May 12, the White House
Bobby had convened the first informal meeting to discuss the upcoming 1972 presidential election with his top political advisers. When O’Brien began laying out a more cautious strategy than Kennedy would have liked, both brothers shot him down: “Larry, quit with the pessimism. Our strategy is a 50-state strategy.” Bobby: “I don’t want a repeat of ’68, I want a repeat of ’64 and the biggest popular and EC margins we can get. Do you see any real Republican opposition out there that I should be worried about? Ronald Reagan, who just had his death penalty law struck down by the California Supreme Court and whose aides are caught up trying to find evidence of [cigarette] copulation against each other? The Goldwaterite nuts who have taken control precinct by precinct? George Romney whose campaign imploded before it began last time? Rocky told me that the Republicans are completely befuddled- over 60% of independents would vote for me in ’72, and even a third of Republicans would as well. Reagan might have a silver tongue, but all I have to do is point to his record and my record, not to mention the healthcare ads. All they have is the Pakistani issue, and since the public favours India anyways they will be running on Beltway issues while I have solved the country’s issues. I have an ambitious second-term agenda, revolving around clean energy and a domestic Peace Corps. There are a few trade agreements I have in mind as well. My most cherished program is TAFTA: Transatlantic Free Trade Area. Not with the EU, just with Britain. Perhaps once Trudeau is defeated next year- he’s deeply unpopular from my reading of the Canadian papers- then that can be expanded as well. We need a Tory government, just without that [cigarette] as PM.
The Kennedy brothers confer in an 1972 Oval Office strategy session, May 12
June 14, aboard Air Force One, somewhere over the Atlantic
Uncharacteristically, Bobby was not with Ethel on Air Force One but spent most of the trip in the conference room with Kissinger and Bundy discussing the agenda for the European-American summit hosted by Georges Pompidou at Fontainebleau. Heath and Brandt would also be in attendance and Kennedy knew that Britain’s EU accession was welcomed by all the other European leaders. Bobby, however, knew what the others did not: sources inside both the Conservative and Labour parties had informed him that both caucuses were deeply split and that, in his friend Lord Harlech’s words “the odds of passage are no better than 50-50”. Kissinger and Kennedy “delighted in this sort of intrigue” as Bundy recalled but he himself had little taste for it. Kissinger told Bobby just before he exited the aircraft: “good thing we discussed this now.”
Chateau de Fontainebleau, Paris
After the European and American photographers left, the four leaders got down to business. Pompidou began by asking Kennedy about the so-called “Chicken Tax” imposed on European light trucks. “It will be repealed before the autumn, being a barrier to competition in that industry.” Brandt thanked the President for allowing for greater Volkswagen exports across the Atlantic, but then Pompidou raised the “inevitable” (Bundy) issue. “Gentlemen, as you know, Mr. Heath and I have agreed on a compromise that will allow Britain to join the Community. Britain has remained outside Europe for too long and now this historical error will be corrected.” Brandt, who unlike Heath and Pompidou, did not know the US position, asked Kennedy: “Pardon me asking Mr. President, but what the American view on this historic achievement is?” Kennedy replied: “non-interference, non-indifference. As a famous Canadian [1] once said, Parliament will decide.” The other leaders laughed, along with Heath, but the British prime minister was “in a state of wrathful indignation” according to Alec Home. “That bastard knows about the troubles Willie and I have been having with the anti-Marketers.” “Ted, there’s little he can do about it. Most likely Kennedy knows about this from Harold and some old Macmillan-era contacts of his.”
Kennedy was quietly talking to Willy Brandt with Kissinger later that evening when an aide informed him that Heath wished to meet him “for an after-dinner discussion alone.” “Mr. President, I think you know what this is going to be about.” “No kidding” Bobby replied as he stashed a small cigar box in his pocket and left for the upstairs conference room with a Secret Serviceman and his Air Force military aide. Arriving in the conference room, the aide shut the doors and Heath “obviously in need of a Valium” (Kennedy) sharply asked: “When you said Parliament would decide, what exactly did you mean?” Bobby lit a cigar and replied through the “bloody German air” (Heath): “Is there a referendum that I am unaware of? Certainly this cannot be done by Order-in-Council.” “You know what I am referring to.” “I fail to see how an offhand remark translates into some sort of plot on my part. Our policy remains that which I told you last year, non-interference and non-indifference. If the vote passes, I will adjust policy accordingly- same goes for a no vote. But let’s be honest- it will be very close because both your and Harold’s caucuses have at least a third of MPs who will vote no. None of this is a secret: whichever paper you read: the Telegraph, Times, Guardian, Mail they all are saying the same thing. I am not going to be drawn into an argument: we obviously disagree on this but if Britain wants to damage relations because I oppose a political objective of your government, there’s not much I can say. Brezhnev is a Communist, Gandhi a socialist; neither of them have this sort of issue. Now, if you will excuse me, Chancellor Brandt and I have some things to discuss.” Kennedy briskly walked out of the room with his aides, leaving an enraged Heath in the dimly lit room. “I’ll get that bloody Irish toff if it’s the last thing I do” Heath told a shocked Home.
Kennedy lights up while listening to Georges Pompidou speak, flanked by Heath (L) and Brandt (out of camera view). Fontainebleau Summit, Paris, June 14, 1971.
July 9, the White House
Bobby was now fully immersed in the details of next year’s presidential election and was looking over the possible Republican opponents with Larry O’Brien, Fred Dutton and his brother Ted. As they were discussing their strategy against Ronald Reagan, who seemed “the only plausible challenger” in Ted’s words, Bobby grabbed a strip off the AP ticker in the corner of the Oval Office: “REAGAN TO MAKE MAJOR ’72 ANNOUNCEMENT TODAY 10 AM”. Bobby checked his watch: 9:55 AM. He turned on the desktop TV and listened: “I know that many of you were expecting me to seek the presidency next year, but unfortunately life has interfered. My daughter Maureen has been diagnosed with breast cancer, and while the prognosis is optimistic, I do not want to abandon her in her hour of greatest need. Therefore, I will not be seeking the 1972 Republican nomination, nor do I have any other political plans beyond the governorship at this point in time.” Shortly after the press conference ended Bobby called Reagan, who was slightly shocked: “Mr. President, what a pleasant surprise.” “Governor, I just wanted to let you know that we are all hoping and praying for your daughter’s swift recovery, and you have the heartfelt sympathies of the First Lady, I and the entire family.” “Thank you Mr. President, your good wishes are much appreciated.” After a brief conversation Kennedy hung up and said: “it’s very sad, but this also means that we revert to Plan B. Just keep talking up our past record and future plans, hammering whoever is nominated. The Goldwaterite leader is Pete Dominick; who was a smooth-talker in the Connally style but is still an asshole. I should know: we were on HELP together in from ’65 to ’67. Then there’s George Romney, Chuck Percy and Connally. Connally might not run; his conversion was too recent for their liking. Down the road they have Bush in Texas: but he’s too moderate, trade and foreign-policy focused for their liking. Hell, he’s to my left on abortion.”
Gov. Ronald Reagan (R-CA) declares his non-candidacy in 1972 at a Sacramento press conference, July 9
July 28, aboard Air Force One, somewhere over the Sea of Japan
Bobby was quite excited for this trip: it would be his second visit to the Philippines and South Vietnam in under a year. Kissinger noted to Bundy when Kennedy had retreated to the rest area for some sleep: “members of the Foreign Relations Committee would be less than thrilled if they knew that the President’s closest foreign confidant is Ferdinand Marcos.” But such was the case as the 747 began its descent into the hot, humid air of Manila shortly thereafter.
Malacanang Palace
“At least we are both in the same boat: having to deal with election issues that are certainly unhelpful.” “A midterm isn’t the same as running for a second term.” “There is more than a mere congressional election at stake; there is the Constitutional Convention. If everything goes according to plan there will be a transition to a parliamentary system: of course I will be assuming the premiership.” “Why is everyone so infatuated with Aquino? He seems to be creating a lot of smoke but little fire.” “Bob, you hit the nail on the head: the voters want someone new, he is charismatic, as are you and I, but I must continue in office if only to defeat his ambitions to lead the country. All his support is amongst the middle class; those who claim to sympathize with the poor but are the first to move out when those poor arrive in their neighbourhoods.” “I have had my share of phony liberals as well; and though they are a bit more subtle about it than yours the sentiment is largely the same. If you can, I would prefer Plan A, not that Plan B would affect me but because it might backfire domestically.” “Plan A is the ideal, but if Plan B is to be executed the timing will be different than expected. Actually, it will be much earlier than expected as a matter of fact.” “You know I always like a good pre-emptive strike.”
President Robert Kennedy tours Manila before meeting Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos at Malacanang, Aug. 7
Aug. 10, the White House, Cabinet Room
Kennedy and Treasury Secretary Nelson Rockefeller at Fontainebleau, Aug. 1971
Bobby was meeting with the “E” committee to discuss the impending floating of the dollar and the discarding of the gold standard. Rockefeller, Volcker, Minsky and Greenspan all agreed that it was absolutely necessary to “turn the page” on the gold standard’s troubled history. Rockefeller had met with his European counterparts in London to discuss the impending American move the previous week and Kennedy had informed all the European leaders, separately, of his decision beforehand. Rockefeller told Kennedy: “the final piece of the MTFS is now in place” and the change was due to take effect Sept.1. Bobby also knew that the European economies “would take a salvo while we jettison externals and regain manoeuvrability. Maybe even provoke our friend in No 10 to ask Trudeau for some of his less amusing snipes at us to borrow.” After the committee left, Bobby spoke to his old friend David Ormsby-Gore, Lord Harlech, via a transatlantic phone call from the Oval Office, who told him that “there are more rebels on Harold’s side than ours, but sentiment is stalled. Floating the dollar might help the pro-Marketers but most of the caucus is quite unhappy with what Heath has been doing. Between us, Home, Peter Carrington and Macmillan are very upset with Heath for starting this argument with you. It can’t help that your approval rating is in the seventies over here while his are barely in the fifties.”
Philippine legislative election, Aug. 31
303 National Assembly seats
Nacionalista: 205 seats
Liberal: 98 seats
Incumbent Prime Minister: none, position created
Prime Minister-designate: Ferdinand Marcos (N)
[1] Mackenzie King
Bobby had convened the first informal meeting to discuss the upcoming 1972 presidential election with his top political advisers. When O’Brien began laying out a more cautious strategy than Kennedy would have liked, both brothers shot him down: “Larry, quit with the pessimism. Our strategy is a 50-state strategy.” Bobby: “I don’t want a repeat of ’68, I want a repeat of ’64 and the biggest popular and EC margins we can get. Do you see any real Republican opposition out there that I should be worried about? Ronald Reagan, who just had his death penalty law struck down by the California Supreme Court and whose aides are caught up trying to find evidence of [cigarette] copulation against each other? The Goldwaterite nuts who have taken control precinct by precinct? George Romney whose campaign imploded before it began last time? Rocky told me that the Republicans are completely befuddled- over 60% of independents would vote for me in ’72, and even a third of Republicans would as well. Reagan might have a silver tongue, but all I have to do is point to his record and my record, not to mention the healthcare ads. All they have is the Pakistani issue, and since the public favours India anyways they will be running on Beltway issues while I have solved the country’s issues. I have an ambitious second-term agenda, revolving around clean energy and a domestic Peace Corps. There are a few trade agreements I have in mind as well. My most cherished program is TAFTA: Transatlantic Free Trade Area. Not with the EU, just with Britain. Perhaps once Trudeau is defeated next year- he’s deeply unpopular from my reading of the Canadian papers- then that can be expanded as well. We need a Tory government, just without that [cigarette] as PM.
The Kennedy brothers confer in an 1972 Oval Office strategy session, May 12
June 14, aboard Air Force One, somewhere over the Atlantic
Uncharacteristically, Bobby was not with Ethel on Air Force One but spent most of the trip in the conference room with Kissinger and Bundy discussing the agenda for the European-American summit hosted by Georges Pompidou at Fontainebleau. Heath and Brandt would also be in attendance and Kennedy knew that Britain’s EU accession was welcomed by all the other European leaders. Bobby, however, knew what the others did not: sources inside both the Conservative and Labour parties had informed him that both caucuses were deeply split and that, in his friend Lord Harlech’s words “the odds of passage are no better than 50-50”. Kissinger and Kennedy “delighted in this sort of intrigue” as Bundy recalled but he himself had little taste for it. Kissinger told Bobby just before he exited the aircraft: “good thing we discussed this now.”
Chateau de Fontainebleau, Paris
After the European and American photographers left, the four leaders got down to business. Pompidou began by asking Kennedy about the so-called “Chicken Tax” imposed on European light trucks. “It will be repealed before the autumn, being a barrier to competition in that industry.” Brandt thanked the President for allowing for greater Volkswagen exports across the Atlantic, but then Pompidou raised the “inevitable” (Bundy) issue. “Gentlemen, as you know, Mr. Heath and I have agreed on a compromise that will allow Britain to join the Community. Britain has remained outside Europe for too long and now this historical error will be corrected.” Brandt, who unlike Heath and Pompidou, did not know the US position, asked Kennedy: “Pardon me asking Mr. President, but what the American view on this historic achievement is?” Kennedy replied: “non-interference, non-indifference. As a famous Canadian [1] once said, Parliament will decide.” The other leaders laughed, along with Heath, but the British prime minister was “in a state of wrathful indignation” according to Alec Home. “That bastard knows about the troubles Willie and I have been having with the anti-Marketers.” “Ted, there’s little he can do about it. Most likely Kennedy knows about this from Harold and some old Macmillan-era contacts of his.”
Kennedy was quietly talking to Willy Brandt with Kissinger later that evening when an aide informed him that Heath wished to meet him “for an after-dinner discussion alone.” “Mr. President, I think you know what this is going to be about.” “No kidding” Bobby replied as he stashed a small cigar box in his pocket and left for the upstairs conference room with a Secret Serviceman and his Air Force military aide. Arriving in the conference room, the aide shut the doors and Heath “obviously in need of a Valium” (Kennedy) sharply asked: “When you said Parliament would decide, what exactly did you mean?” Bobby lit a cigar and replied through the “bloody German air” (Heath): “Is there a referendum that I am unaware of? Certainly this cannot be done by Order-in-Council.” “You know what I am referring to.” “I fail to see how an offhand remark translates into some sort of plot on my part. Our policy remains that which I told you last year, non-interference and non-indifference. If the vote passes, I will adjust policy accordingly- same goes for a no vote. But let’s be honest- it will be very close because both your and Harold’s caucuses have at least a third of MPs who will vote no. None of this is a secret: whichever paper you read: the Telegraph, Times, Guardian, Mail they all are saying the same thing. I am not going to be drawn into an argument: we obviously disagree on this but if Britain wants to damage relations because I oppose a political objective of your government, there’s not much I can say. Brezhnev is a Communist, Gandhi a socialist; neither of them have this sort of issue. Now, if you will excuse me, Chancellor Brandt and I have some things to discuss.” Kennedy briskly walked out of the room with his aides, leaving an enraged Heath in the dimly lit room. “I’ll get that bloody Irish toff if it’s the last thing I do” Heath told a shocked Home.
Kennedy lights up while listening to Georges Pompidou speak, flanked by Heath (L) and Brandt (out of camera view). Fontainebleau Summit, Paris, June 14, 1971.
July 9, the White House
Bobby was now fully immersed in the details of next year’s presidential election and was looking over the possible Republican opponents with Larry O’Brien, Fred Dutton and his brother Ted. As they were discussing their strategy against Ronald Reagan, who seemed “the only plausible challenger” in Ted’s words, Bobby grabbed a strip off the AP ticker in the corner of the Oval Office: “REAGAN TO MAKE MAJOR ’72 ANNOUNCEMENT TODAY 10 AM”. Bobby checked his watch: 9:55 AM. He turned on the desktop TV and listened: “I know that many of you were expecting me to seek the presidency next year, but unfortunately life has interfered. My daughter Maureen has been diagnosed with breast cancer, and while the prognosis is optimistic, I do not want to abandon her in her hour of greatest need. Therefore, I will not be seeking the 1972 Republican nomination, nor do I have any other political plans beyond the governorship at this point in time.” Shortly after the press conference ended Bobby called Reagan, who was slightly shocked: “Mr. President, what a pleasant surprise.” “Governor, I just wanted to let you know that we are all hoping and praying for your daughter’s swift recovery, and you have the heartfelt sympathies of the First Lady, I and the entire family.” “Thank you Mr. President, your good wishes are much appreciated.” After a brief conversation Kennedy hung up and said: “it’s very sad, but this also means that we revert to Plan B. Just keep talking up our past record and future plans, hammering whoever is nominated. The Goldwaterite leader is Pete Dominick; who was a smooth-talker in the Connally style but is still an asshole. I should know: we were on HELP together in from ’65 to ’67. Then there’s George Romney, Chuck Percy and Connally. Connally might not run; his conversion was too recent for their liking. Down the road they have Bush in Texas: but he’s too moderate, trade and foreign-policy focused for their liking. Hell, he’s to my left on abortion.”
Gov. Ronald Reagan (R-CA) declares his non-candidacy in 1972 at a Sacramento press conference, July 9
July 28, aboard Air Force One, somewhere over the Sea of Japan
Bobby was quite excited for this trip: it would be his second visit to the Philippines and South Vietnam in under a year. Kissinger noted to Bundy when Kennedy had retreated to the rest area for some sleep: “members of the Foreign Relations Committee would be less than thrilled if they knew that the President’s closest foreign confidant is Ferdinand Marcos.” But such was the case as the 747 began its descent into the hot, humid air of Manila shortly thereafter.
Malacanang Palace
“At least we are both in the same boat: having to deal with election issues that are certainly unhelpful.” “A midterm isn’t the same as running for a second term.” “There is more than a mere congressional election at stake; there is the Constitutional Convention. If everything goes according to plan there will be a transition to a parliamentary system: of course I will be assuming the premiership.” “Why is everyone so infatuated with Aquino? He seems to be creating a lot of smoke but little fire.” “Bob, you hit the nail on the head: the voters want someone new, he is charismatic, as are you and I, but I must continue in office if only to defeat his ambitions to lead the country. All his support is amongst the middle class; those who claim to sympathize with the poor but are the first to move out when those poor arrive in their neighbourhoods.” “I have had my share of phony liberals as well; and though they are a bit more subtle about it than yours the sentiment is largely the same. If you can, I would prefer Plan A, not that Plan B would affect me but because it might backfire domestically.” “Plan A is the ideal, but if Plan B is to be executed the timing will be different than expected. Actually, it will be much earlier than expected as a matter of fact.” “You know I always like a good pre-emptive strike.”
President Robert Kennedy tours Manila before meeting Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos at Malacanang, Aug. 7
Aug. 10, the White House, Cabinet Room
Kennedy and Treasury Secretary Nelson Rockefeller at Fontainebleau, Aug. 1971
Bobby was meeting with the “E” committee to discuss the impending floating of the dollar and the discarding of the gold standard. Rockefeller, Volcker, Minsky and Greenspan all agreed that it was absolutely necessary to “turn the page” on the gold standard’s troubled history. Rockefeller had met with his European counterparts in London to discuss the impending American move the previous week and Kennedy had informed all the European leaders, separately, of his decision beforehand. Rockefeller told Kennedy: “the final piece of the MTFS is now in place” and the change was due to take effect Sept.1. Bobby also knew that the European economies “would take a salvo while we jettison externals and regain manoeuvrability. Maybe even provoke our friend in No 10 to ask Trudeau for some of his less amusing snipes at us to borrow.” After the committee left, Bobby spoke to his old friend David Ormsby-Gore, Lord Harlech, via a transatlantic phone call from the Oval Office, who told him that “there are more rebels on Harold’s side than ours, but sentiment is stalled. Floating the dollar might help the pro-Marketers but most of the caucus is quite unhappy with what Heath has been doing. Between us, Home, Peter Carrington and Macmillan are very upset with Heath for starting this argument with you. It can’t help that your approval rating is in the seventies over here while his are barely in the fifties.”
Philippine legislative election, Aug. 31
303 National Assembly seats
Nacionalista: 205 seats
Liberal: 98 seats
Incumbent Prime Minister: none, position created
Prime Minister-designate: Ferdinand Marcos (N)
[1] Mackenzie King
