The Isles.

No one on the entire Shetland Islands council has any political affiliation last I checked.

And? How is that supposed to make me believe that if one councillor says says something in favour of independence that the rest of them do?
 
I can see "Heil Paisley" before the turn of the Century. :(

Would it not make sense for Labour and the SNP to unite formally, or at least make some alliance? As the Conservatives said there is a left wing consensus behind them.
 

cumbria

Banned
The idea of independence is a step too far for most here, but many believe that Shetland should have more power. While the young accept that they are both Scottish and Shetlanders, many of the older generation find the very suggestion offensive. Asked whether she would consider herself Scottish, Edith Lawrie, 85, Mr Dyble’s grandmother, screws up her face in horror: “No, no, no! I have never considered myself Scottish and I never will.”
It is not hard to see why Shetlanders are so protective of their identity. The islands became part of Scotland only in 1469, after 600 years of Scandinavian rule. They were pawned by King Christian I of Denmark and Norway because he was unable to raise a dowry for the marriage of his daughter, Margaret, to James III of Scotland. The dowry was never paid and in 1472 James annexed the islands. Some say that Scotland’s claim remains illegitimate, and that ancient Norse law, under which the islands would retain control of the seas and fishing, should technically still prevail.
When most Shetlanders speak of Scotland, it is as if they are referring to a foreign country. Shetland flags – a white Scandinavian-style cross on a light blue background – hang in front gardens. The local radio station even has a “Nordic News” bulletin. DNA sampling has confirmed that more than 60 per cent of male genes on the islands are of Norse origin. Place names – Haroldswick, Hamnavoe – are a testament to the Scandinavian influence. In Lerwick, the “capital”, the streets names include King Erik, King Haakon and St Olaf.

From the Times

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/politics/article1723077.ece

Looks like there is definate support for devolution there.
 
The idea of independence is a step too far for most here, but many believe that Shetland should have more power. While the young accept that they are both Scottish and Shetlanders, many of the older generation find the very suggestion offensive. Asked whether she would consider herself Scottish, Edith Lawrie, 85, Mr Dyble’s grandmother, screws up her face in horror: “No, no, no! I have never considered myself Scottish and I never will.”
It is not hard to see why Shetlanders are so protective of their identity. The islands became part of Scotland only in 1469, after 600 years of Scandinavian rule. They were pawned by King Christian I of Denmark and Norway because he was unable to raise a dowry for the marriage of his daughter, Margaret, to James III of Scotland. The dowry was never paid and in 1472 James annexed the islands. Some say that Scotland’s claim remains illegitimate, and that ancient Norse law, under which the islands would retain control of the seas and fishing, should technically still prevail.
When most Shetlanders speak of Scotland, it is as if they are referring to a foreign country. Shetland flags – a white Scandinavian-style cross on a light blue background – hang in front gardens. The local radio station even has a “Nordic News” bulletin. DNA sampling has confirmed that more than 60 per cent of male genes on the islands are of Norse origin. Place names – Haroldswick, Hamnavoe – are a testament to the Scandinavian influence. In Lerwick, the “capital”, the streets names include King Erik, King Haakon and St Olaf.

From the Times

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/politics/article1723077.ece

Looks like there is definate support for devolution there.

Maybe a more federal Shetlands inside the Scottish or British framework?
 
June-December 1977
The Scottish Constitutional Convention came back with its findings on June 7th. The recommendation was that in future Parliament would be elected by a mixed system of STV, with the exception of Orkney and the Shetlands which would have its two members elected by AV. Scotland would have a written constitution similar to that of Denmark, with the Prince Regent remaining the effective head of state. The findings were accepted by the Prime Minister, Bruce Millan.

The terms outraged several republicans in Parliament, not least of whom was the new Trade Secretary, Willie Hamilton who resigned over the fact that a republican choice was not on offer.

The next morning, sitting alongside two nationalist Mps and two Labour Mps, he declared that Labour and the SNP had sold out the cause of democracy in Scotland and that, alongside the others, including Iain MacCormick, John Macintosh, Peter McCann and Michael Kelly, he was forming the Scottish Socialist Party which would sit as a separate bloc in the Parliament. Together they declared that they would be pushing for a united, socialist, republican Scotland. Hamilton was to be the leader.

It was not only changes on the left of Scottish politics however. On June 20th, Teddy Taylor announced a deal was struck between the Progressive Party which stood in local government elections and the Conservatives for a merger of the two. Taylor positioned this as a move to show the Conservatives were now truly a Scottish force. The new party was to be called the Progressive Conservatives.

Industrial strife was growing as the year went on in Scotland, with the miners threatening to strike over pay, with the new government refusing to improve an offer over 2% at a time of high inflation. Against this background, the new Central Bank of Scotland building in Holyrood was now estimated to be costing the taxpayer over one million pounds. Millan defended the building in Parliament, declaring it to be the centre of Scottish finance in the future. Against this, the budget brought in by the new government was harsh, raising taxes across the board. At news of this, the recently reopened Glasgow Stock Exchange fell several points.

Throughout the year, unemployment grew throughout Scotland. These matters, however were overshadowed by events across the Irish Sea.

In Northern Ireland, things got from bad to worse. On July 1st, twenty armed RUC officers went in for a check in the Falls Road, only to be fired upon, and to a man killed. Backup was requested, but this was an active act of rebellion against the government. In the ensuing madness and the sweltering summer sun, street fights raged and by the evening, the Army were called in. To make matters worse, the revolt was spreading to other areas of the country, with Londonderry ablaze by the time it went dark.

Molyneaux called it the darkest day in many a year, and the beginning of a period where the mettle of the Ulstermen would be tested.

The rising was met by manic calls across the rest of the Isles. In Westminster, the Conservatives openly called for troops to back up the government of Molyneaux, and help restore order, in Bute House, Bruce Millan declared that he would be willing to personally act as the intermediary in peace talks between the two factions and in Dublin, the pressure on Lynch to intervene directly was intense, although it would risk war with the United Kingdom.

New to the post, Lynch made the decision on July 7th to go to the United Nations on behalf of what he perceived to be the persecuted minority in the North. In addition to this, the small Irish Army was moved to the border, and readied for a potential move into Northern Ireland. The Northern Irish government were well aware of the situation with regards their southern neighbours and as such made appeals to Britain, both the UK and Scotland for help in event of an invasion.

The Scottish government under Millan declared neutrality in event of a conflict, more through fear of disorder in Scotland with the large Irish community than out of any great principle. Shore, under pressure from all sides declared that he would intervene in event of an invasion.

Lynch went on television in Dublin on July 14th, announcing that the Irish ambassador to the United Nations had been sent documentation to the UN showing documentation picked up by Irish intelligence showing representation of atrocities committed by the government of Northern Ireland and that unless action was taken against the Northern Irish government in terms of sanctions, the government of the Irish Republic would have no option but to intervene.

This created a storm in Westminster. It was clear the actions of the Molyneaux government were heavy-handed in the extreme, but they were facing an open rebellion and as a result any evidence could be disputed. At the same time, MI5 had picked up evidence of atrocities committed by the IRA. The government was also bound by the terms of independence to protect Northern Ireland from any external threats which meant that by treaty, England would be bound to protect Northern Ireland. The question now facing Peter Shore was to go to war with Ireland or to follow another route.

The EEC found in favour of the Irish government at this point, racking up the pressure even more, by placing sanctions on trade with Northern Ireland. This increased the pressure on Shore even further. On July 18th, Shore made a impassioned plea through the British Ambassador in Dublin to Lynch to back down. This was refused. Lynch did, however leave the door open for talks as long as a temporary ceasefire was agreed between the two sides. He also indicated he would hold secret talks with the IRA about a ceasefire.

This put the IRA in a position of unparalleled strength as all they needed to do was refuse to come to the table and wait for the Irish invasion. This would, they hoped end the Northern Irish state. It was a gamble they were willing to take.

On 19th July, Shore got the response he was hoping would not come. Lynch told him over the telephone in a dark conversation. Neither leader wanted war, but felt they were being pulled into the conflict by the other opposing sides. At the same time, the domestic press of both London and Dublin were on a crisis footing and war now felt almost inevitable.

It was at this point Shore decided to attempt to find an alternative. He found one via Bruce Millans offer of talks. Secretly he contacted Millan to ask if the Scottish Prime Minister would arrange for talks in Scotland between the Loyalists, the Republicans, the English and the Irish. Millan agreed instantly to the proposal. Following the conversation, Shore called Lynch and put forward a plan of action. Lynch accepted the idea.

It was to be put to the IRA in secret that unless they agreed to the talks, then the Irish would not move the troops in. Furthermore if the Northern Irish government never agreed to talks, the UK would support sanctions against them, as would the Scots. It was this incentive that averted war and on the 20th July the announcement that talks were to be held over the future of Northern Ireland including all parties, that were to begin the following week. In the province itself, this calmed the violence, although the tension between the two communities remained palpable.

The Gleneagles Talks began on July 24th, and composed of all the major players. A deadline of a month was set by both Lynch and Shore, who wanted the situation resolved to a mutual satisfaction within that period. If talks failed, it was agreed that either both British and Irish troops would move in with a combined mandate to keep the peace and take over the government or sanctions would be put back in place.

The talks were tortuous. The two sides were kept in separate parts of the hotel and the only face to face aspect was done when agreement between areas had been reached. Following a fortnight several key points were agreed upon, and a major point was leaked to the press, that Eire would renounce claims over the North.

Ruairí Ó Brádaigh as President of Sinn Fein announced on August 14th that the discussions were close but there were several major stumbling blocs along the way. One of the blocs was the idea of a power-sharing government in Northern Ireland and the position of the RUC. The RUC were being used before the outbreak of violence as a paramilitary force and as such he stated could not be trusted by the Republicans. This led to an impasse.

On the Loyalist side, Molyneaux was holding out for an announcement by the IRA that they were going to disarm completely. He stated that he was in no mood to compromise on this point seeing as his predecessor in the position had been killed on Christmas day in cold blood for no reason other than disagreeing with the politics of the terrorists.

An agreement was to come however, and it arrived on August 23rd 1977, a day early.
The cornerstone of the agreement was that;

  • There would be elections by STV to the Northern Irish Parliament.
  • The Irish Republic would renounce all claims over Northern Ireland.
  • That there would be a power sharing executive between Loyalist and Republican.
  • That the IRA would renounce violence on condition the Irish Army was allowed to patrol Northern Ireland. This would be done as part of a joint force between Ireland/the UK and Scotland, all of whom would have troops patrolling to ensure the peace was kept. This would be reviewed every three years, the troops leaving only with the consent of both the Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister.
  • A law would only come into force with the signature of both the Prime Minister and the Deputy Prime Minister. Royal Assent was to be replaced by Parliamentary Assent.
  • There would be an additional oath omitting mention of the Queen for Republican members.
  • The RUC was to be renamed the National Constabulary of Ulster and a recruitment drive was to aim for 45% of all applicants over the next five years to be Catholic.
  • There would be a joint Government Committee on both Orange and Republican marches.
  • Should the deal be accepted, the governments of Eire, the United Kingdom and Scotland would channel development funds into Northern Ireland.
  • All internees would be released.
  • A Council of the Isles would be put in place, which would ensure direct channels between Northern Ireland and Eire, building cross-border agencies where sensible, it would also give Northern Ireland direct contact with the Scottish and UK governments. It would also allow for a free trade area across the British Isles.
  • The deal would be put before the people of both Northern Ireland and Eire in a referendum.
The agreement struck many as similar to the Sunningdale agreement from earlier on in the decade with several important differences. Molyneaux went before the throngs of the massed media on the morning of the 24th sand stated that for his country to survive they needed this deal to go through. The leading hawk from earlier in the decade was now a leading peacenik.

The deal gained the support of the majority of both communities, although the UDP of Ian Paisley opposed the deal, it passed in both referendums on September 22nd. In Northern Ireland by 65-35%, In the Republic of Ireland by 87-13%. The elections were due in November. The people of Northern Ireland had decided to give peace a chance.

In the first Northern Irish General Election in which both communities took part in on November 17th , the Ulster National Party won the most seats, followed by the SDLP. As a result, James Molyneaux remained as Prime Minister, with Gerry Fitt becoming his Deputy. This curious Loyalist-Nationalist coalition was to show the first signs of peace in Northern Ireland in many years.

Troops from three countries patrolled the streets, but by the end of 1977, the green shoots of peace were visible.
 
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I can see "Heil Paisley" before the turn of the Century. :(

Would it not make sense for Labour and the SNP to unite formally, or at least make some alliance? As the Conservatives said there is a left wing consensus behind them.
They are in coalition, but a merger is a step too far at the moment.
 
January-June 1978.

The new year saw a shaky, yet peaceful Northern Ireland for the first time in years. The agreement was settling in, with troops from the Irish Republic patrolling nationalist areas and both Scottish and UK troops patrolling loyalist areas. The Northern Irish Army was also there, but the agreement has lessened the need for the army to be strong, so the process began to lower defence spending in the new nation, allowing more money to be spent on social spending. In addition to this, the money coming in from the other nations of the British Isles helped create a strong period of growth.

One area which was proving controversial however was the creation of the separate Pound Ulster, with the economy being seen as too weak at this stage to support its own currency, and as such led to the first major decision of the period with Fitt making the announcement that the creation of the new currency would be delayed for another two years with the agreement of the UK government in Westminster.

This was certainly not the case in Scotland, with the Pound Scots being printed en masse in preparation for what was unimaginatively called C-Day(Currency Day). The design of the new notes was made with on one side a picture of the Regent and on the other pictures of Scottish scenery. On the coins, again on one side it was a picture of the Regent, on the other, the Scottish coat of arms.

On January 1st, trading began in the new currency in preparation for its release on the first of may. Trading was brisk, and by the date it was released, its value was incredibly strong(principally due to the effects of North Sea Oil) with £1 Scots=£0.76 Sterling. This harmed Scottish trade, with cheaper goods to be bought in England as opposed to Scotland meaning that in several industries, it was acknowledged that hard times were ahead.

Peter Shore was to have a torrid time during 1978. The Social Contract between the unions and the government broke down in March with strikes taking place at the Longbridge car plant and extending over the piece to much of industry in England. When the miners went on strike in May, he, rather controversially went to the Scots miners to meet English needs.

This was expensive, but it did help the government through the strike.
Industrial unrest was not just confined to the United Kingdom though. In Scotland, the shipbuilders went on strike the day after the new currency was introduced, declaring an independent Scotland had destroyed an industry with the government being unable to promise the yards would remain open. That ship-building was on the decline was undeniable, but there was little Bruce Millan could do other than state he would attempt to resolve the issue through a combination of state-aid and lobbying for international contracts. This was partially successful, with several international orders coming in, although once government aid was taken into account, the yards were running at a loss.

This was compounded when in Livingston on 15th May, an important investment in Scotland, a new factory to be built just outside Wishaw was withdrawn.

In opposition, both the Liberals and the Progressive Conservatives were attacking the government with a gusto, and on June 1st, a disastrous day for the coalition, Teddy Taylor’s Progressive Conservatives won both the most votes and the most seats, winning control over Tayside, the Highlands, Grampian, Dumfries and Galloway and Lothian Regions. Labour lost overall control of Strathclyde, doing a deal with the SNP to remain in office, holding onto Fife and the Central Regions, despite strong showings in both by the Socialists.

In terns of votes, the Progressive Conservatives won 30.6%, Labour 27.9%, the SNP vote showing to collapse at 18.8% and the Liberals at 14%. The Socialist Party won 5%. Turnout, however was very low at 40%.

With high unemployment in Scotland and industrial unrest in the United Kingdom, it seemed that none of mainland Britain was escaping the chaos. The first half of 1978, it seemed was a period to forget.
 
Does anyone have a good link to info about British Leyland, not to give too much away for the next installment?

Also, the Kvaerner shipyard on the Clyde.
 
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