Excerpt from Sverdlov's Europe by Gennady Serpov
June 15th was a chilling morning, but members of the Soviet leadership (namely the Troika, Narkom of Foreign Affairs Shirinsho Shotemur, and newly promoted General Secretary of the Comintern Nikolai Bulganin) braved the cold to greet the new leaders of Eastern Europe. There was German leader Ernst Thalmann, who caused a minor scandal by giving Sverdlov a great bear hug, Austrians Ruth Fischer[1] and Spanish Civil War hero Manfred Stern, a group of Hungarians led by Bela Kun (who by that point had spent almost a third of his life in Soviet exile), Romanian leader Gheorghe Gheorgiu-Dej, and Czechoslovak 1st Secretary Rudolf Slansky (KSC chairman Klement Gottwald was recuperating from an illness and thus couldn't attend). They met to discuss the future of Eastern Europe and bring about a new order. After a week of talks they emerged with the Treaty of Moscow. At first glance the treaty was quite generous. The USSR agreed to help rebuild the countries it occupied, and hand off power to the local Communists. The Soviets pledged “strict nonintervention” in the internal affairs of these new states, as long as the countries “followed the principles of Leninism.” However the treaty also created a military alliance “against counterrevolution and capitalism” and granted the Soviets the right to station troops and build military bases without requesting the consent of the country involved. The provision that “all foreign affairs undertaken shall align with the decisions of the Comintern” meant that in Sverdlov's Europe foreign policy was directed by Moscow. In effect Eastern Europe was left in the strange gray area between puppet states and independent countries.
Between July 1942 and the start of the Third Great War in December Soviet occupation was formally ended and power transferred to the local Communists[2]. There were no elections to legitimize the new order; as Sverdlov put it “The reactionaries are too strong in these countries, and thus an election would only serve to move us backwards.”[3] The governing structures of the new states was almost a perfect copy of the Soviet structure. Like the USSR power rested in the Central Committee and the Politburo, which were elected by a party Congress. While in every state except for Czechoslovakia the leader was the Chairman of the Secretariat (known as the 1st Secretary in Czechoslovakia and Romania) they didn't rule alone. The tradition of collective leadership was to Sverdlov a fundamental principle of Leninism, and he ensured that the other states followed the same model[4]. The other principle of Leninism the new rulers followed was that of the vanguard party. The parties were not mass movements, but rather comprised a small percentage of the population (from a low of 4% in Romania to a high of 15% in Germany).
The next step was to cement Communist rule. As in the Soviet Union terror played a key role. The case of Germany in particular illustrates the emergence of this system. The Soviets took special interest in Germany, following Lenin's dictum that “the principle link in the chain of revolution is the German link, and the success of world revolution depends more on Germany than upon any other country.” Thus no expense was spared when it came to building the Volkspolizei (People's Police, also known as the Vopo)[5]. As historian Robert Conquest writes the Soviets “combined the infrastructure of the Gestapo with the cruelties of the NKVB to create one of the most brutal secret police agencies in history.” From January 1943 (when the KPD Central Committee issued a decree ordering the use of mass terror) to August 1949 the Vopo was unleashed upon the German population. Given the nature of Hitler's regime almost every German had some connection to the Nazi Party, a fact the Vopo used to justify what amounted to random acts of terror. The prisons quickly overflowed with people; for example in Spandau Prison it wasn't uncommon to see 50 people stuffed into a cell. One prisoner, a former Reichstag Deputy for the Social Democrats, remember Spandau Prison as “the worst place in the world. Us prisoners were stuffed into filthy cells with barely room to breathe the fetid air. The screaming of men in the torture chambers formed the soundtrack to this misery.” To obtain confessions prisoners were put on the Conveyor, a system of constant torment developed by the Cheka. Once on the Conveyor a person could be tortured for days at a time, often while being forced to stand or sit in one spot without moving. The pain was agonizing, and all but the strongest men were reduced to gibbering wrecks after a few days on the Conveyor. Once they confessed the prisoners faced two fates: they were either executed (typically by guillotine, another legacy of the Nazi regime. More people were executed by this method in Communist Germany than during the entire Reign of Terror) or they were sent to prison camps. Concentration camps such as Sachsenhausen and Sobibor were reopened to hold the waves of detainees, while many others were sent to the Siberian Gulags. 700,000 Germans were imprisoned during the time period, and similar waves of terror gripped all the countries under Soviet domination.
The Communists also sought control of the cultural sphere. Control over the media had been easily established, and the waves of terror swept away many of the Communists' intellectual opponents (who in many cases had already been largely destroyed by the Fascists. In Germany for instance many intellectuals were described as having taken “The Sachsenhausen-Kolyma Express”). The Communists also began inserting themselves into every aspect of public life. In a similar process to the Nazi Gleichschaltung clubs and other social organizations were forced to register with the government, at which point Party members and informants joined (in addition only Party members were allowed to be club officers). Other social groups such as youth groups and unions were absorbed into the Party outright. In most cases this was done with little resistance, for the Eastern European populace's will had been broken by Fascism and war. The big exception to this was in the area of religion. For the Communists religious institutions were seen as the gravest threat. This was particularly true of the Catholic Church, with Sverdlov even going as far as to say “The Pope has a secret army, one that is in many ways more powerful than the forces of Hitler”[6]. A campaign to destroy religion was launched in every country. The secret police moved through the religious community like a scythe, killing priests, seizing church lands, and destroying Bibles and icons. Only a small number of churches were left standing. Derisively nicknamed “the Sverdlovist Church” these institutions were made up of priests who had sworn loyalty to the state (and often agreed to become informers). They cut all ties with their colleagues in non-Communist countries and taught a message of obedience to the new regimes. Even attending these churches was dangerous however. For Party members religious affiliation meant being removed from the Party, with the corresponding loss in privileges, while non-Party members risked being seen as politically unreliable and possibly arrested. Communist propaganda also played its part by portraying priests as agents of Fascism and being against reason and progress. As a result by the early 1950s religious practice had largely been driven underground.
[1] Unlike Stalin Sverdlov didn't kick Fischer out of the Comintern, so at this point ITTL she's still a Communist.
[2] Even in Germany and Romania, however due to need to root out Fascism the Soviets took a much greater role in these countries.
[3] This is in contrast to Stalin, who used democracy to disguise his rule in Eastern Europe. Sverdlov has no interest in doing such.
[4] The leadership was:
The Socialist Republic of Germany: Ernst Thalmann, Walter Ulbricht, and Wilhelm Zaisser
The People's Republic of Austria: Ruth Fischer and Manfred Stern
The Hungarian Soviet Republic: Bela Kun, Matyas Rakosi, and Laszlo Rajk
The People's Democratic Republic of Romania: Gheorghe Gheorgiu-Dej, Ana Pauker, and Vasile Luca
The Socialist Republic of Czechoslovakia: Klement Gottwald and Rudolf Slansky
[5] IOTL the Volkspolizei was the national police force of East Germany, responsible for things such as criminal investigations.
[6] Again in contrast to Stalin, who famously said "The Pope? How many divisions has he got."