The Legacy of Saint Brendan: A History of the Western Hemisphere, 512 to 1400

Long wait did not disapoint me! Please take your time and write at your own pace!

Now that we know Viking raids will be happening, it is very interesting to see how the Vinland colonisation is replaced by something entirely different.
 
Will the Irish and the natives have to do something like silent trade or not close quarters trade to keep the diseases don’t spread because the natives don’t want to be infected and it would still slow trade and they could still trade livestock or other thing just no close bartering
 
Chapter Four, Part Two: The Blade Trade and the Enchaining
Chapter Four, Part Two: The Blade Trade and the Enchaining, 923–977

The developments in the Talbeahan trade would have major social repurcussions, both in the society of the Bishopric and in the lands of the natives. For the Bishopric, there would be an increasing trend of power being exercised over previously relatively free individuals. For the natives along the Tullaha, referred to increasingly as the Afonbren (A mutation of the Cumbraek term for “River Queens”, so called due to a misinterpretation of their matrilineal society), there would be major societal upheaval and the formation of rough polities. These changes would trigger future developments that would lead to seismic shifts in how life developed in Talbeah.

First, the development of the “Blade Trade” had a massive impact on the life of the Afonbren. Traders from the Bishopric would sail downriver, their currachs loaded with poorly made blades of all kinds, ranging from spear-heads to knife blades to axe heads to the occasional sword. The Afonbren, seeing the advantages that even these rough instruments gave them, bought them at increasingly inflated prices, trading with belts of shell money, furs, and oyangwa. The Europeans from the Bishopric would also charge for repairs, sharpenings, as well as offer a small selection of other goods, including mead, which was rapidly catching on among the Afonbren.

As time wore on, the various tribes of the Afonbren seemed to realize that they were not going to be able to meet with the demands of an increasingly inflated market. While oyangwa was able to be cultivated along the Tullaha, the climate did not allow for overly long growing seasons (even though, some noted, the seasons were getting longer each year). Additionaly, the value of the shell money was depreciating, as the previously relatively rare item became more in demand. This left tribes with less purchasing power, vis a vis the traders from the Bishopric. Soon, the Afonbren began to feel that they were being cheated by the traders (especially as the blades had a tendency to break after a few years of use).

By the mid-930s, some tribes of the Afonbren had developed a solution to this problem. Their elders, gathering together to discuss the issue, decided to form a confederation of sorts. The purpose of this new band was to unite their economic efforts and allow for greater collective bargaining with the Bishopric. An embassy was sent upriver in 938, and from there to the seat of power at Peace Town itself. This was the first time that inter-state diplomacy between a European-style state and a homegrown native state was recorded.

The representative of the Confederation (called the “Kingdom of the Afonbren” by the Bishopric’s sources, but generally referred to as the “TeKaienwa” [the Unity] by the Afronbren themselves) presented the Gorfodi at the time, Morfael ap Carodoc, a list of demands for continued trade with the inhabitants of the Confederation. These ranged from controlling how many merchants could travel into the lands of the Afonbren, set trading rates, and a general reevaluation of what, exactly, the shell-money was worth. Morfael, seeing that many of these would help him as well (for example, limiting the number of merchants that could travel downriver would increase investment in larger expeditions and prevent the proliferation of non-sanctioned one currach expeditions that were developing at this time). He offered to agree to the demands of the Afonbren, on one condition; that Christianity be preached to their people. The representative, thinking little of this, agreed.

Throughout the 940s and 970s, the Confederation came to dominate trade with the Bishopric, edging out smaller independent bands that had initially refused to join its ranks. Some tribes would sense which way the wind was blowing and join the Confederation, which helped increase its economic clout. Other tribes would simply pack up and leave, or stubbornly remain.

The Confederation also expanded the trade contacts of the Bishopric, in their own efforts to make a profit beyond the organized trade with the North. The largest of these efforts revolved around the trade with the semi-nomadic inhabitants to the south of the Tullaha, as well as those living along the shores of the Five Lakes [1]. Trading their “leftover” blades to these tribes, the Confederation received oyangwa and other valuables in exchange. This extension of the blade trade would contribute to the increasingly settled lifestyle of these tribes, some of which had already begun to establish small settlements.

Overall, the period from 938 to 977 was one of economic prosperity among the Confederation, but the seeds for future violence were already being sown. The newly settled tribes to the South had no interest in forming such Confederations; they, instead, began to raid each others settlements, seeking to have the largest amount of goods when the Confederations traders came to visit. These raids, relatively bloodless at first, were becoming increasingly violent towards the end of this period.

Within the Confederation, as well, trouble was brewing. The Confederation was never a truly unified polity, acting more as a way to regulate trade with outside groups. The tribes that were a part of the Confederation were independent in almost every other way, and the threat of internal war breaking it apart continued to loom. Additionally, as society began to change and the Confederation became increasingly focused on the acquisition of wealth, a new class began to emerge that challenged the traditional order. Comprised generally of Christianized men who had gained much through the Blade Trade, these Afonbren began to chafe underneath the traditional polciies of the matrilineal society they were a part of. Associating themselves more with the new religion than with their tribes, this would set the stage for looming conflict.

In the Bishopric, the expanding Blade Trade had a tremendous impact. Carodoc’s policy of “man-tax” had never been viewed favorably by the Fanaithe that were affected by it. Many considered it a breach of trust, or a new indignity thrust upon them by a foreign conqueror. It was during this time that “Heroic Literature” began to become more popular among the lower class, with new legends being developed and old ones retold. The Fanaithe began to look upon the chaotic times of their past as a sort of Golden Age, where they had been free to live their lives how they wished with no interference by some grandee, where they had a voice in who ruled them. This new period of rule, under the heel of the Britons, was called the "Enchaining"- for some Fanaithe began to feel as if they were naught but slaves.

However, talk of rebellion to try to bring back this Golden Age had not yet developed at the beginning of this period. The main reason for this was that the Blade Trade at first was very profitable for all engaged and presented opportunities for advancement. Small bands of independent traders, mostly Fanaithe, would set out, usually in one currach, to engage in the Blade Trade themselves. Perhaps sponsored by their village or relatives, they would come back with a small profit, which would then be split between their sponsors.

This changed, of course, with the 938 agreement between the Confederation and the Gorfodi. Gorfodi Morfael believed that such small-scale trade took away from the bottom line of his officially sanctioned expeditions, and it was easy for him to sell to the nobility and company-chiefs below him that they could also make more by cracking down on small-holder trade. While enforcement was patchy at first, Morfael’s son, Riderch, would take a more hardline. He decreed that such trade was tantamount to theft from the Gorfodi and the Bishopric, and that it would be punished as such. The grandees of the Bishopric also began to patrol the Tullaha more frequently to crack down on the trade, and the Confederation was encouraged to not accept traders who failed to present the Bishop’s seal upon arrival.

This prevented the common man of the Bishopric from receiving any benefits from the Blade Trade, and caused more simmering discontent. [2] Some middle-level Fanaithe officials began to talk behind closed doors of some sort of action during the 950s, though these talks would ultimately fizzle out. They felt that they did not have the ability to rally popular support, due to the peculiar nature of the Bishopric- as the Bishop was the technical head of the nation, as well as the head of Christianity in the New World in general, he could simply excommunicate those who opposed him. This was a potent threat, and helped calm down any talk of revolt.

In the 960s, however, Gorfodi Riderch began to take a much harsher line as the Confederation expanded the web of trade southward and across Talbeah. He introduced quotas for the mines, and increased the frequency of when the man-tax was implemented. The noblemen of the Bishopric generally went along with him, blinded as they were by the profits they were receiving. This increase coincided with the growing belief among the Briton upper-class that they were presiding over “half-mad savages”, who needed a hard hand to avoid slipping into anarchy. This was a natural development of their own Golden Age belief, that they had been forced from their idyllic home by barbarians, and came to this new world to restore order and Christian governance.

While the noblemen of the Bishopric were led along by this, a growing number of clergy in the Bishopric were opposed to this new measure. One of the most vocal of this number was Olchobar, a Fanaithe who had joined the monastery at Brendan’s as a young man. Olchobar was concerned with the harsh measures affecting his fellow countrymen, and believed them to be contrary to Christian teachings. When he tried to present his concerns to the Bishop at the time, Froech, he was not granted an audience by the Bishop’s assistant, and even given the humiliating job of tending to the monastery’s stables.

This made Olchobar mad, and he became more and more vocal about his opposition to the new measures being implemented. This got him the attention of the would-be rebel leaders among the Fanaithe, who began to communicate with him and followed his developments with great interest. Olchobar’s growing popularity among the common man terrified Riderch, who was concerned that the monk might be able to influence the aging Bishop Froech if he got close to him. Riderch went so far as to consider killing Olchobar, but ultimately held off, fearing the wrath of God should he lay hands on a cleric.

Besides, he reasoned, what did he have to worry about? After all, the office of Gorfodi allowed him to appoint the next Bishop (with the assent of the monks at the monastery). [3] And he would not choose Olchobar, so it would not be a concern that he would ever attain any position of influence.

However, when Froech died in 575, a document began to circulate among the monks at Brendan’s. It claimed to be the last will and testament of Froech, and it stated that he wished Olchobar to be appointed, for he had “been moved upon by the Holy Spirit and would lead the people in the paths of righteousness”. Riderch dismissed it as a fake, as do most modern historians, but at the time, it was viewed with great seriousness by the monks. So, when Riderch made the choice to not follow the “will” of Froech, but instead appointed Finian, a cleric he had firmly in his pocket, the monastic community at Brendan’s erupted into controversy. For the first time, there was not unanimous consent in the Gorfodi’s choice of Bishop.

That was a useless gesture, however, for the clergy had no real ability to counter the pressure of the Gorfodi. Finian was invested with the office, and Olchobar, fearing for his life, fled with a few of his supporters away from the Insula. Riderch believed that the problem was, once and for all, solved.

With Olchobar now no longer confined to the walls of the monastery, however, he was free to enter into discussions with those that wished to return Talbeah to its pre-Briton Golden Age. Plans for a rebellion were formed, and Olchobar was a key component of this.

The conspirators, referring to themselves as the “Filleadhaithe” [4], began to spread the rumors that the Gorfodi’s selection of Bishop was invalid. First, he had contravened the will of the man who (nominally) in charge of the Bishopric; second, he had not secured the complete assent of the clerical community. They contended that this made Finian a false Bishop, in service to a false ruler. Riderch had acted to preserve his power, not true Christian rule- which Olchobar would have done.

This began to gain traction, and though Riderch and the nobility did their best to try to counteract these words, a seed of hope and resistance began to blossom in the hearts of many Fanaithe. Many began to realize that war was imminent; one Briton record lamented that “we shall soon be spilling the blood of Christian men in this heathen land”.

The spark that would set the tinderbox alight took place in 977, when the Filleadhaithe attacked officials coming to enforce the man-tax. Killing them, the Filleadhaithe officially proclaimed that they followed the “true” Bishop, and called upon all Christians to follow them. [5]

The Filleadhaithe Revolt had truly begun, and Talbeah would never be the same.


[1] - OTL Great Lakes.

[2] - It is worth noting, perhaps, that several noblemen and company-chiefs were known to be generous gift-givers, often allowing the heads of villages the chance to partake in some of the benefits of the Blade Trade indirectly. This grew increasingly uncommon as time went on, however, as nobility became more entrenched in the Bishopric.

[3] - This right developed out of Owain’s involvement with the selection of the successor of Columb, and had grown stronger over time.

[4] - Returners in Talbeahan Gaelic

[5] - While this may seem like a theological stretch, Talbeahan Christianity had had almost a hundred years of separate development from more mainstream European Christian thought. It seemed very logical to them.
 
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I’m working on a biographical guide, mostly to help myself to keep track of everyone. :p That’ll probably be the next update.
 
How long will Talbeah be isolated from the Old World for, and how different from the old world will the Talbeahan Celts get (religiously, culturally, linguistically etc.)?
 
I’m working on a biographical guide, mostly to help myself to keep track of everyone. :p That’ll probably be the next update.

I keep meaning to do the same thing myself. In my timeline, I keep getting my Theodemirs, Amalamirs, and Amalaricks confused! :D

Take your time; this timeline is amazing and I've finding a lot of inspiration in it for my most recent cycle of chapters.
 
latest
But yes, a guide to the characters would be very nice. Eagerly awaiting it.
 
I feel as though the Bishopric conflict might spill outside its borders. Maybe the losers of the Bishopric war flee to TeKaienwa for refuge and get swept up in the domestic tensions there?
 
I keep meaning to do the same thing myself. In my timeline, I keep getting my Theodemirs, Amalamirs, and Amalaricks confused! :D

Take your time; this timeline is amazing and I've finding a lot of inspiration in it for my most recent cycle of chapters.
Hey thanks!

latest
But yes, a guide to the characters would be very nice. Eagerly awaiting it.
Never thought I’d see a 40K reference in this thread XD
 
Minor tweaks:
if using Cumbric as your base then it would be Cumbroic/aic not Cumbraec, so -ic/k rather than -ec/k.
And Map Caradoc. Map/b -> Ap/b in patronyms is a Middle Welsh invention.
 
Minor tweaks:
if using Cumbric as your base then it would be Cumbroic/aic not Cumbraec, so -ic/k rather than -ec/k.
And Map Caradoc. Map/b -> Ap/b in patronyms is a Middle Welsh invention.
Darn. I’ll probably keep using the style I’m in right now and temporarily chalk it up to “regional developments”, but when I get this prepped and finalized I’ll take those to heart.
 
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