more blades the ability to get more wapapyaki. This generally placed it in the hands of the Christian class, giving them more economic prominence, especially as the value of wapapyaki and what it could purchase inflated. This put the chiefs and others who did not participate in the trade as directly at a disadvantage as they lacked the ability to compete economically.
This was not the only insult. Wapapyaki had a ceremonial significance that Setralander traders seemingly failed to grasp. Wapapyaki was exchanged at funerals, at weddings, at council meetings, and on many other occasions. The shell-belts were the glue that kept the tribe together, with each belt holding significance and representing a families power and influence in ways that gold coin never could. With wapapyaki inflating in value, and gathered in larger numbers by the Christian traders, it threatened the very social hierarchy that allowed the tribes to function as polities.
This shift so alarmed the chieftains that they had decided to take drastic action. In 1055, at the Council Fire, the chieftains announced their intentions to place the manufacture of wapapyaki firmly in the hands of a sort of “guild” of traditional artificers, presenting it as a way to protect the “everyman” in the Afonbren Confederation from the great shift in value, which had made it so that the average tribesman would be unable to purchase a blade or knife. Going beyond that, they decried that the tradition had lost its significance, failing to honor the line of ancestors that traced all the way back to the dark, distant past of the beginning of their people. Therefore, they declared that they would go through all the stock of wapapyaki, and discard that that they believed failed to meet their ceremonial standards.
This was met with outright hostility by the Christian Afonbren, who rightly took this as a threat to their newly developed authority and power. They yelled and howled derision at the chiefs, who were insulted by this insolence. While tensions had been building, none had yet dared to cross the line and insult their leadership directly. What crossed the line into outright violence, however, was a ceremonial game of begadwe, a ball and stick game that was already extremely vicious. A dispute between a Christian and a traditional player (who most accounts claim was a member of the Wind Lodge) grew into outright death as both men drew blades and went after each other, soon joined by their comrades. Violence spread through the Council Fire, as women and children fled and men slaughtered each other.
The conflict only spiraled out from there, as the survivors of the slaughter on both sides (there appears to have been no clear winner of this initial contest) retreated to their various bases of power to gather their men to assist them. This was no clear tribe on tribe conflict, like those that had been taking place in Talbeah since the beginning. Fighting broke tribes apart along the lines of religion. Members of the Wind Lodge attacked and burned churches, killed priests, and burned copies of the sacred texts. Those loyal to the Christ, in turn, chopped down sacred trees, disrupted old burial grounds, and burned medicine men and women alive.
The effect of this struggle for the soul of the Confederation had immediate impacts on the Talbeahan trading patterns. The Confederation played a key role as middle men and a lesser role as producers, but now they were too busy slaughtering each other to fill that role. Trade along the Tullaha came to a stop, blades from the Setralanders no longer reaching the waiting tribes of the interior, and maple from the Confederation not reaching Costa Dhearg for transport to the Old World. This would have tremendous consequences on the future development of the New World, forcing tribes to improvise and come up with their own solutions, and driving the eventual intervention of the Setralanders in the war.
Bolverk was probably ignorant of what his advisors were telling him about the loss of profit margins and the economic consequences of the smaller shipments of maple sugar reaching European markets. However, what he did understand was that Christians, his neighbors, were being attacked, and that some had sought for his assistance. Always spoiling for a fight, never able to stay in one place and settle down to rule, Bolverk voiced his decision to launch an expedition along the Tullaha, to help bring the war to a close. He was joined, initially, by a large group of men, led by various grandees who hoped to profit from the effort while paying lip service to Christ. This force would sail down the following year, entering the fray in 1056.
This would prove to be decisive in the short-term, as the well-armored, equipped, and trained Setralanders “secured” the river by the year’s end after a few vicious battles. However, in the long-term, this would bog Bolverk down in a conflict with seemingly no ending. The Wind Lodge and its supporters of the traditional way of life, after the first few contests with the Setralanders went the wrong way for them, slipped into the woods and hills, and adopted guerrilla tactics, not unlike those that were utilized by the Filleadhaite during their revolt in the 10th Century. These would frustrate Bolverk, as he was not used to countering such tactics.
Additionally, after the initial “victory’ helped free up the Tullaha for trade, the grandees that had accompanied Bolverk, for the most part, set about securing their economic future. Using their retinues, they set up shop along the river, feuding with each other over prime maple strands. In this, they butted heads not only with each other and the traditional Afonbren, but the Christian Afonbreni as well, who felt as if their helpers were helping themselves more than they. This would lead to new cycles of violence, as Christian fought Christian over sugar, and blood flowed as well as the syrup. This also served to complicated Bolverk’s efforts to defeat the Wind Lodge, as he often had to criss-cross the region, seeking to stop his own vassals from totally crushing each other in order to focus on the real threat. He was often obliged, as he refrained from intervening in every disputation- just the major ones.
This delayed the eventual “victory” of the Christians, but as soon as the Setralanders became involved in any meaningful way, the game was up for the Wind Lodge. Though they could launch hit and run strikes all the day long, Bolverk eventually savvied up to a way to defeat them- the “Heathen Line”, a series of stout forts flanking the Tullaha, started in the early 1060s. This outposts would be manned by Bolverk’s retinue, or the retinues of those of his most trusted grandees, and were mostly within supporting distance of each other. These could head off Wind Lodge raids, and ride to the protection of each other in case of siege. As the pace of the conflict turned further and further against them, the Wind Lodge eventually dissipated, its hatred for Christianity not enough to keep its coalition together. The descendants of the originally disputees would become semi-nomadic tribes wandering the hinterland- a thorn in the side of Christians in the region for generations, but no more than that. The situation grew quiet enough that Bolverk was able to finally return back to Peace Town full time by the mid-1070s, having run himself nearly ragged trying to end what he had thought would be a quick and easy adventure.
He would return to a Kingdom that, despite being involved in a complicated dispute for two decades, nevertheless maintained a positive cash flow. This was due to the efforts of Grelod, the sister of Bolverk and his appointed regent. She was ruthless in her efforts to keep the Kingdom wealthy, not afraid to tread on the toes of grandees, not afraid to use her influence with the Church, with the Ostish pagans who were generally uninterested in battle upriver, and with ambitious lesser nobility to ensure that tribute remained paid. She grew to be hated, called “Grelod Hard-Hearted” by those who clashed against her, but she managed to keep the Kingdom going long enough for Bolverk, popular only as a King who generally practiced non-interference in the practices of his nobility could be.
While conflict would rage for decades along the Tullaha, the river had been generally reopened after 1056, but it was only in one direction- towards Setraland. The land on either side was too much of a conflict zone to effectively launch expeditions into the interior, forcing the tribes there that had become dependent on the trade with the Confederation to look elsewhere. Many looked to the coasts, where the tribes that had traditionally found themselves on the recovering end of the Blade Tarde’s violence now found themselves acting as middle men. Their sea-lane connections with the Setralanders allowed the flow of trade to continue, bringing them greater wealth and influence. Unlike the Afonbreni, however, the coastal tribes did not form some sort of Confederation, instead holding in their own tribal groups, each with their own palisade or pair of palisades, each competing with each other to attract the most trade.
Additionally, the collapse of the Confederation saw a flow of refugees along their previously established trade routes. These refugees, some Christian, some traditional, brought their knowledge with them, enabling the development of new industries in these regions, and kick-starting the development of new polities. Some small tribal chiefdoms began to develop more lofty ambitions- ambitions that would help drive the development of settled civilization in North-Eastern Talbeah, beyond the coasts and the confines of the Tullaha.
The situation on the Tullaha could not have been more different. Where the natives had once controlled the trade along the river, much of their land was now devastated. Traditional tribal bonds had been broken by the conflict, forcing the development of new identities centered on the Church. These coalesced around Ethnarchs, powerful and wealthy Christian Afonbreni men, who were considered by Bolverk to be roughly the same rank as the continental Britonnic nobility or Fanaithe company leadership. These Ethnarchs, in turn, did not control as much land as the old Confederation had; the grandees had done their best to wrest their land from them, and now the banks of the Tullaha belonged to a patchwork of feudal holdings and “ethnarchies”, solidified by Church intervention in 1080. This brought much of the Tullaha under the indirect control of the Kingdom of Setraland- even more so, as the Ethnarchs were keen on bending the knee in order to receive some protection from the worst excesses of the grandees. [3]
This expansion upriver would prove to be crucial in the future development of Christian Talbeah, bringing new wealth and territory into the borders of its only champion. However, it would also serve as the impetus for the rise of the greatest rival for Christianity in the New World. For not every tribal who was part of the Wind Lodge, or of the ancient traditions of the Afonbren, quietly faded into the night, only to lash out like wolves at the fringes of society.
As was earlier stated, refugees fled along the trade routes, helping to kick start development. One such group of refugees wound up in a small trading settlement that was just beginning to come into its own. Their arrival would help send it on its meteoric rise, on its course for empire, for its eventual titanic clash with Talbeahan Christendom.
For the end of the Confederation marked the true beginning of K’omani…
[1] Comparisons have been made with the Althing of the Ostish of Askraland, which for the most part are fairly apt. However, there was no central “lawspeaker” as in the Althing, and, overall, the Confederation dealt with more economic discussions than the Althing.
[2] Wapapyaki is similar unto the wampum used as currency in the early days of OTL European settlement in the region.
[3] Bolverk himself, of course, following the example of his father and the example he had set during the campaign-intervening if disputes grew to the point where they disrupted the flow of the maple tribute.