The Kingdoms at the Centre of the World- A History of China

The First Chu Period
(206-180 BCE)

Liu Bang's Rebellion:

Eighteen_Kingdoms.png

The Eighteen Kingdoms in 206
Credit: Nederlanse Leeuw

In the wake of the Qin Dynasty, China began to experience a period of chaos and disunity in the vein of earlier periods such as those of the Spring and Autumn Period (770-479 BCE) and the later Warring States Period (476-221 BCE). The latter of these two periods had famously led to the ascension of the Qin Dynasty (221-206 BCE) and the reigns of the tyrannical Qin Shi Huangdi (221-210 BCE) and Qin Er Shi (210-207 BCE). But with growing rebellions against the Qin Empire under Qin Er Shi, largely as a result of the famous tyranny of his father and his own incompetence, this dynasty seemed to many to have forfeited the 'Mandate of Heaven' [1] and was due to reach it's end. Indeed these rebellions would rock China and soon enough the Qin Empire had once again split into a number of states, torn apart and divided by the leader of the Chu Rebels and later King of the Chu, Xiang Yu. This would begin a new era in Chinese history often identified as the Post-Qin period or the Eighteen Kingdoms (named after the fact that Xiang Yu had split the empire into eighteen kingdoms ruled over by his subordinates and loyal allied leaders).

This would reveal a massive difference between the two men who would come to dominate China: Xiang Yu ,who claimed hegemony over the other Chinese states but seemed to have little interest in a more centralised state such as the Qin Dynasty and his commander Liu Bang King of the Han who seemed to be more interested in establishing an imperial dynasty. Within months of the division of the Qin Empire, Xiang Yu found his hegemony and control over the other states challenged such as within the Qi in which Tian Rong reunited the old Qi State after which Liu Bang went on to conquer the Qi and begin the Chu-Han contention. This was the biggest and, in many ways, most important war of the post-Qin period in which Xiang Yu and Liu Bang would find themselves head to head in a conflict that would decide the fate of China. Indeed this was a war that, in the short run, would decide the immediate future of China as to whether it was to be a less centralised system such as had existed under the old Zhou Dynasty (1046-256 BCE) or a more centralised imperial as had existed under the shortly lived Qin Dynasty. Were it the former then Xiang Yu's control of China would be more a political hegemony over the other states rather than direct control whereas the latter would lead to Liu Bang being the official emperor of China and would establish a direct imperial control such as had existed under the Qin.

Following the fall of the Qi to Liu Bang's growing state while Xiang Yu was away putting down rebellions, the growing Han state would continue it's advance across China. Four kingdoms would be brought low in short order as Liu Bang subjugated the Sai, Di, Henan and the Hán with Liu Bang establishing the new King Xin. It was during this early period that Liu Bang would be the first to accuse Xiang Yu of murdering Emperor Yi of Chu the grandson of the previous King of Chu prior to the Qin Dynasty. This was important because, even after the eventual defeat of Liu Bang's rebellion, this would be a factor that would continue to challenge and Xiang Yu and would be the reason the Chu hegemony would never last. The war would be fought back and forth for years to come but the tide would really begin to turn against Liu Bang after his defeat at the Battle of the Wei River, a battle that didn't cost him much in the way of manpower but seems to have marked the point at which his fortunes began to slide. The battle was won when the Chu general, Long Ju decided to adopt a plan devised by his ally Tian Guang to instead strengthen their defences and focus on depriving the Han of resources and starving into submission. Indeed this tactic would prove crucial in the eventual defeat of Liu Bang as Han Xin was unable to actually make use of rash action nor break the Chu forces. His eventual surrender to the Chu would prove disastrous although not because of the numbers of soldiers but because of the deprivation Liu Bang found himself in of one of his most capable generals.

But this defeat was also crucial in that it would deprive Liu Bang of his army within the Qi Kingdom (which had been restored after previous defeats) and would allow the joint forces of Long Ju and Tian Guang to retake the cities lost to the Han. This was crucial as Han Xin's defeat also left Liu Bang under siege by Xiang Yu at Xingyang where he had been awaiting the forces of Han Xing to relieve his beleaguered defenders. Linzi, the Qi capital, was recaptured followed by Lixia and then much of the Qi Kingdom. Stranded in Xingyang and without any reinforcements coming from Han Xing, Liu Bang was in a desperate situation as it seemed his forces were now doomed against Xiang Yu. Liu Bang was able to escape the city and would manage to eventually trap a Chu army at Guangwu but with the Chu victory at the Wei River, the Chu forces were able to hold firm until the arrival of reinforcements would force Liu Bang back. From here the war would finally turn properly against Liu Bang who would spend the next two years fighting a losing battle against the Chu until his eventual defeat in 202 BCE.

In another universe this victory over Liu Bang may have served to validate and even strengthen Xiang Yu's dominion and hegemony over the other Chinese states. However this may have relied upon an earlier victory over Liu Bang than was instead achieved, a victory that involved fewer casualties and less damage to the structure of the 18 Kingdoms. Instead Xiang Yu's victory over Liu Bang had cost him not only significant military casualties but it had undermined the 18 Kingdoms as well as further dividing the kings among themselves. Indeed Xiang Yu would soon find his domination of the Chinese states contested by a number of states within China and often opposed by their kings. Meanwhile many of the kings who had been deposed would retake their thrones but this would only lead to further chaos in the future. But most importantly as a precursor to establishing the situation of China in the wake of Liu Bang's rebellion is to establish what kingdoms still remained and who was king of each dominion:

The Kingdom of Chu:
King Xiang Yu (206-180)

The Kingdom of Hán
Hang Cheng (206)
Zheng Chang (206-205)
Han Xi (205-204)
Zheng Chang (204-)

The Kingdom of Sai:
Sima Xin (206-)

The Kingdom of Di:
Dong Yi (206-)

The Kingdom of Henan:
Shen Yang (206-)

The Kingdom of Qi:
Tian Rong (206-205)
Tian Jia (205)
Tian Guang (205-)

The Kingdom of Yan:
Zang Tu (206-)

The Kingdom of Wei:
Wei Bao (206-)

The Kingdom of Juijiang:
Ying Bu: (206-)

The Kingdom of Han:
Liu Bang (206-202)
Liu Ying (202-)

The Kingdom of Zhao:
Zhao Xie (206-205)
Zhang Er (205)
Long Ju (205-)

*All dates are in BCE

What ought to be noted is that this is conspicuously less than 18 Kingdoms but many had been absorbed by 202 BCE and others are less notable but do appear at times while these would be the main players in events to come. What should be noted is that in many cases Liu Bang's supporters weren't overthrown in the aftermath of his rebellion and even his son, Liu Ying would continue to reign in the Kingdom of Han. This was because of the war itself which had taken such a toll on Xiang Yu both in his authority and his manpower that he found it increasingly hard to deal with many of these states. Indeed people such as Long Ju (one of the commanders under Xiang Yu) were only really installed within his kingdom because Zhang Er had been captured at the Wei River alongside Han Xin. But for the next few years the Chu were effectively still at war with many of their enemies such as Liu Ying who would continue fighting against Xiang Yu and the Chu for the duration of his reign. This only served to further weaken and undermine Xiang Yu's authority and would soon lead to very real problems.

The Fall of the Chu

Ultimately Xiang Yu would see the greatest points of resistance from not only the Han and former supporters of Liu Bang but from people such as the Qi or Sai who had either sided with the Chu out of sheer necessity such as with the former in his drive to reclaim his kingdom or had defected at later dates to the Chu or in some cases the Han after defeats for their chosen side. But his authority wasn't only weakened by continued resistance from his enemies throughout China, instead it was also the claim of regicide as brought up by Liu Bang in 205 BCE that did just as much damage. Indeed this would be a claim that would frequently be brought up by challengers to Xiang Yu's domination of China and would be frequently used by Liu Ying himself during the period following the defeat and death of his father in 202 BCE.

As a result of Xiang Yu's fading authority towards the end of the 200s BCE, some historians have begun organising parts of this era of Chinese history into 'periods of domination' in which they define the period by whatever kingdom held dominance over the others. This means that the period between 206 BCE and 180 BCE is frequently known as the 'First Chu Period' of China in which the Chu under Xiang Yu held hegemony (albeit declining hegemony) over the other states of China. Indeed the title of King-Hegemon would become an often passed one in which each successive period would be characterised by the king or kings responsible for their kingdom's prosperity adopting the title of King-Hegemon as Xiang Yu did in 206 BCE. This was a title that Xiang Yu would hold on to throughout his reign until his death in 180 BCE at the age of 52 although the position was mostly nominal for much of that period. Instead of a period of Chu dominance in China, therefore, the 'First Chu Period' is often remembered as a period of declining influence for the once strong Xiang Yu in the face of growing powers within China. Indeed by the time he died in 180 BCE, Xiang Yu would be faced with powers already growing to be stronger than the Chu under capable leaders similar to that of Liu Bang.

Ironically it would not be the Liu clan that would pose the biggest threat to Xiang Yu as, while Liu Ying had been an opponent of Xiang Yu, his reign in the wake of the death of his father would come to be known as a period of weakness for the Han. Instead Liu Ying was very much dominated by his mother and would indulge himself throughout his reign. It was the rise of more capable leaders such as Tian Guang whose advice had been crucial at the Battle of the Wei River that would threaten Xiang Yu's dominance and eventually overthrow it. The years between 202 and 190 would see much of the Han military conquests begin to fade away as Liu Yin found himself under increasing pressure from his neighbours and wasn't strong enough himself to actually hold on to them. Instead his lands would be eaten away in favour of states such as the Qi who under Tian Guang conquered what had once been the Kingdom of Yin prior to it's conquest by the Han. Similarly Long Ju would exert his control over the Kingdom of Zhao but also over what had once been the Kingdom of Dai before the Kingdom of Dai, under Zhao Xie, had conquered Zhao and basically became Zhao.

Indeed the Han would find their land stripped away until by 190 BCE they had little more than the region they originally held before Liu Bang's conquests. However it would be the relations between the Chu and the Qi that would mark the latter few years of the 'First Chu Period' as their relationship began to break down. It had never been very good to start with and their alliance during Liu Bang's rebellion was one of convenience and practicality more than mutual friendship but with the growing power of the Qi under Tian Guang during the 190s, their relations broke down more and more. During the 190s there was a growing influence from the Qi as they strove to exert their own power and influence in the areas that were now rapidly being pulled away from the Han. Indeed the first and most notable of these conquests was the Qi invasion of Yin but during the 190s they would also invade the area known as Henan and re-establish Shen Yang there. Shen Yang had surrendered to the Han in 205 BCE but had remained a local figure during the period of Han domination until his eventual return to power in the waning days of the Han Kingdom's power throughout China in the 190s. His re-installation would bring Shen Yang within Qi's sphere of influence and this would only worsen the relations between the Qi and the Chu the latter of whom feared an attempt by the Qi to claim the title of King-Hegemon.

It seems that the ascension of the Qi was in general quite a logical thing given that not only was it led by capable leaders such as Tian Guang and his predecessors but it also had the resources for these leaders to make use of and, furthermore, it was ideally placed to take advantage of the retreating Kingdom of Han under Liu Ying. It also had enough conflict with the Chu to make it one of the states most willing to take advantage of any instability or weakness within the Chu which was especially helpful given their position right on the border with the Chu. However they didn't have so much conflict with the Chu that they were unwilling to ever work with them unlike some previous supporters of the Han. It was their growing animosity with the Chu during the 190s and 180s BCE that would ultimately drive the Qi to further seek to secure their power and, to this end, Tian Guang was happy to fish among any who might have a vested interest in seeing the Chu dominion ended. So it was that by 180 BCE the Qi had secured a number of allies willing to help them move against the Chu and end their dominion. However the death of Xiang Yu in 180 BCE and the ascension of his son Xiang Ah would effectively bring an end to the 'First Chu Period' as the young Xiang Ah was far less prepared for an invasion than his father may have been.

Indeed within a year of his ascension to the throne as King-Hegemon Xiang Ah of the Chu, the Kingdom of Chu would have been badly wrecked by the invading Qi forces who now claimed the title of King-Hegemon for their own ruler. Xiang Ah's time on the throne was extraordinarily brief as the Chu would soon implement their own ruler in the form of another of Xiang Yu's sons, Xiang Jing whose job on the throne was effectively little more than a puppet for the victorious Qi. The fall of Pengcheng (the capital of the Chu) in 180 BCE marked the end of the 'First Chu Period' in the wake of the fall of the Qin Dynasty. In the wake of this victory would begin a new period of hegemony under China with the 'Qi Period'.
 
Oooh! I sometimes pondered what a different disintegration of the Qin would entail for the kingdoms it conquered. The idea of "King-Hegemon" proliferating is fascinating. I wonder how the ensuing Qi period will shape the region.

This time period also sees the consolidation of other polities surrounding China. A situation could arise where these states engage quite actively within China proper(as allies, enemies, trade partners, vassals etc.), maybe even becoming Hegemon-Kings for a time. Nanyue, Gojoseon, and the Xiongnu come to mind. The reverse is possible too, where the remaining kingdoms are active in their respective hinterlands as a counterbalance to the latest hegemon. No doubt these relationships will shape statecraft and culture in China and it's neighbors.

I really like your Golden Kings and Battle of Raphia timelines so I'm definitely looking forward to whatever direction you take this.
 
The Qi Period
(180-142 BCE)
In the wake of the Chu

Rulers of the Kingdoms of China:

The Kingdom of Chu:
Xiang Yu (206-180)
Xiang Ah (180)
Xiang Jing (180-175)
Xiang Ping (175-159)
Xiang Qi (159-)

The Kingdom of Hán
Hang Cheng (206)
Zheng Chang (206-205)
Han Xi (205-204)
Zheng Chang (204-190)
Zheng Shi (190-170)
Zheng Ru (170-154)
Zheng Shuang (154-)

The Kingdom of Sai:
Sima Xin (206-168)
Sima Sheng (168-164)
----------------------------------------------
The Kingdom of Qin
Sima Sheng (164-160)

The Kingdom of Henan:
Shen Yang (206-169)
Shen Gang (169-146)
She Lin (146-)

The Kingdom of Qi:
Tian Rong (206-205)
Tian Jia (205)
Tian Guang (205-174)
Tian Yong (174-162)
Tian Shun (162-150)
Tian Wei (150-142)
Tian Xiang (142-)

The Kingdom of Yan:
Zang Tu (206-180)
Zang Yan (180-172)
Zang Jin (172-160)
Zang Fan (160-149)
Zang Han (149-)

The Kingdom of Wei:
Wei Bao (206-180)
Wei Fang (173-160)
Wei Gang (160-148)
Wei Jing (14:cool:

The Kingdom of Juijiang:
Ying Bu: (206-168)
Ying Lei (168-150)
Ying Shui (150-)

The Kingdom of Han:
Liu Bang (206-202)
Liu Ying (202-170)
Liu Yin (170-162)

The Kingdom of Zhao:
Zhao Xie (206-205)
Zhang Er (205)
Long Ju (205-174)
Long Jun (174-164)
Long Wen (164-)

The Kingdom of Linjiang:
Gong Ao (206-204)
Gong Wei (204-185)
Gong Min (185-177)
Gong Zhong (177-170)
Gong Lin (170-160)
Gong Jiao (160-142)

The Kingdom of Hengshan:
Wu Rui (206-172)
Wu Qiang (172-160)
Wu Zhu (160-)

*All dates are in BCE


The sack of Pengcheng in 180 BCE is often considered by historians to be the official end of the Chu domination of China and the point at which a traditional Qi Domination began. Many historians have debated why, in the wake of the Qi defeat of the Chu in 180 BCE, the Qi themselves didn't move towards establishing their own dynasty in the style of the Qin Dynasty or the elder Zhou Dynasty. Traditionally historians have put this down to the combination of the fact that the kings of the Qi had already seized the title of King-Hegemon in 180 and may not have found support from their allies to move for an imperial control as well as the dismal failures of both the Qin Dynasty and Liu Bang's attempts at establishing a Han Dyasty. It seems that these were likely to have dissuaded the Qi from establishing their own dynasty throughout China but another view from historians has been that maybe there was a view to eventually establish a Qi Dynasty but not through military conquest but political integration of the Chinese states until such a point at which the Qi would hold complete control over China. If this was indeed the case then it would prove futile as the Qi wouldn't hold hegemony over China for long enough to successfully integrate the other states or establish proper control over them. Nevertheless the Qi Period would prove significantly more successful than the preceding Chu period as the Qi found little actual opposition from the Han or from the Chu, who for the duration of the Qi period would be little more than a puppet state of the dominant Qi.

This isn't to say that the Qi would face no opposition but it seems that Tian Guang would learn a bit more from the Chu's failed domination between 206 and 180 BCE (although their power was largely nominal beyond 200 BCE) and would instead turn more to tradition to help legitimise himself. This was where his effective control of the Chu would be of huge importance as he would use the legitimacy of Xiang Jing to help legitimise the Qi such as by 'convincing' him to request the Qi to take over his position as the King-Hegemon of China. But more important to Tian Guang would be the use of the idea of Mandate of Heaven to help further legitimise his domination of China as being dictated and authorised by heaven similar to how the Zhou had taken over from the Shang or how the Qin had used it to legitimise their rule of China, instead Tian Guang would use it to legitimise his ruler over the other states of China and to legitimise the authority that had once been held by the Chu being transferred to the Qi. The only difference between Tian Guang's use of the 'Mandate of Heaven' was how he used it to legitimise his hegemony over the other states and the transferal of the heaven-granted right to dominate the other states from the Chu to the Qi as opposed to direct rule over China as it had been used for the Qin. But here as well there existed some precedence as the Zhou had elected for a very feudal model of China in which the Zhou Dynasty was actually split into kingdoms all subservient to the overall King of Zhou similar to how the other kingdoms during the Post-Qin Period were at least nominally subservient and subject to the Chu and later the Qi. However Tian Guang was playing a dangerous game by invoking the Mandate of Heaven in this case as by doing so he was clearly delineating a clear succession of the Mandate of Heaven from the Zhou to the Qin to the Chu to the Qi but was also legitimising Xiang Yu's hegemony over China as a precursor to his own hegemony. This then brought up the affairs of Tian Rong, the first King of Qi in the Post-Qin Period, in which his predecessor had actually rebelled against Xiang Yu and, if Tiang Guang was to be believed, defying the Mandate of Heaven by defying the the rightful Chu hegemony of China. This then challenged the Qi's domination of both China and also of the lands they already controlled and threatened problems within regions such as Henan, Jibei and Jiaodong as people may rise against his dynasty's conquests of these lands in 206 BCE as defying the Mandate of Heaven.

Even after his invocation of the Mandate of Heaven in 180 BCE, Tian Guang was faced with the seemingly impossible task of subjugating the unruly and increasingly distant Chinese kingdoms to his own hegemony. His allies had largely recognised hegemony but pretty much everyone else remained very much distant from the Qi and in many cases refused to accept any form of hegemony under Tian Guang and his kingdom. These states came in two categories, those who explicitly renounced any hegemony under Tian Guang and those more concerned with their own independence rather than any real ties to the current King-Hegemon of China. Tian Guang was probably very aware that these kingdoms had to be reintegrated into the current state of affairs and brought back into submission under the King-Hegemon of China or else there was no way the title was workable long term. He was also very aware that his biggest point of opposition would be in central China as opposed to the outer regions where people such as the Han quite simply ignored the title of King-Hegemon and Guang's proclamation in 180 BCE made little difference to them. Instead the biggest point of contention against Tian Guang came from those surrounding him, many of whom remained loyal to the Chu during Liu Bang's Rebellion. This would be Tiang Guang's great project from 180 BCE up until his death in 174 BCE and it was a project largely continued on by his son Tian Yong during his reign to try and reestablish the dominance of the title of King-Hegemon. Tiang Guang was really in an ideal position to do this as he had not only the soldiers available to him from the Kingdom of Qi but those available to him from the Kingdoms of Henan and Chu both of which were basically puppet states of his during his reign and accepted his sovereignty. His first targets and conflicts would be with two of the former generals of the Chu, Wei Bao (Kingdom of Wei) and Long Ju (Kingdom of Zhao) and in all cases his own military skill and access to greater resources and manpower would win him victories allowing him to actually subjugate them to his will. These were his natural first goals and by the time of his death in 174 BCE he would more or less have subjugated Central China and brought them into submission under the Qi Kingdom.

Upon the death of Tian Guang in 174 BCE, it fell to his young son Tian Yong to finish what his father had started and to finally subjugate the other Kingdoms of China and assert his authority. His father had extracted the subjugation of Long Ju and Wei Bao while Ying Bu, feeling vulnerable after the defeat of Liu Bang considering his defection from the Chu in 205 BCE, had already sided with the Qi against the Chu. However Tian Yong seems to have feared that the death of his father might encourage people to turn against him as his father had done after the death of Xiang Yu and would spend his first year on the throne touring the very kingdoms his father had 'conquered' in the hope of trying to keep them from rebelling against him. The next couple of years beyond this would be purely consolidation for Tian Yong before finally, in 170 BCE he would resume this father's attempts to bring the Chinese kingdoms back under the hegemony of the Qi and the King-Hegemon. This would occupy the next 7 years of his reign as he, bit by bit, brought the rest of China back under the influence of the King-Hegemon of Qi and for the first time managed to exert some authority over the kings of China. Unfortunately this was a very tenuous control especially in the outer regions and the Qi wouldn't be able to sustain it for a significant amount of time beyond Tian Yong's death but it was a control much more pronounced in central China where it would last beyond the death of Tian Yong and contribute to a slower decline in the fortunes of the Qi than the Chu had experienced as a result of both the proximity to the Qi as well as Tian Yong's attempts to consolidation during his early years on the throne. Much of Tian Yong's later years would be concerned with trying to hold what he had together particularly in the regions further from the Qi where his influence was weakest over the other kings.

Tian Yong's death in 162 BCE would end his reign as the King of Qi and would be followed by the reign of his son, Tian Shun (162-150 BCE) whose reign would see the beginning of the decline of the King-Hegemon's of Qi but would also see a period of greater peace within the Qi and her subjugated states than had existed under either Tian Guang or Tian Yong. Within only a couple of years of Tian Yong's death in 162 BCE, the Qi would have more or less lost their control over the states further away from the Kingdom of Qi such as the Han and the Sai in the West and Linjiang and Henshang in the South. The North, with states such as Liaodong and Yan would generally stay under Qi influence and domination for significantly longer than regions in the South and West given the position of the Qi closer to the North and indeed it would be the South that the Qi would lose influence over first before the North would break away from their domination. Really by the 160s BCE the Qi had done their part as Tian Guang had set the precedent of using the previous King-Hegemons and more importantly the Mandate of Heaven to legitimise their domination as well as having proven that a successful domination of China was possible for a period of time longer than one or two kings. The reigns of the next two kings would see the Qi undergo a slow decline under Tian Shun and later Tian Wei (150-142) until finally falling to it's enemies in much the same way as the Chu had 40 years earlier under it's final King-Hegemon Tian Xiang (142). The other Chinese kingdoms would also see a flurry of kings during this time as Qi power slowly receded starting in the South and West under Tian Shun and culminating in Chu and Yin themselves under Tian Xiang. But similar to the receding Han Dynasty in the late 200s and 190s BCE, the decline of the Qi would see opportunities grow for other similar kingdoms elsewhere in China. Indeed the one of the most notable of these would be in the West following the death of Tian Yong which provided opportunities for other kingdoms there including that of the Sai under the Sima Clan. Again it shouldn't be surprising that the Sima would be one of those to rise as the first King of Sima was a capable leader and his nearest rival was that of the Han under the weak Liu Ying so that, when Tian Yong died in 170 BCE it would be Sima Xin who would be one of the early kings to break free of Qi domination in the very way the Qi had, by moving against their enemies and uniting their lands. Indeed Sima Xin was, like Tian Rong, a capable commander who took advantage of the weakening in Qi domination to expand his own power. Him and his heir, Sima Sheng would take this time to expand quite notably against the Han to their South so that by the mid 160s BCE they had finally united the lands of the three Qin's in the very same way the Qi had with the lands of the three Qi's.

Liu Ying wasn't, unfortunately, the last weak leader of the Han as his heir, Liu Yin (170-162 BCE) would be only slightly stronger than his father and his reign would accomplish little further expansion or power for the Han Kingdom. But he would avoid losing any more land to the burgeoning Qin in the North for the duration of his reign. The South, in comparison, was a very different matter as the native kingdoms of the region not only frequently fought but were often at a seeming stalemate between the Kingdoms of Linjiang and Hengshan this was because of a situation in which the Wu clan of Hengshan was often supported by the local Yue tribes making invasion difficult and imposing another king just as difficult. Under a series of kings of the Gong Clan, the Kingdom of Linjiang would see a number of attempts at expansion into their neighbouring states including attacks on the Hengshan in the East and the Han in the West with even some fights against the Hán in the North. These conquests were a mixed bag as Linjiang made little headway against their Eastern neighbours but proved more successful against the Han and would manage to establish their conquests further along the Yangtze River to the West. It was partially these states that would begin to break down Qi authority as time went by as fights between the Southern states and those that still were more controlled by the Qi caused a continued breakdown in the Qi's authority over those outer states as the continued defiance of the Qi caused others to begin ignoring their authority and would help convince them to defy the Qi as well.

Over the next couple of decades the authority of the Qi would decay bit by bit as an increasing number of states began to defy the Qi and launch their own rebellions against the Qi many of which often began with fighting among the kingdoms themselves. It was in this period of violence that future contenders for the position of King-Hegemon would begin to emerge throughout China as states began to take advantage of the collapsing Qi authority to expand at the cost of other states. The first of these contenders was, of course, the Qin who had already expanded to unite the Three Qins under the Sima Clan and at the cost of the Han Kingdom to the South and also succeeded in effectively subjugating the Wei as well while the second of these contenders was Linjiang which, under the Gong Clan, had managed to expand both into the Han but into the Hán as well. The last of these contenders to emerge during the later part of the Qi Period was the Zhao Kingdom which, while emerging later than the others, was able to use its military resources from its territories as well as some capable leadership to eventually make use of the fading Qi influence and eventually would bring the Qi down in the same way the Qi did the Chu.

By 142 BCE the Qi had effectively had their authority dissolved as even their closest puppets, the Chu and Henan, broke free of their influence and the Qi were left reduced in both manpower and resources with which to fight their enemies. In a similar way to that of the Qi descending upon the Chu, the Zhao would soon descend upon the Qi and in a number of battles the Qi were defeated by the invading Zhao until by the end of 142 BCE the King of Qi, Tian Xiang had been overthrown by the Zhao. By this point the three main states in China, Zhao, Qin and Linjiang, had grown to obscene levels of power within China as each had created what amounted to a sphere of influence over a number of nearby states all of which were drawn to one of the three kingdoms through forced subjugation or in many cases simply alliances. Indeed while the eventual collapse of the Qi would be more dramatic and more damning than that of the Chu there was a similarity in how neither of them held any actual power before they lost official power in their ultimate collapse to another of the Chinese kingdoms. Indeed the last decade of the Qi's dominion of China was a time during which China was instead dominated by the three other kingdoms throughout China until finally in 142 BCE the Zhao themselves followed the Qi's example and swept into Qi lands. The result for the Qi was disastrous as not only did they lose their position as King-Hegemon of China but the Zhao dismantled them and stripped many of their conquered lands from them so that they would soon reinstall the Kingdoms of Yin, Jibei and Jiaodong as effective puppet states of the Zhao in the same vein of the Chu or Henan under the Qi. They also followed the Qi example in how they took over the position of King-Hegemon by 'convincing' the King of Qi to ask they hand it over after replacing Tian Wei with his successor and Qi's newest king, Tian Xiang. So it was that the Qi Period came to an end and, at least nominally, the Zhao Period was to begin.

up1qZls.png

The Eighteen Kingdoms shortly before the fall of the Qi
 
I like this idea! Though please at least make Fujian Chinese, since that's where my ancestors are.

Well Fujian was Chinese at the time, the kingdom of Minyue that had allied with Liu Bang but wasnt apparently one of the 18 kingdoms and so far my TL hasnt focussed on areas that far South yet.
 
The Zhao Period
(142-141 BCE)

The Kingdom of Chu:
Xiang Yu (206-180)
Xiang Ah (180)
Xiang Jing (180-175)
Xiang Ping (175-159)
Xiang Qi (159-)

The Kingdom of Hán
Hang Cheng (206)
Zheng Chang (206-205)
Han Xi (205-204)
Zheng Chang (204-190)
Zheng Shi (190-170)
Zheng Ru (170-154)
Zheng Shuang (154-)

The Kingdom of Sai:
Sima Xin (206-168)
Sima Sheng (168-164)
--------------------------------------------------
The Kingdom of Qin
Sima Sheng (164-160)
Sima Gang (160-141)

NO KING (141-)

The Kingdom of Henan:
Shen Yang (206-169)
Shen Gang (169-146)
She Lin (146-)

The Kingdom of Qi:
Tian Rong (206-205)
Tian Jia (205)
Tian Guang (205-174)
Tian Yong (174-162)
Tian Shun (162-150)
Tian Wei (150-142)
Tian Xiang (142-)

The Kingdom of Yan:
Zang Tu (206-180)
Zang Yan (180-172)
Zang Jin (172-160)
Zang Fan (160-149)
Zang Han (149-)

The Kingdom of Wei:
Wei Bao (206-180)
Wei Fang (173-160)
Wei Gang (160-148)
Wei Jing (14:cool:

The Kingdom of Juijiang:
Ying Bu: (206-168)
Ying Lei (168-150)
Ying Shui (150-)

The Kingdom of Han:
Liu Bang (206-202)
Liu Ying (202-170)
Liu Yin (170-162)

The Kingdom of Zhao:
Zhao Xie (206-205)
Zhang Er (205)
Long Ju (205-174)
Long Jun (174-164)
Long Wen (164-141 BCE)
NO KING (141-)

The Kingdom of Linjiang:
Gong Ao (206-204)
Gong Wei (204-185)
Gong Min (185-177)
Gong Zhong (177-170)
Gong Lin (170-160)
Gong Jiao (160-142)

The Kingdom of Hengshan:
Wu Rui (206-172)
Wu Qiang (172-160)
Wu Zhu (160-139)


The Xiongnu:
Modu Chanyu (204-174)
Laoshang Chanyu (174-161)
Gunchen Chanyu (161-126)


Northern Fury:
The Zhao Period marks a watershed in the history of China and really the end of the early 18 Kingdoms Era and the beginning of the Middle 18 Kingdoms Era. But what happened was an event rooted back in 200 BCE as opposed to 142 BCE. As the Chu began their decline, the very decline that would eventually lead to the rise of the Qi to the position of King-Hegemon of China, a new force began making it's presence known in the North- the Xiongnu. Under exceptionally skilled leadership the Xiongnu began bringing the Northern Kingdoms under their own hegemony and extorted large amounts of tribute from the Northern Kingdoms. Sometimes the Xiongnu would even come to extort military help from the Northern states, some histories of the period record Zhao forces fighting alongside the Xiongnu. This of course led to some very real tensions between the ruling King-Hegemon and the Xiongnu to the North, tensions that had existed through the remaining Chu period and into the Qi period. So why did the Xiongnu simply extort tribute and exercise their own hegemony over the Northern States rather than simply invade? There's often a number of explanations for why this may have been the case. The first explanation is that with threats still existing on their other fronts the Xiongnu didn't want to get too involved in China and instead settled for dominating the Northern regions through tribute from the states that existed there. The second explanation is that the Xiongnu were never quite sure if they could beat the Chu or subsequent Qi in a war given that they risked a war with the 18 Kingdoms should they attack during a time of peace and relative stability. Another explanation could be that the Xiongnu saw little gain in a full invasion of land they didn't know if they could hold and instead saw more wealth and opportunity by extorting the local kingdoms. Possibly it could also have been the Northern States simply avoiding an invasion through political appeasement but whatever the reason the effects were the same.

Of course this put kingdoms such as the Zhao, Yan, Liaodong and Qin under the hegemony of two different kings, the Chu and later Qi and the Xiongnu and this in turn led to tensions between the Chu/Qi and Xiongnu over these kingdoms. When the Zhao came to power, however, this all changed because suddenly the person claiming hegemony over all China was not a kingdom nestled in the centre similar to the Chu or Qi but was firmly on the border between the Xiongnu and China and also still had very real competition from two other kingdoms that claimed the Mandate of Heaven. Needless to say Long Wen's regime didn't last very long and it wouldn't be a Chinese king who would put an end to his hegemony but a Xiongnu King by the name of Gunchen who was at the time the Chanyu of the Xiongnu Confederacy. Grandson of the formidable and famous Maodun, Gunchen would rule the Xiongnu from 161 BCE until his death in 121 BCE but his most notable impact on history would be in China in the wake of the Zhao's rise to power. Having taken the title of King-Hegemon of China, Long Wen couldn't afford to be seen paying tribute to the Xiongnu nor could he allow the continued erosion of his authority by having other states do the same. But it wasn't only the Zhao who would break their tribute away, the Qin similarly stopped paying any tribute to the Xiongnu having claimed the title of King-Hegemon themselves. Gunchen wasn't going to stand for this in any way, it was a challenge to his own authority within the Xiongnu and it was what amounted to a rebellion by the Zhao and Qin along his borders and had to be defeated.

Therefore in 142 BCE the Xiongnu swept in Northern China from Mongolia and into Western China through the Gansu Corridor and what followed was one of the most devastating wars the 18 Kingdoms had ever seen. The fast and mobile Xiongnu cavalry swept the Zhao and Qin aside and by the end of 141 BCE had penetrated as far South as the Kingdom of Hán having killed not only the King of Qin, Sima Gang but the King of Zhao, Long Wen. The Xiongnu were no longer going to tolerate any challenge to their own hegemony over China and under Gunchen Chanyu would become the first non-Chinese Kingdom to take the title of King-Hegemon of China. Thus for the first time ever China became effectively ruled from further North than ever before, from the 'barbarian' tribes that existed there. Indeed in two short years things in China had changed forever.

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The Eighteen Kingdoms in 141 BCE

 
I'm guessing this ends up kinda like the Mongols and Russia, where one Russian kingdom manages to gain more power than the others.

Interesting TL by the way
 
Even if Liu Bang is defeated,shouldn't Han forces be able to hold Guanzhong at the very least?The region is full of mountain passes that could be used to defend against invasions.
 
Even if Liu Bang is defeated,shouldn't Han forces be able to hold Guanzhong at the very least?The region is full of mountain passes that could be used to defend against invasions.

The problem is that Liu Bang is dead and his heir wasn't that good OTL and it's the same heir ITTL he's not nearly as good a leader as he needs to be to really hold onto his territory, bear in mind that it was simply stripped away by other kingdoms over time and his manpower resources are already quite low because of Liu Bang's rebellion. Most of the resources that could have been used for defence were used by Liu Bang in fighting the Chu.
 
The problem is that Liu Bang is dead and his heir wasn't that good OTL and it's the same heir ITTL he's not nearly as good a leader as he needs to be to really hold onto his territory, bear in mind that it was simply stripped away by other kingdoms over time and his manpower resources are already quite low because of Liu Bang's rebellion. Most of the resources that could have been used for defence were used by Liu Bang in fighting the Chu.
With Lu Zhi in charge,you don't really need Liu Bang's son.From what I can tell in OTL,Lu Zhi was a highly effective leader.Another thing is that of all the regions in China,Guanzhong probably has the most heavily militarized population,so it wouldn't be implausible if they could raise more troops there.So did Han Xin also get killed?
 
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With Lu Zhi in charge,you don't really need Liu Bang's son.From what I can tell in OTL,Lu Zhi was a highly effective leader.Another thing is that of all the regions in China,Guanzhong probably has the most heavily militarized population,so it wouldn't be implausible if they could raise more troops there.So did Han Xin also get killed?

Yes Han Xin is dead he was captured at the Wei River and presumably killed. Either way the loss of Guanzhong wouldn't have been a simple conquest as much as their power simply fading away, yes the population is militarized but the Han simply dont have the forces to actually hold it against that population any more. Bear in mind that there are still people willing to claim themselves king of these regions (assuming I'm right in saying it corresponds to Sai, Zhai and Yong- please correct me if I am wrong) and the region has only been recently subjugated. It's still going to be restless and I doubt the Han could hold it against that very population as well as outside attacks given how worn down their forces are.
 
Yes Han Xin is dead he was captured at the Wei River and presumably killed. Either way the loss of Guanzhong wouldn't have been a simple conquest as much as their power simply fading away, yes the population is militarized but the Han simply dont have the forces to actually hold it against that population any more. Bear in mind that there are still people willing to claim themselves king of these regions (assuming I'm right in saying it corresponds to Sai, Zhai and Yong- please correct me if I am wrong) and the region has only been recently subjugated. It's still going to be restless and I doubt the Han could hold it against that very population as well as outside attacks given how worn down their forces are.
Zhang Han committed suicide after he was defeated by Han Xin while the other two Qins were defeated after they rebelled after the Battle of Pengcheng.All in all,the three Qins were to my knowledge highly unpopular figures in Guanzhong because they were seen as traitors to the Qin Dynasty whilst Liu Bang was highly popular there because unlike Xiang Yu who burned Xiangyang to the ground and carried out widespread atrocities,Liu Bang showed the people there kindness.
 
Zhang Han committed suicide after he was defeated by Han Xin while the other two Qins were defeated after they rebelled after the Battle of Pengcheng.All in all,the three Qins were to my knowledge highly unpopular figures in Guanzhong because they were seen as traitors to the Qin Dynasty whilst Liu Bang was highly popular there because unlike Xiang Yu who burned Xiangyang to the ground and carried out widespread atrocities,Liu Bang showed the people there kindness.

Okay fair point. Either way I sincerely doubt that the Han hold the territory, bear in mind that they have just come out of a huge conflict with the Chu and are now being taken apart piecemeal by their neighbours, what soldiers they have left are stretched thin trying to defend their territory especially in the South. But it isnt just that, you also have a concerted effort by the Chu throughout the 190s ITTL to break their authority and power. Liu Bang wasn't just defeated, Han Xin is dead and most of his army was lost at the Wei River, Liu Bang is dead and much of his army has been lost through 4 years of continuous warfare that resulted in a series of defeats at the end. Guanzhong may be militarized but Hans manpower isnt endless.
 
Okay fair point. Either way I sincerely doubt that the Han hold the territory, bear in mind that they have just come out of a huge conflict with the Chu and are now being taken apart piecemeal by their neighbours, what soldiers they have left are stretched thin trying to defend their territory especially in the South. But it isnt just that, you also have a concerted effort by the Chu throughout the 190s ITTL to break their authority and power. Liu Bang wasn't just defeated, Han Xin is dead and most of his army was lost at the Wei River, Liu Bang is dead and much of his army has been lost through 4 years of continuous warfare that resulted in a series of defeats at the end. Guanzhong may be militarized but Hans manpower isnt endless.
But the point is that it should be enough to hold passes like Hangu Pass especially since the people there absolutely despised Xiang Yu and would have likely been slaughtered by Xiang Yu if he entered Guanzhong again.There should have been no difficulty marshaling a large portion of the remaining manpower in Guanzhong to defend the region.
 
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But the point is that it should be enough to hold passes like Hangu Pass especially since the people there absolutely despised Xiang Yu and would have likely been slaughtered by Xiang Yu if he entered Guanzhong again.There should have been no difficulty marshaling a large portion of the remaining manpower in Guanzhong to defend the region.

I guess we're just not going to agree on this point. To be fair I didnt even take the mountains into account at the time but I'm going to stand by my thinking that Xiang Yu could and would have taken Guanzhong from the Han at some point during the war. Likely during the last few years following Liu Bang's defeat at Gangwu. I will also stand by my thinking that the exhausted Han could and would have lost the region in the years after the war.
 
I guess we're just not going to agree on this point. To be fair I didnt even take the mountains into account at the time but I'm going to stand by my thinking that Xiang Yu could and would have taken Guanzhong from the Han at some point during the war. Likely during the last few years following Liu Bang's defeat at Gangwu. I will also stand by my thinking that the exhausted Han could and would have lost the region in the years after the war.
The mountains around Guanzhong would be vital.The reason why Qin,Han,Northern Zhou and Tang was able to conquer a large part of China or the entirety of it was because of the mountains.The point was that if they were defeated in an offensive operation,they could have always fall back to the mountain defences,which would have become a force multiplier.At one point during the Warring States period for example,Qin was able to resist an invasion by a massive coalition of the other six states through these mountain defenses.I strongly doubt even Xiang Yu would be able to crack the defensive system if the defenders were led by competent leadership and the defenders are highly motivated,especially since you mentioned that Xiang Yu's forces were also heavily depleted and that the other kings aren't really on his side either.
 
The mountains around Guanzhong would be vital.The reason why Qin,Han,Northern Zhou and Tang was able to conquer a large part of China or the entirety of it was because of the mountains.The point was that if they were defeated in an offensive operation,they could have always fall back to the mountain defences,which would have become a force multiplier.At one point during the Warring States period for example,Qin was able to resist an invasion by a massive coalition of the other six states through these mountain defenses.I strongly doubt even Xiang Yu would be able to crack the defensive system if the defenders were led by competent leadership and the defenders are highly motivated,especially since you mentioned that Xiang Yu's forces were also heavily depleted and that the other kings aren't really on his side either.

Consider me proven wrong. Unfortunately I have little choice but to continue despite my mistakes, sorry. Nice discussion though!
 
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