I'm reading too. I don't post much these days as I mostly access the Internet via my phone, but I'm avidly following and much enjoying. 
The House of Palaiologos, Against the Tide: An Eastern Roman Timeline
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OK Avitus,and their name....legion!and many more lurking,I am certain;they want to see how you work your rational and balance better than your main competitor Thread....and they will appear.
One point though:You personal views and beliefs are personal of course and none can either intrude or discuss them.
In a historical sense nevertheless religion was of great import those days otherwise where did the Inquisition get its evil fame from? it was so strong that monarchs used it as a weapon, others feared it and...Luther revolted
(justifiably so) and that generated two hundred years of religious and religious/political wars(that gave birth to some of the greatest military minds of the second Millenium AD) that changed Europe as we new it.Therefore your answer to Tongera is not entirely correct...
One point though:You personal views and beliefs are personal of course and none can either intrude or discuss them.
In a historical sense nevertheless religion was of great import those days otherwise where did the Inquisition get its evil fame from? it was so strong that monarchs used it as a weapon, others feared it and...Luther revolted
(justifiably so) and that generated two hundred years of religious and religious/political wars(that gave birth to some of the greatest military minds of the second Millenium AD) that changed Europe as we new it.Therefore your answer to Tongera is not entirely correct...
Trebizond to the Turks?rather unlikely...None would allow that;it constitutes a great danger to Ucraine Russia and Constantinople and their leaders would not be fools to allow Turkish exit to the Black sea...
I'll comply with your obvious attempt to solicit more posts. I'm enjoying this timeline immensely.
Thanks for the responces. I must say seeing so many is a pleasant surprize. Here is a big update to cover the first half of 1492. I imagine that it'll take most of you by surprize
1492, Part One
"Never have I known one so unwavering, nor wronged anyone so badly, as her."- Philip, Dauphin of France, on Charlotte of Savoy
The better part of southern and central Europe has become engulfed in war. While up to this point fighting has been limited to the revolt of Charlotte of Savoy in France and the Imperial Electoral War in the Holy Roman Empire, a dramatic shift occurs with the declaration of two new wars. The first is the emergence of John of Burgundy, who declares war upon his father from his base of operations in Provence on grounds of heresy, falsifying claims, illegal imprisonment of nobility (namely Charlotte of Savoy), and on charges of madness (1). He is joined in his efforts by a great host of allies, including Francis II, Duke of Brittany, the Austrian imperial claimant Christoph von Habsburg, Duke Carlo of Savoy, King Alfonso XII of Castile, King Edward I of Naples, and Pope Innocent VIII. King Richard III of England also declares in favor of John, after learning of the French financial support for his brother George’s short lived reign, though the English mainly use this as an excuse to raid French ships, with no action on mainland France, primarily due to England’s exhaustion following their own recent civil war. On the side of Charles VIII of France stand his allies in Germany, by this point mainly consisting of the Palatinate, the Electorate of Cologne, and Bavaria-Landshut, and his ever faithful ally in King Philip I of Aragon. Charles, Duke of Milan, notably stays out of the war, most likely on account of his being surrounded by the Papacy, Austria, and Savoy.
The second war to break out is far more unexpected for many, and its causes bear more looking into as a result. In Cyprus, King Andreas I Palaiologos has reigned for two decades, and in that time he has not been able to conceive an heir by his wife Charlotte de Lusignan. King Andreas has been a fairly unimportant ruler, and despite reigning over one of the few places that has been made stronger by the union of the churches (given Cyprus’ long history of Catholic aristocracy and Orthodox peasantry) has proved to be inactive, often preferring base pleasures such as hunting, sex, and good food over the ruling of his nation. King Andreas’ lack of an heir has left his younger brother Manuel as his heir apparent, affording him a good deal of de facto power in his brother’s court. Unlike his brother, Manuel (who is married to Charlotte de Lusignan’s illegitimate niece of the same name) has had no problems siring heirs, and by 1492 has three sons, Thomas, James, and Basilios, aged 11, 7, and 4, respectively. His personality is quite opposite to Andreas’ own, and he has spent many hours agonizing over how close his branch of the family came to seizing Constantinople after Constantine XI’s death.
A man of action as well as dreams, Manuel has, in the absence of a strong ruler, become a strong political player behind the scenes of the Eastern Mediterranean. While he lacks a nation to command, his control of finances in Cyprus and the surrounding nations has made him a merchant prince on par with all but the wealthiest of monarchs. More importantly, he has quite a few angles and rivalries to play off to his advantage. When he lands in Morea in December of 1491, he has taken full advantage of these. Without a doubt, his greatest and most determined ally is Sultan Orhan II of the Ottoman Empire. Orhan has long since become aware of the fact that the Romans were funding Bayezid’s rebellion through Trebizond, and has sought revenge upon those responsible, and recovery of not just the territories lost in the war, but also the whole of the Kingdom of Smyrna, as well as Sinop and the surrounding lands. Manuel offers the easiest possible route to these aims, as he cares nothing for Smyrna and Trebizond, and will gladly part with Nicomedia if it means that he can be emperor in Constantinople. The final deal also stipulates that Manuel must provide Orhan with aid in the event of a Hungarian intervention on Smyrna’s behalf, but with all of the great powers of the west busy and Hungary still recovering from King Janos II’s disastrous Serbian campaign intervention in Smyrna is decidedly unlikely.
Manuel’s other great ally, more surprisingly, is one of Ioannes IX’s supposed allies, Doge Agostino Barbarigo of Venice. Never one to resist a chance at profit, the doge is swayed by Manuel’s offers to them too. In addition to the total abolition of trade dues for the Venetians in the empire, Manuel offers the islands of Samos and Chios, and the full use of Constantinople’s Galata district (to the same extent as such was allowed to the Genoese in past times). While not an explicit offer of territory, it is also agreed that Manuel will not intervene in events in the Crimea, where Theodoro, as a nominal vassal of Trebizond, has begun to cut into the trade of the Venetian colonies that were gained after the fall of Genoa, and have begun to strike up a sizeable grain trade of their own in the wake of their seizure of the peninsula from the Crimean Khanate some years before.
When Manuel lands, he also begins marketing himself as a true son of Orthodoxy, despite his previous affiliation with the union on Cyprus, gaining him support in much of Greece south of Thessalonica, and in intermittent patches between Thessalonica and Constantinople. Under these circumstances, Emperor Ioannes IX is careful to retain control of both Patriarch Manuel III and the Constantinopolitan mob, but the suddenness of Manuel of Cyprus’ landing makes securing all of the empire’s urban centers against revolt impossible, and in early January Mystras defects to Manuel and his forces, who are a motley mix of Cypriots and Turks, with a few Italian and Cilician mercenaries thrown in for good measure. Mystras’ bloodless betrayal also means that all of the urban thematic troops stationed there are neatly gathered and ready to join him, highlighting perhaps the greatest weaknesses of the urban thematic system, and the later impetus for the empire’s move towards professional forces in the 16th century. Similarly the themes of Attica and Thessaly are swayed with minimal bloodshed, greatly augmenting Manuel’s forces as he travels north.
Of course, such movements are hardly capable of being ignored by the emperor in Constantinople, and a force numbering 10,000 men is hastily assembled, including men from the Macedonian, Thracian, and Marmara Theme, among others, and put into the field under the command of Strategos Graitzas Palaiologos in late February. In addition, the emperor sends his eldest son David, now age fifteen, out alongside this force, along with half the Latin Guard (1,250 men) for protection, and the guard’s second in command, Aurelio di Forli, as his personal bodyguard (2). An additional 3,000 men are raised to aid in preventing mob rule in the capital, leaving the city with some 4,000 defenders on hand, and another 10,000 men ready to be conscripted if need be.
By rushing with all haste the main imperial army is able to reach Thessalonica a week in advance of the rebels, and is able to erect some basic defensive earthworks on which to place their artillery at a sight roughly five miles down the road from the city of Thessalonica itself. In order to keep him as safe as possible, it is agreed that the young co-emperor David I should be placed in command of the vanguard, made up of his Latin Guard troops. The battle there will long be remembered for many reasons, not least among them the casualties.
Thessalonica, March 29th, 1492
The wind blew in from the west. David inhaled deeply through his nose. A pleasant odor of trees and soil there was, and the familiar smell of horses, but it was intermingled with gun smoke and the bitter coppery scent of blood. He knew more than enough to understand why Graitzas had kept him away from the fighting, but at this distance he couldn’t even tell what was going on, much less be of use if the vanguard was needed. His horse whinnied nervously, and David patted the beast gently to steady it. The cries of battle could be heard in the distance, but for the moment there was nothing telling, nothing discernible, nothing useful.
All of a sudden David heard hoof beats galloping his way. As the horseman appeared at the top of the hill separating them from the battle, Aurelio moved his horse forwards to place himself between the newcomer and David. “Fall back!” cried the horseman, “Fall back to the walls of Thessalonica!” “Weaving his way around Aurelio David rode towards the frantically calling horseman, yelling, “Halt, in the name of the emperor!” to him as he did so. Panting and spluttering, the man complied, and David rode up alongside him and, taking a moment to carefully choose his words and tone, said, “You’d better have the devil himself following you, to be deserting and calling my men to follow you into disgrace.” “Basileus,” the man gasped, “forgive me but you must leave this place! The good strategos is dead!” “What! How!” demanded David. “He was betrayed by those bastards from the Attica theme that joined us back in Adrianople. They quit the field and left him to die. There wasn’t anything we could do.”
The news hit David like a ton of bricks, and for a moment he simply stared off into space while trying to gather himself. That’s when it occurred to him to ask, “What of the cannons?” “What about them?” grunted the soldier. “Have they been captured by the enemy you fool, and if the next words out of your mouth don’t tell me exactly what I want to know you’ll be eating your own teeth!” “Last I saw they weren’t taken, but the gun crews had abandoned them.” “Is there anything still standing between them and the enemy?” demanded David. “Only the Macedonians hadn’t quit the field by the time I left, but they won’t last long alone, if they are even still fighting now.” It took no more convincing than this for David, and he turned to Aurelio and said, “Gather the horsemen and the crossbowmen, we make for the guns immediately. And you,” said David turning to the horseman, “prepare to ride back with us, now.” “Basileus!” called Aurelio, “You aren’t seriously going to risk us all on those guns? Your father ordered me to protect you. I’ll not help you throw away the lives of yourself and every man in this company for nothing!” Turning his mount back to face Aurelio, David glared at him with fire in his eyes. “My father ordered you to obey me and defend me, but here you stand doing the opposite of both. If those guns fall into the enemy’s hands then Thessalonica will fall within the week, and I may not even have time to make good my escape. If we retain them then by depriving of the enemy of them we prolong Thessalonica’s resistance by months, and by bringing them back to the city we offer them artillery pieces that may prove the difference in an assault. I will not have my authority questioned by you, and if you value your head you will assemble the cavalry and the crossbows, NOW!”
Aurelio took no further convincing, and within moments the guard had been assembled in its entirety. “Men, I regret to inform you that this battle is lost, but we may yet avoid catastrophe if we ride now to reclaim the artillery, and prevent the fall of Thessalonica! I want the infantry to remain here, and hold the crest of that hill with your lives.” he said, pointing towards the great hill between them and the battlefield. “I want two men to every horse, a horseman in front and a crossbowman behind him. The moment we reach the guns, I want the crossbowmen to dismount and fire on the enemy, and the horsemen to begin hitching their mounts to the cannons. We only have one shot at this, now mount up and ride with me, for Thessalonica!” “Thessalonica!” sounded the guard, and in a moment they were off. Lowering the visor of his helmet, David breathed a sigh of resignation, and turning his horse in the direction of the battle he quietly said to himself, “So this is war.”
* * * * *
The Battle of Thessalonica is a disastrous defeat for the imperial forces. The betrayal of some men from the Attic theme, commanded by Isaac Sergiopoulos is primarily to blame. Placed in a critical position along the imperial right flank, they betrayed their comrades and quit the field early, leaving the flank exposed, which allowed the Strategos Graitzas Palaiologos to become surrounded and killed. Without their leader the imperial forces begin to deteriorate, with the soldiers of the Thracian Theme fleeing first and the Marmara Theme following close behind. Only the Macedonian Themeatic soldiers held their ground, and it is thanks to their bravery that the young co-emperor David Palaiologos is able to mount an organized retreat under the cover of crossbow fire from the Latin Guard, and in the process retain control of the artillery. Just over half of their forces of the imperial army are lost, with the casualties coming primarily from the Macedonians, and the Attic soldiers’ mass defection accounting for the second worst losses. The remnant of the army retreat to Thessalonica, and there present stiff opposition from within the walls, while David Palaiologos and the survivors from the Latin Guard ride hard back to Constantinople.
Unfortunately the empire’s problems are far from over. In June, Orhan II officially joins the war, followed quickly by Doge Agostino Barbarigo of Venice. Within weeks some 10,000 Ottoman soldiers have been sent via Venetian transports to aid Manuel in Macedonia, and he leaves them to take care of the siege operations in Thessalonica while he marches east along towards Constantinople. The Venetians also use the element of surprise to swoop down upon Samos, Chios, and Lesbos, taking each in turn without much fighting, before sending forces to the Crimea to attempt an invasion of Theodoro, placing Doros (3) under siege in October.
Orhan II, being of less than sound health at the time, sends his son and heir Prince Ahmed out to the fight, where he attempts to press into the Kingdom of Smyrna first. Smyrna being under the command of King Mathias’ youngest son Ladislaus, a boy of just twelve, the Kingdom can offer little in the way of organized resistance, and instead like a turtle attempts to weather the invasion by hiding in the shell of the walls of the cities. This does make the going somewhat slow for Ahmed and his forces, but with 40,000 soldiers and a powerful rebuilt artillery train he has recaptured the Bodrum peninsula within a month, but soon finds himself held up there by naval raids from the Knights of Rhodes, who take advantage of the narrow peninsula to make brief inland forays to steal supplies and kill unsuspecting soldiers, before returning to their ships and taking their prizes back to Rhodes.
In the west, Charles VIII of France is tired of being given the runaround in Bavaria. When spring falls, he hits the forces of Bavaria-Munich hard and fast, and with his aggressive assaults and cavalry tactics is able to lay siege to Munich itself in May. With Charles tied down at Munich, the Brandenburgers reoccupy Saxony with relative ease, but Charles has by this point given upon Saxony, and with the Landshut Bavarians keeping the Brandenburgers from pushing further south their advance stalls. Outnumbered two to one, the Habsburgs are forced to stay on the sidelines by Maximilian’s pragmatic approach to war. While nobody expects him to fight, even should Vienna itself come under siege, Emperor Christoph apparently takes a liking to military gear and drill, and he and his bodyguards can frequently be seen riding in various places around the city, with Christoph loudly leading the way. To his credit, he only falls from his horse once during these exercises, sustaining no injuries in the process, though many comment that his order to banish the horse responsible was unreasonable.
In France, the spring brings civil war, as John of Burgundy’s long planned attack comes to fruition. Already only loosely controlled by the king’s forces, southern France is quick to fall, though the sheer size of the area means that considerable time is taken in attempting to secure it all the same. In Iberia, King Alfonso XII declares war on Aragon, demanding that King Philip I renounce Antipope Alexander VI or face destruction. Philip attempts to resist, but the reign of King Alfonso of Castile has seen the Castilian army and navy turned into one of the most formidable forces in the known world. Two forces are sent out, each numbering 20,000 men, and one personally commanded by King Alfonso. King Alfonso’s force moves to take Navarre, while the second force besieges Valencia, and the navy blockades Barcelona, raiding the nearby countryside regularly as they do so. Soon Navarre and Valencia have fallen, and King Philip is forced to beg peace of the Castilians. Mercifully, King Alfonso demands only Navarre, and that Pope Innocent VIII be recognized, which given the circumstances Philip is now glad to accept.
With Duke Francis II of Brittany declaring for John of Burgundy in May, Antipope Alexander VI finds that there is no longer a viable reason to try Charlotte of Savoy fairly, as all of the Kingdom’s Dukes have already betrayed him (or so he thought). In response to this, her execution is scheduled for May 27th, and the method, as a show of ecclesiastical power on Alexander’s part, is to be burning at the stake.
Paris, France, May 27th, 1492
Charlotte was led by the Papal guards, out into the streets. Up until recently her confinement had been luxurious, as could be expected for a woman of her birth status, but the last ten days had been a hell on earth, as she’d been transferred out of her private holding cell and into a public cell filled with common criminals. Even fresh and terrible as the memories were they felt distant, as though it couldn’t possibly be her, and she thanked God fervently for the small mercy that the Dauphin Philip had proven to be. When he’s heard what had become of her, he had personally come to her rescue, and she felt sure that were it not for him she’d be marching down these streets filthy and naked, without even having had last rites. He had brought her a priest, a dress, a hot meal, and a room to herself for her last day.
As she walked down the street, the people jeered and yelled all manner of hurtful remarks and curses, but she could see also those who simply stared sadly, or shook their heads mournfully, or even just looked at the ground as she passed. The smell of rain hung in the air, and Charlotte gazed up at the clouds. A single small drop of rain fell upon her cheek, just below her eye, and she breathed a long shuddering sigh. The walk to the square was not long, and she could see the ugly pillar of kindling to which she was being led soon enough. Mercifully, she could see that it would be a large fire, and that there was a chance that she would not survive to be burned to death on account of the smoke. She stared transfixed upon the spot that she knew would be where she stood during her last moments upon the earth.
When she entered the square she could see that many of the more prominent persons in the city had gathered to watch. Even the Dauphin and Alexander VI were gathered, and even despite her own predicament Charlotte’s cheeks grew red with anger when she saw that a canvas supported by four priests was held above Alexander’s head to shield him from the rain. In short order the men leading her had bound her to the pole by way of ropes about the waist, arms, calves, and neck. As he finished tying the rope about her neck, one of the executioners looked her in the eye and said, “Please forgive me, were that I could I would set you free.” “I do,” whispered Charlotte, “May God bless you.” “And you,” said the executioner, bowing his head as he stepped down from the pyre.
Antipope Alexander stepped forwards, and in a loud voice called out, “Lady Charlotte of Savoy, you stand accused of heresy and treason against the Kingdom of France. Have you any final testament to offer before we consign you to the fire and to God’s holy judgment?” “On whose authority do you do this? I have spoken out not against the church, but your own abuses, and the people have followed me because I have spoken the truth. We are the church, and we have spoken out against you. That you stand against we, the church of Christ on earth makes you the heretic!” “Enough!” barks Alexander. “The people have already heard your lies. We now consign you to the purifying fire, may God have mercy on your soul.” As he says this, the executioner sets his torch to the pyre, and the dry wood catches quickly despite the rainclouds overhead.
A low rumble of thunder can be heard in the distance, and as the fire comes up to her feet and begins to nip at her dress, Charlotte defiantly cries, “Nous Sommes l’Eglise!” one last time. A voice in the crowd takes up the call, then two, then four, and as the fire licks at her knees, Charlotte can hear the crowd erupt, chanting, “Nous Sommes l’Eglise!” just as they did in Marseilles. In a final act of defiance, Charlotte finds the face of Alexander VI in the crowd staring up at her, and despite the pain of the fire she smirks at him. Then, as the smoke begins to invade her air, she looks up at the sky in silent prayer, in a world apart from the scene below.
“Men, arrest him and cut down Lady Savoy!” shouts the Dauphin to his guards as he points an accusing finger at Alexander. “What is the meaning of this!?” shouts Alexander over the sounds of the crowd and the fire. “I have made my own judgment, and she is innocent. Now take him away. I want him to stand trial for this and many other abuses!” At that moment the sky opens, and the rain that has been building all morning comes down at last, putting out the fire in the process. The guards soon find that their efforts have been in vain, as the lady is cut down, and while only the bottoms of her feet are burned, the smoke has taken her breath away, and carried her away from the troubles of the weary world below.
* * * * *
(1) To this day people question the sanity of King Charles VIII of France in tha latter portion of his reign.
(2) Aurelio has showed up allot with Ioannes, most notably as a massive c**k block in Ioannes first narrative appearance.
(3) Also known as Mangup, the capital of Theodoro, abandoned in modern times IOTL.
1492, Part One
"Never have I known one so unwavering, nor wronged anyone so badly, as her."- Philip, Dauphin of France, on Charlotte of Savoy
The better part of southern and central Europe has become engulfed in war. While up to this point fighting has been limited to the revolt of Charlotte of Savoy in France and the Imperial Electoral War in the Holy Roman Empire, a dramatic shift occurs with the declaration of two new wars. The first is the emergence of John of Burgundy, who declares war upon his father from his base of operations in Provence on grounds of heresy, falsifying claims, illegal imprisonment of nobility (namely Charlotte of Savoy), and on charges of madness (1). He is joined in his efforts by a great host of allies, including Francis II, Duke of Brittany, the Austrian imperial claimant Christoph von Habsburg, Duke Carlo of Savoy, King Alfonso XII of Castile, King Edward I of Naples, and Pope Innocent VIII. King Richard III of England also declares in favor of John, after learning of the French financial support for his brother George’s short lived reign, though the English mainly use this as an excuse to raid French ships, with no action on mainland France, primarily due to England’s exhaustion following their own recent civil war. On the side of Charles VIII of France stand his allies in Germany, by this point mainly consisting of the Palatinate, the Electorate of Cologne, and Bavaria-Landshut, and his ever faithful ally in King Philip I of Aragon. Charles, Duke of Milan, notably stays out of the war, most likely on account of his being surrounded by the Papacy, Austria, and Savoy.
The second war to break out is far more unexpected for many, and its causes bear more looking into as a result. In Cyprus, King Andreas I Palaiologos has reigned for two decades, and in that time he has not been able to conceive an heir by his wife Charlotte de Lusignan. King Andreas has been a fairly unimportant ruler, and despite reigning over one of the few places that has been made stronger by the union of the churches (given Cyprus’ long history of Catholic aristocracy and Orthodox peasantry) has proved to be inactive, often preferring base pleasures such as hunting, sex, and good food over the ruling of his nation. King Andreas’ lack of an heir has left his younger brother Manuel as his heir apparent, affording him a good deal of de facto power in his brother’s court. Unlike his brother, Manuel (who is married to Charlotte de Lusignan’s illegitimate niece of the same name) has had no problems siring heirs, and by 1492 has three sons, Thomas, James, and Basilios, aged 11, 7, and 4, respectively. His personality is quite opposite to Andreas’ own, and he has spent many hours agonizing over how close his branch of the family came to seizing Constantinople after Constantine XI’s death.
A man of action as well as dreams, Manuel has, in the absence of a strong ruler, become a strong political player behind the scenes of the Eastern Mediterranean. While he lacks a nation to command, his control of finances in Cyprus and the surrounding nations has made him a merchant prince on par with all but the wealthiest of monarchs. More importantly, he has quite a few angles and rivalries to play off to his advantage. When he lands in Morea in December of 1491, he has taken full advantage of these. Without a doubt, his greatest and most determined ally is Sultan Orhan II of the Ottoman Empire. Orhan has long since become aware of the fact that the Romans were funding Bayezid’s rebellion through Trebizond, and has sought revenge upon those responsible, and recovery of not just the territories lost in the war, but also the whole of the Kingdom of Smyrna, as well as Sinop and the surrounding lands. Manuel offers the easiest possible route to these aims, as he cares nothing for Smyrna and Trebizond, and will gladly part with Nicomedia if it means that he can be emperor in Constantinople. The final deal also stipulates that Manuel must provide Orhan with aid in the event of a Hungarian intervention on Smyrna’s behalf, but with all of the great powers of the west busy and Hungary still recovering from King Janos II’s disastrous Serbian campaign intervention in Smyrna is decidedly unlikely.
Manuel’s other great ally, more surprisingly, is one of Ioannes IX’s supposed allies, Doge Agostino Barbarigo of Venice. Never one to resist a chance at profit, the doge is swayed by Manuel’s offers to them too. In addition to the total abolition of trade dues for the Venetians in the empire, Manuel offers the islands of Samos and Chios, and the full use of Constantinople’s Galata district (to the same extent as such was allowed to the Genoese in past times). While not an explicit offer of territory, it is also agreed that Manuel will not intervene in events in the Crimea, where Theodoro, as a nominal vassal of Trebizond, has begun to cut into the trade of the Venetian colonies that were gained after the fall of Genoa, and have begun to strike up a sizeable grain trade of their own in the wake of their seizure of the peninsula from the Crimean Khanate some years before.
When Manuel lands, he also begins marketing himself as a true son of Orthodoxy, despite his previous affiliation with the union on Cyprus, gaining him support in much of Greece south of Thessalonica, and in intermittent patches between Thessalonica and Constantinople. Under these circumstances, Emperor Ioannes IX is careful to retain control of both Patriarch Manuel III and the Constantinopolitan mob, but the suddenness of Manuel of Cyprus’ landing makes securing all of the empire’s urban centers against revolt impossible, and in early January Mystras defects to Manuel and his forces, who are a motley mix of Cypriots and Turks, with a few Italian and Cilician mercenaries thrown in for good measure. Mystras’ bloodless betrayal also means that all of the urban thematic troops stationed there are neatly gathered and ready to join him, highlighting perhaps the greatest weaknesses of the urban thematic system, and the later impetus for the empire’s move towards professional forces in the 16th century. Similarly the themes of Attica and Thessaly are swayed with minimal bloodshed, greatly augmenting Manuel’s forces as he travels north.
Of course, such movements are hardly capable of being ignored by the emperor in Constantinople, and a force numbering 10,000 men is hastily assembled, including men from the Macedonian, Thracian, and Marmara Theme, among others, and put into the field under the command of Strategos Graitzas Palaiologos in late February. In addition, the emperor sends his eldest son David, now age fifteen, out alongside this force, along with half the Latin Guard (1,250 men) for protection, and the guard’s second in command, Aurelio di Forli, as his personal bodyguard (2). An additional 3,000 men are raised to aid in preventing mob rule in the capital, leaving the city with some 4,000 defenders on hand, and another 10,000 men ready to be conscripted if need be.
By rushing with all haste the main imperial army is able to reach Thessalonica a week in advance of the rebels, and is able to erect some basic defensive earthworks on which to place their artillery at a sight roughly five miles down the road from the city of Thessalonica itself. In order to keep him as safe as possible, it is agreed that the young co-emperor David I should be placed in command of the vanguard, made up of his Latin Guard troops. The battle there will long be remembered for many reasons, not least among them the casualties.
Thessalonica, March 29th, 1492
The wind blew in from the west. David inhaled deeply through his nose. A pleasant odor of trees and soil there was, and the familiar smell of horses, but it was intermingled with gun smoke and the bitter coppery scent of blood. He knew more than enough to understand why Graitzas had kept him away from the fighting, but at this distance he couldn’t even tell what was going on, much less be of use if the vanguard was needed. His horse whinnied nervously, and David patted the beast gently to steady it. The cries of battle could be heard in the distance, but for the moment there was nothing telling, nothing discernible, nothing useful.
All of a sudden David heard hoof beats galloping his way. As the horseman appeared at the top of the hill separating them from the battle, Aurelio moved his horse forwards to place himself between the newcomer and David. “Fall back!” cried the horseman, “Fall back to the walls of Thessalonica!” “Weaving his way around Aurelio David rode towards the frantically calling horseman, yelling, “Halt, in the name of the emperor!” to him as he did so. Panting and spluttering, the man complied, and David rode up alongside him and, taking a moment to carefully choose his words and tone, said, “You’d better have the devil himself following you, to be deserting and calling my men to follow you into disgrace.” “Basileus,” the man gasped, “forgive me but you must leave this place! The good strategos is dead!” “What! How!” demanded David. “He was betrayed by those bastards from the Attica theme that joined us back in Adrianople. They quit the field and left him to die. There wasn’t anything we could do.”
The news hit David like a ton of bricks, and for a moment he simply stared off into space while trying to gather himself. That’s when it occurred to him to ask, “What of the cannons?” “What about them?” grunted the soldier. “Have they been captured by the enemy you fool, and if the next words out of your mouth don’t tell me exactly what I want to know you’ll be eating your own teeth!” “Last I saw they weren’t taken, but the gun crews had abandoned them.” “Is there anything still standing between them and the enemy?” demanded David. “Only the Macedonians hadn’t quit the field by the time I left, but they won’t last long alone, if they are even still fighting now.” It took no more convincing than this for David, and he turned to Aurelio and said, “Gather the horsemen and the crossbowmen, we make for the guns immediately. And you,” said David turning to the horseman, “prepare to ride back with us, now.” “Basileus!” called Aurelio, “You aren’t seriously going to risk us all on those guns? Your father ordered me to protect you. I’ll not help you throw away the lives of yourself and every man in this company for nothing!” Turning his mount back to face Aurelio, David glared at him with fire in his eyes. “My father ordered you to obey me and defend me, but here you stand doing the opposite of both. If those guns fall into the enemy’s hands then Thessalonica will fall within the week, and I may not even have time to make good my escape. If we retain them then by depriving of the enemy of them we prolong Thessalonica’s resistance by months, and by bringing them back to the city we offer them artillery pieces that may prove the difference in an assault. I will not have my authority questioned by you, and if you value your head you will assemble the cavalry and the crossbows, NOW!”
Aurelio took no further convincing, and within moments the guard had been assembled in its entirety. “Men, I regret to inform you that this battle is lost, but we may yet avoid catastrophe if we ride now to reclaim the artillery, and prevent the fall of Thessalonica! I want the infantry to remain here, and hold the crest of that hill with your lives.” he said, pointing towards the great hill between them and the battlefield. “I want two men to every horse, a horseman in front and a crossbowman behind him. The moment we reach the guns, I want the crossbowmen to dismount and fire on the enemy, and the horsemen to begin hitching their mounts to the cannons. We only have one shot at this, now mount up and ride with me, for Thessalonica!” “Thessalonica!” sounded the guard, and in a moment they were off. Lowering the visor of his helmet, David breathed a sigh of resignation, and turning his horse in the direction of the battle he quietly said to himself, “So this is war.”
* * * * *
The Battle of Thessalonica is a disastrous defeat for the imperial forces. The betrayal of some men from the Attic theme, commanded by Isaac Sergiopoulos is primarily to blame. Placed in a critical position along the imperial right flank, they betrayed their comrades and quit the field early, leaving the flank exposed, which allowed the Strategos Graitzas Palaiologos to become surrounded and killed. Without their leader the imperial forces begin to deteriorate, with the soldiers of the Thracian Theme fleeing first and the Marmara Theme following close behind. Only the Macedonian Themeatic soldiers held their ground, and it is thanks to their bravery that the young co-emperor David Palaiologos is able to mount an organized retreat under the cover of crossbow fire from the Latin Guard, and in the process retain control of the artillery. Just over half of their forces of the imperial army are lost, with the casualties coming primarily from the Macedonians, and the Attic soldiers’ mass defection accounting for the second worst losses. The remnant of the army retreat to Thessalonica, and there present stiff opposition from within the walls, while David Palaiologos and the survivors from the Latin Guard ride hard back to Constantinople.
Unfortunately the empire’s problems are far from over. In June, Orhan II officially joins the war, followed quickly by Doge Agostino Barbarigo of Venice. Within weeks some 10,000 Ottoman soldiers have been sent via Venetian transports to aid Manuel in Macedonia, and he leaves them to take care of the siege operations in Thessalonica while he marches east along towards Constantinople. The Venetians also use the element of surprise to swoop down upon Samos, Chios, and Lesbos, taking each in turn without much fighting, before sending forces to the Crimea to attempt an invasion of Theodoro, placing Doros (3) under siege in October.
Orhan II, being of less than sound health at the time, sends his son and heir Prince Ahmed out to the fight, where he attempts to press into the Kingdom of Smyrna first. Smyrna being under the command of King Mathias’ youngest son Ladislaus, a boy of just twelve, the Kingdom can offer little in the way of organized resistance, and instead like a turtle attempts to weather the invasion by hiding in the shell of the walls of the cities. This does make the going somewhat slow for Ahmed and his forces, but with 40,000 soldiers and a powerful rebuilt artillery train he has recaptured the Bodrum peninsula within a month, but soon finds himself held up there by naval raids from the Knights of Rhodes, who take advantage of the narrow peninsula to make brief inland forays to steal supplies and kill unsuspecting soldiers, before returning to their ships and taking their prizes back to Rhodes.
In the west, Charles VIII of France is tired of being given the runaround in Bavaria. When spring falls, he hits the forces of Bavaria-Munich hard and fast, and with his aggressive assaults and cavalry tactics is able to lay siege to Munich itself in May. With Charles tied down at Munich, the Brandenburgers reoccupy Saxony with relative ease, but Charles has by this point given upon Saxony, and with the Landshut Bavarians keeping the Brandenburgers from pushing further south their advance stalls. Outnumbered two to one, the Habsburgs are forced to stay on the sidelines by Maximilian’s pragmatic approach to war. While nobody expects him to fight, even should Vienna itself come under siege, Emperor Christoph apparently takes a liking to military gear and drill, and he and his bodyguards can frequently be seen riding in various places around the city, with Christoph loudly leading the way. To his credit, he only falls from his horse once during these exercises, sustaining no injuries in the process, though many comment that his order to banish the horse responsible was unreasonable.
In France, the spring brings civil war, as John of Burgundy’s long planned attack comes to fruition. Already only loosely controlled by the king’s forces, southern France is quick to fall, though the sheer size of the area means that considerable time is taken in attempting to secure it all the same. In Iberia, King Alfonso XII declares war on Aragon, demanding that King Philip I renounce Antipope Alexander VI or face destruction. Philip attempts to resist, but the reign of King Alfonso of Castile has seen the Castilian army and navy turned into one of the most formidable forces in the known world. Two forces are sent out, each numbering 20,000 men, and one personally commanded by King Alfonso. King Alfonso’s force moves to take Navarre, while the second force besieges Valencia, and the navy blockades Barcelona, raiding the nearby countryside regularly as they do so. Soon Navarre and Valencia have fallen, and King Philip is forced to beg peace of the Castilians. Mercifully, King Alfonso demands only Navarre, and that Pope Innocent VIII be recognized, which given the circumstances Philip is now glad to accept.
With Duke Francis II of Brittany declaring for John of Burgundy in May, Antipope Alexander VI finds that there is no longer a viable reason to try Charlotte of Savoy fairly, as all of the Kingdom’s Dukes have already betrayed him (or so he thought). In response to this, her execution is scheduled for May 27th, and the method, as a show of ecclesiastical power on Alexander’s part, is to be burning at the stake.
Paris, France, May 27th, 1492
Charlotte was led by the Papal guards, out into the streets. Up until recently her confinement had been luxurious, as could be expected for a woman of her birth status, but the last ten days had been a hell on earth, as she’d been transferred out of her private holding cell and into a public cell filled with common criminals. Even fresh and terrible as the memories were they felt distant, as though it couldn’t possibly be her, and she thanked God fervently for the small mercy that the Dauphin Philip had proven to be. When he’s heard what had become of her, he had personally come to her rescue, and she felt sure that were it not for him she’d be marching down these streets filthy and naked, without even having had last rites. He had brought her a priest, a dress, a hot meal, and a room to herself for her last day.
As she walked down the street, the people jeered and yelled all manner of hurtful remarks and curses, but she could see also those who simply stared sadly, or shook their heads mournfully, or even just looked at the ground as she passed. The smell of rain hung in the air, and Charlotte gazed up at the clouds. A single small drop of rain fell upon her cheek, just below her eye, and she breathed a long shuddering sigh. The walk to the square was not long, and she could see the ugly pillar of kindling to which she was being led soon enough. Mercifully, she could see that it would be a large fire, and that there was a chance that she would not survive to be burned to death on account of the smoke. She stared transfixed upon the spot that she knew would be where she stood during her last moments upon the earth.
When she entered the square she could see that many of the more prominent persons in the city had gathered to watch. Even the Dauphin and Alexander VI were gathered, and even despite her own predicament Charlotte’s cheeks grew red with anger when she saw that a canvas supported by four priests was held above Alexander’s head to shield him from the rain. In short order the men leading her had bound her to the pole by way of ropes about the waist, arms, calves, and neck. As he finished tying the rope about her neck, one of the executioners looked her in the eye and said, “Please forgive me, were that I could I would set you free.” “I do,” whispered Charlotte, “May God bless you.” “And you,” said the executioner, bowing his head as he stepped down from the pyre.
Antipope Alexander stepped forwards, and in a loud voice called out, “Lady Charlotte of Savoy, you stand accused of heresy and treason against the Kingdom of France. Have you any final testament to offer before we consign you to the fire and to God’s holy judgment?” “On whose authority do you do this? I have spoken out not against the church, but your own abuses, and the people have followed me because I have spoken the truth. We are the church, and we have spoken out against you. That you stand against we, the church of Christ on earth makes you the heretic!” “Enough!” barks Alexander. “The people have already heard your lies. We now consign you to the purifying fire, may God have mercy on your soul.” As he says this, the executioner sets his torch to the pyre, and the dry wood catches quickly despite the rainclouds overhead.
A low rumble of thunder can be heard in the distance, and as the fire comes up to her feet and begins to nip at her dress, Charlotte defiantly cries, “Nous Sommes l’Eglise!” one last time. A voice in the crowd takes up the call, then two, then four, and as the fire licks at her knees, Charlotte can hear the crowd erupt, chanting, “Nous Sommes l’Eglise!” just as they did in Marseilles. In a final act of defiance, Charlotte finds the face of Alexander VI in the crowd staring up at her, and despite the pain of the fire she smirks at him. Then, as the smoke begins to invade her air, she looks up at the sky in silent prayer, in a world apart from the scene below.
“Men, arrest him and cut down Lady Savoy!” shouts the Dauphin to his guards as he points an accusing finger at Alexander. “What is the meaning of this!?” shouts Alexander over the sounds of the crowd and the fire. “I have made my own judgment, and she is innocent. Now take him away. I want him to stand trial for this and many other abuses!” At that moment the sky opens, and the rain that has been building all morning comes down at last, putting out the fire in the process. The guards soon find that their efforts have been in vain, as the lady is cut down, and while only the bottoms of her feet are burned, the smoke has taken her breath away, and carried her away from the troubles of the weary world below.
* * * * *
(1) To this day people question the sanity of King Charles VIII of France in tha latter portion of his reign.
(2) Aurelio has showed up allot with Ioannes, most notably as a massive c**k block in Ioannes first narrative appearance.
(3) Also known as Mangup, the capital of Theodoro, abandoned in modern times IOTL.
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Well I didn't see that coming, thank you.
The Dauphin's actions are intriguing. I would like to think it his conscience, but I wonder if her is trying to turn the tide and securing him and his son for the throne at his father's expense. Could wee see France divided between the brothers as the crusader allies veer off.
For a moment there I thought we would see Spain rise from this conflict. Any chance Alfonso will be sending his soldiers to fight muslims in Greece in Smyrna?
I think the Venetians just made a big mistake. Not only have they allied with the Ottomans against a Christian power in a period of religious fervor They are even backing an Antiunionist candidate against a Unionist Emperor. The West will not be amused by Venice's actions.
Granted they are preoccupied, but people will remember; that while they fought heresy, the Venetians stirred themselves to sell out Christians and Catholics all so they could line their pockets.
I also think the Venetians underestimate the Hungarian response. The regents own kingdom is under attack. Personal commitment aside, such a loss would undermine his power in Hungary. Perhaps an alliance in italy to punish the Venetians into withdrawing from the conflict? Charles of Milan maybe?
Could the Portuguese retake the Madeira's using Venice's actions in the East as justification?
And once again the Byzantines have their old weakness, civil wars with challengers ready to trade hard won territory for the throne. Maybe David will revise succession laws to better combat this problem?
The Dauphin's actions are intriguing. I would like to think it his conscience, but I wonder if her is trying to turn the tide and securing him and his son for the throne at his father's expense. Could wee see France divided between the brothers as the crusader allies veer off.
For a moment there I thought we would see Spain rise from this conflict. Any chance Alfonso will be sending his soldiers to fight muslims in Greece in Smyrna?
I think the Venetians just made a big mistake. Not only have they allied with the Ottomans against a Christian power in a period of religious fervor They are even backing an Antiunionist candidate against a Unionist Emperor. The West will not be amused by Venice's actions.
Granted they are preoccupied, but people will remember; that while they fought heresy, the Venetians stirred themselves to sell out Christians and Catholics all so they could line their pockets.
I also think the Venetians underestimate the Hungarian response. The regents own kingdom is under attack. Personal commitment aside, such a loss would undermine his power in Hungary. Perhaps an alliance in italy to punish the Venetians into withdrawing from the conflict? Charles of Milan maybe?
Could the Portuguese retake the Madeira's using Venice's actions in the East as justification?
And once again the Byzantines have their old weakness, civil wars with challengers ready to trade hard won territory for the throne. Maybe David will revise succession laws to better combat this problem?
Tongera, thanks. Byantines are once again in the spotlight, and I intend to follow them quite closely for a while. They've been walking a tightrope that has made them a bit dull, but with this civil war I hope to give them the freedom to act considerably more in accordance with their own interests, which should make them more dynamic and interesting in the future. Interesting times ahead to be sure.
Trebizond is in the second half of the update, which is coming later this week. Also, thanks for the spellcheck, I fixed it.
Herr Frage, The Dauphin Philip is a complicated fellow, and it really doesn't help things that he's doing morally upright things that could have a political motive too.
Alfonso could probably have conquered Aragon if he wanted to badly enough, but it would be a hassle, and spending time pacifying an unruly Christian populace in Iberia is time that Alfonso sees as better spent ridding the world of infidels and heretics. He may be a bit of a zealot and a bigot, but Alfonso is also a talented ruler, and knows how best to get what he wants most of the time.
The problem with a direct Hungarian responce is that the Venetians haven't attacked them, and that in addition to being bloodied by the Serbs the Hungarians must now attempt to defend Smyrna from the Ottomans. Of course, after the war there is much more possibility, and I agree that the Milanese Valois would be good candidates for an alliance with Hungary.
I think David has an escape to make good, an army to raise, and a usurper to defeat before he can think about passing a new law. But in all seriousness, I don't think that a succession law could have averted the situation here. The near perfectly even split between unionists and Orthodox in the empire (if one counts Bulgaria that is) means that no mater how strong the emperor is there is fully half his empire that will support a rival claimant on nothing but the promise to get their religion made official. Once that is rectified, then there is possibility for reform and growth.
Trebizond is in the second half of the update, which is coming later this week. Also, thanks for the spellcheck, I fixed it.
Herr Frage, The Dauphin Philip is a complicated fellow, and it really doesn't help things that he's doing morally upright things that could have a political motive too.
Alfonso could probably have conquered Aragon if he wanted to badly enough, but it would be a hassle, and spending time pacifying an unruly Christian populace in Iberia is time that Alfonso sees as better spent ridding the world of infidels and heretics. He may be a bit of a zealot and a bigot, but Alfonso is also a talented ruler, and knows how best to get what he wants most of the time.
The problem with a direct Hungarian responce is that the Venetians haven't attacked them, and that in addition to being bloodied by the Serbs the Hungarians must now attempt to defend Smyrna from the Ottomans. Of course, after the war there is much more possibility, and I agree that the Milanese Valois would be good candidates for an alliance with Hungary.
I think David has an escape to make good, an army to raise, and a usurper to defeat before he can think about passing a new law
. But in all seriousness, I don't think that a succession law could have averted the situation here. The near perfectly even split between unionists and Orthodox in the empire (if one counts Bulgaria that is) means that no mater how strong the emperor is there is fully half his empire that will support a rival claimant on nothing but the promise to get their religion made official. Once that is rectified, then there is possibility for reform and growth.Razgriz 2K9
Banned
So Ioannes is looking to lose out somehow, and the Dauphin's actions may shoot Borgia in the foot and thus bring him more support for Castile.
Still, what of the other dukes that should be around, such as the Duke of Bourbon, Augverne and Armagnac, et.al.?
Still, what of the other dukes that should be around, such as the Duke of Bourbon, Augverne and Armagnac, et.al.?
About time Ioannes organised his political and military intelligence arms;he should be better prepared since such movements cannot be made in secret.
Some people should have observed the mastering of the Cypriot army(rather small + mercenaries?) and the movements of the Venetian navy;none can hide the movements of 500 transports.Now the landings in Peloponnese are approaching ASB;with what forces Manuel has available,he cannot take Mystras or the other forts of Moreas(Monembasia,Navarino,Methone,Corone,Neocastron,Acrocorinth etc) and protect his back at the same time.
An important Note:Landings take place over a short distance and not after such a long voyage where the troops would be at best weakened by sea-sickness or at worst die from all sorts of epidemics common to confined and unhealthy environs.The distance between a Cyprus port and a landing in Peloponnese is the realm of impossibility under normal circumstances since to secure its success Venice must have committed its entire naval arsenal,an action that no state would take in view of many political and other dangers including invasion of its terrritories and even if a paranoid nation would go ahead regardless,the chances of success are small in the distance Cyprus-Pylos(the only port to take those numbers of ships and materials,situated in the western part of Peloponnese-no other port can accomodate so many ships-Ibrahim Pasha of Egypt landed there approximately 450 years later).
Some people should have observed the mastering of the Cypriot army(rather small + mercenaries?) and the movements of the Venetian navy;none can hide the movements of 500 transports.Now the landings in Peloponnese are approaching ASB;with what forces Manuel has available,he cannot take Mystras or the other forts of Moreas(Monembasia,Navarino,Methone,Corone,Neocastron,Acrocorinth etc) and protect his back at the same time.
An important Note:Landings take place over a short distance and not after such a long voyage where the troops would be at best weakened by sea-sickness or at worst die from all sorts of epidemics common to confined and unhealthy environs.The distance between a Cyprus port and a landing in Peloponnese is the realm of impossibility under normal circumstances since to secure its success Venice must have committed its entire naval arsenal,an action that no state would take in view of many political and other dangers including invasion of its terrritories and even if a paranoid nation would go ahead regardless,the chances of success are small in the distance Cyprus-Pylos(the only port to take those numbers of ships and materials,situated in the western part of Peloponnese-no other port can accomodate so many ships-Ibrahim Pasha of Egypt landed there approximately 450 years later).
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Sinope Sampsous and Trapezous(Trebizond) puting Crimaea,Georgia,Vlachia and Ucraine withing reach of the Turks.
Razgriz 2K9, Auvergne and Armagnac were counties at this time, but Bourbon was an oversight, so we'll just assume that Louis XI or Charles VIII managed to inherit or disolve Bourbon during one of the civil wars.
5000 Cows, Venice is definitely playing with fire, and as the saying goes, they are likely to get burned. Alfonso is on a high right now, and hasn't lost a war or even really failed in his wartime objectives since his reign began, so if he can pull off his plans in France, I imagine that he'll feel that the sky is the limit.
cimon, Manuel didn't have to take Morea or Attica by force, they joined him willingly because he supports breaking off the union with Rome. As for Ioannes not catching wind of what was going on in advance, the Venetians are partially to blame for that, as Ioannes has become somewhat complacent with regards to them, and will need to learn not to make that mistake again. The other reason is that Manuel has coconspirators within the empire, especially in the south, who helped to filter the information reaching the capital.
Sorry for not posting for so long, I was trying not to post on here again until I had an update. Hopefully you can take solace in the fact that I've succeeded. Also, don't forget to give the TL some votes in the superlative turtledove poll
1492, Part Two
"They'll move me from this spot when great flaming elephants fall from the sky."-Christoph von Habsburg at the gates of Vienna, origin of the phrase "When flaming elephants fall from the sky"
The death of Charlotte of Savoy is felt across France, but thanks to Prince Philip’s strong condemnation of the action and alleged attempt to prevent the execution most of the hostility is turned towards Antipope Alexander and the Parisian Church. For all this, Philip does not have Alexander executed, and in fact foils multiple attempts to storm the prison or otherwise assassinate him. Propaganda soon comes into play, as Philip attempts to promote the idea that Charlotte condemned the Roman Church as well, and that it is wrong to side with the crusade to honor her memory. While this does some good for halting defection and destruction of Church property it cannot mend the Parisian Church’s reputation, and the elevation of Cardinal Louis de Lorraine to the pontificate as Dionysius III is greeted with little enthusiasm by the people, and Philip is forced to hire large amounts of German and Swiss mercenaries to augment his forces and make them equal to those of John of Burgundy.
On August 19th the city of Munich falls to a vicious assault by King Charles VIII’s forces. The resulting sack was so terrible that to this day August nineteenth is a memorial day in Bavaria, and scenes of the so called “Rape of Munich” became quite popular in the visual and musical arts. With Bavaria now entirely in the hands of his allies, Charles makes the decision to go for the throat, and march on Austria immediately. A well-known proponent of Fabian strategy, Maximilian backs down and attempts to wear Charles down with indirect warfare, but his attempts serve only to slow the French. Charles makes no attempt to pursue Maximilian or his forces, and instead shocks the world by marching directly against Vienna, placing the city under siege in October. Cannons ring out day and night, and it soon becomes obvious that Charles will not wait for the city to surrender, nor give Maximilian the chance to starve him of supplies.
Caught between a rock and a hard place, Maximilian moves the bulk of his forces (roughly 20,000 men) into the nearby town of Mödling. Now it is Charles’ turn to feel the pinch, as Maximilian’s forces are quick to take up a defensive position in Mödling that makes attacking them head on virtually suicidal, while their close proximity means that they will likely be able to come to aid Vienna in the event of an assault. Of course, being attacked from behind in the middle of an assault is likely a death sentence for Charles and his forces (1), but the loss of supplies that waiting would bring would be no less deadly. As winter sets in, Charles makes the difficult decision to hold the siege through the cold, and to call on aid from Bavaria and the Palatinate to make assaulting Vienna a more viable option. During this time it was said that the French required two separate armies, one to maintain the siege, and another to guard their supply wagons.
Back east, the year brings further development in the various conflicts surrounding Manuel of Cyprus’ attempt to take the Imperial throne. Among the more noteworthy is the outcome of the Venetian siege of Doros in Theodoro. There an unexpected hero steps in to pull Alexios III Gabras of Theodoro out of the fire. Bayezid of the house of Osman, eldest son of Mehmed II, has been held by the Gabras family in Doros on behalf of the Empire of Trebizond, which has been receiving an annual tribute of 40,000 ducats from the Ottoman Empire for keeping him captive. With Venetian gold flowing freely into the coffers of the Theodoran nobility, Prince Alexios III has few that he can trust within an already sorry cast of generals, most of whom have only the miniscule experience of driving the broken down Crimean Khanate out of the peninsula while the bulk of their territory was taken by the Muscovites. With Doros under siege and mostly militia to hold it, the situation is quite desperate for Theodoro.
It is this desperation that causes Alexios to take some advice from his Roman ancestors. Always in times of war, when not even one’s own officers and countrymen could be trusted, the Romans were known for taking foreigners into their ranks, men with no possibility of taking power on account of their barbaric backgrounds . Such was the rationale behind the foederati troops of late antiquity, such was the rationale behind the Varangian Guard of medieval Constantinople, and such would now provide the rationale for Alexios’ decision to enlist the help of his prisoner Bayezid in repelling the Venetians. In no real position to argue, and with no notable opportunities to profit by betraying Alexios, Bayezid’s demands consist of an improvement in his own captivity conditions, and that his seven year old son Murad be given a modestly sized estate in the northern portion of the peninsula. With his life and country on the line there is little within reason that Alexios will not offer, and with that Bayezid is sent forth to lead the defense of Doros.
Bayezid wastes no time in proving his usefulness, firstly by staging an attempted sally forth of the garrison in the south in order to distract the Venetians while a few of Alexios’ loyal supporters manage to escape to the northeast. These supporters in turn hire Tatar mercenaries from the north on Alexios’ behalf, and also send word to the Empire of Trebizond of their plight. The result is to put considerable strain on the Venetian siege efforts, as the mercenaries conduct raids against the Venetian colonies in the Crimea, and the Trebizondians similarly use their small fleet (2) to pillage the shipping and the coast. While the siege is ongoing, the Venetians begin to see their control over the former Genoese colonies, never particularly strong to begin with, deteriorate, up to the point of riots in the streets of Theodosia in protest of the Venetians dragging the city into a war that was utterly destroying their trade with the outside world.
With their problems multiplying daily and more and more men being called back from the siege to quell unrest, the besiegers find themselves in a position little better than that of the besieged by October. It is into this well-crafted situation that Bayezid rides on November 3rd, as he leads the garrison of Doros in a final sally, accompanied by Prince Alexios himself. Thanks to the problems that have been created over the last three months the Venetians no longer have any real numerical advantage, and skillful use of terrain and study of the Venetian positions by the experienced Bayezid allow him to avoid coming under sustained fire from the Venetian guns. His decision to strike in the early morning may also have been a factor, as the poor visibility would have helped to counter Bayezid’s less than adequate numbers of missile troops, and the Venetians would have had little time to prepare if the attack awakened them. Ultimately it took little to drive off the Venetian forces, who being mercenaries were less than inclined to hold on to the bitter end, allowing the Theodorans to claim a strong victory and capture a good many guns and prisoners.
In the Roman Empire, Manuel of Cyprus leaves the siege of Thessalonica to his Turkish allies just before July, while he marches east towards the capital. The transition from Manuel’s siege to the Turkish one is a confusing affair, and during this time many provisions are smuggled in to the beleaguered Thessalonians, allowing them to offer continued resistance. Meanwhile, Manuel’s eastern march catches the imperial family off guard, as they’d expected the siege at Thessalonica to keep him busy for longer, given that the city is well manned, well supplied, contains ample cannons, and boasts a loyalist population that is roughly equal in size to that of Constantinople.
With Manuel freed of the burden of Thessalonica for the moment, he is able to march quickly, and besieges Adrianople on July 22nd. Adrianople’s defenses are significant, and Ioannes IX uses the time the city can buy him to attempt to raise up support for a new army. Unfortunately, the Bulgarians are reluctant to provide men for the emperor, especially following the near rebellion following Patriarch Manuel III’s condemnation of the ecclesiastic union with Rome. Unable to risk leaving Constantinople himself, Ioannes’ plans for a Bulgarian relief force are further undermined by the fact that the Empress Maria is by this point about eight months pregnant, and thus unable to go north to raise the forces in person(3). With the boyars behaving poorly, no aid comes, and on September 4th, Adrianople falls, just three days after the successful birth of Ioannes and Maria’s fourth son, Konstantinos. With the situation now dire, Ioannes prepares to resort to drastic measures to secure the aid his empire now depends on.
The Hagia Sophia Cathedral, Constantinople, September 6th, 1492
David walked across the smooth marble floor of the great cathedral. He could hear the echo of each footstep reverberating through the great empty building. As the altar came into view he slowed his pace, and took a deep breath. A clean smell of well-cut stone intermingled with the aroma of dried mortar filled his nostrils, and brought about in him feelings of familiarity. Reaching the center of the church, David stopped to admire the building itself. Rubbing a hand along the column nearest to him, he looked up at the mosaics of the saints. In the back of his mind David could hear his tutors speaking to him, reminding him that a portrait of a saint upon a wall has no special power or meaning, but for some reason he could not fully believe them no matter how much he knew they were right. Like a child looking for reassurance, David took solace in the smiles and serene looks upon the saints’ faces, and he couldn’t help but smile to himself on account of his own childishness, and of how absurd it was for an emperor to be reassured by a portrait.
All too soon David found his thoughts interrupted by the echoing sound of new footsteps in the cathedral. Turning to face the newcomer, David instantly recognized his father Ioannes, clad in gleaming plate armor of fine Italian make that reflected the thin shafts of light in the room to the point of almost amplifying their brightness. His long purple cloak flowed majestically behind him, just high enough to stay above the ground.
“Basileus,” David exclaimed, and knelt before his father as the latter approached.
Ioannes grabbed the narrow shoulders of his son, one in each hand, and physically coaxed him into a standing position. “My son,” Ioannes began, his voice shaking a little, “time is short, and I would not have my son bid me farewell with bowing and flattery.”
So saying, he pulled David into a powerful hug, and kissed him on the cheek. For several seconds they were still, as a single small tear escaped from Ioannes left eye and rolled down his cheek.
After a moment, Ioannes disengaged. Standing alongside one another, both dressed in regal military attire, it was not hard to believe that the two were related. That said, Ioannes own apparent youth made them appear to the untrained eye as brothers or cousins. The two were of identical height, and both wore shoulder length hair, jet black in color. Only David’s blue eyes and harsher features were reminiscent of his mother, while his narrower shoulders betrayed Ioannes superior age.
A gravely serious expression crossed David’s face, and staring intensely into his father’s eyes he asked, “What news from the west?”
Ioannes looked thoughtfully at his son, and softly said, “Before I tell you, I must know, my son, what will you seek to do with your time on the throne?”
Without hesitation David answered him, “I would seek to gain power enough to prevent this tragedy from ever happening again.”
“A blunt and ambitious answer,” replied Ioannes, “but this cycle has carried on since before the time of Christ. It is naive to think that you alone can stop it.”
“I know,” replied David, his eyes stern and unmoving, “but if I give up I will fail anyways. I would fight against this fate to the bitter end, even if my hope is foolish.
Ioannes stared at his son, as though scanning him for a trace of uncertainty, but David stayed as he was, his gaze harsh as the reality of his situation.
At last Ioannes smiled. “I envy your strength of resolve. Were that I held them myself we might now be living in happier times.”
“Please father, what news is there of the west that troubles you so?” asked David urgently.
The smile faded from Ioannes’ face, and he once again met his son’s gaze with one of grave seriousness. “Adrianople has fallen,” he said, “Manuel’s forces will be upon us within two weeks if not sooner.”
For a fleeting second David’s face fell, but he recovered quickly and asked, “What would you command me to do?”
“We have one option left to us, I think,” said Ioannes. “You must take up your position as King of the Bulgarians, and call upon them in the name of your mother’s family. They would sooner die than follow Manuel, and their horsemen are strong and numerous. I will stay to defend the great city, lest it fall before you have an opportunity to return”
“I understand father. I will raise up forces to crush the usurper Manuel for God and the empire.”
As soon as he had said this David turned and began walking back towards the entrance of the cathedral.
When he had gotten about halfway to the door, he slowed, and turned back towards Ioannes.
“Father,” he called, “may I ask a favor of you before I leave?”
“Of course, anything,” Ioannes replied.
“Can Giorgios come with me? I know his qualities well, and I am lacking in good subordinates at the moment.”
Ioannes pondered this for a moment, before saying, “Alright, but for Christ’s sake be careful. I can barely risk losing you. If both of my eldest sons were to fall your mother and I would be ruined just as surely as if the city were taken.”
“Don’t worry father,” David chuckled, “Giorgios handles a blade even better than I do.”
And with that David was off, and Ioannes smiled and shook his head, before turning to the altar and beginning a prayer.
“Our father…..”
* * * * *
Ioannes IX’s eldest sons David and Giorgios, accompanied by half the Latin Guard, including its commander Romanos Giustiniani, ride out from Constantinople towards Tarnovo, armed with David’s new title, King of Bulgaria. Constantinople is besieged on the 19th, following a somewhat nasty sack that left 4,000 citizens of Adrianople dead. The sack is largely the fault of the Turks, Cilicians, and Italians in Manuel’s army, over whom he has little real control. The siege of Constantinople is slow going, and is not helped by the fact that supplies are regularly smuggled in by sea well in to early November, when the Venetians finally attach a naval blockade to the operation.
In Asia Minor Prince Ahmed has continued success against the smaller fortresses of the Kingdom of Smyrna, but abandons his invasion when news arrives of Adrianople’s fall, leaving small garrisons in the fortresses that have already been taken, to invade the imperial possessions on the Asian side of Marmara. Only Nicomedia puts forth an organized resistance, and falls after a brief siege in late November, though notably the city is not sacked, as Ahmed does not want to further ruin the region’s economy. Following this siege, Ahmed again resumes war with Smyrna, this time besieging the Kingdom’s second city, Canakkale.
Beyond this, two important births, and a marriage take place in Europe. The births belong to Richard, son of Thomas of York, crown prince of England, and his wife Elizabeth of Wales, and Henry, son of King Edward I of Naples and Victoire of France. The marriage is between King John II of Portugal and Catherine, daughter of King Alfonso XII of Castile. Despite an age difference of about twenty years (Catherine being only fifteen) the marriage is a great boost to the already strong alliance between King John of Portugal and King Alfonso of Castile, especially given that King John has yet to produce an heir, thanks to a first marriage that ended in death of both mother and child in childbirth.
In Venice, Cristoforo Colombo and Diogo Dias return On July 30th, following a difficult voyage back across the Atlantic which ultimately forced them to stop and make repairs in the Portuguese Azores. They soon find that their efforts are much appreciated in Venice, and the people are especially amazed at the surviving native slaves taken from St. Elmo, of which there are three (though none of them survive their first year in Venice). These and the gold trinkets are enough to convince the Doge to commit more resources to further expeditions, and many of the wealthier families begin investing in these voyages too. A new voyage, under Dias command, is set to take place the following year. Notably, in addition to goods for trading, reports of large tracts of unused land also attract a few investors interested in establishing a sugar industry on St. Elmo, and a fair many experienced planters will be sent in addition to the sailors, merchants, prospectors, and soldiers who make up the bulk of the expedition.
(1)Charles' forces outnumber Maximilian's by just under two to one, at 37,000 and 20,000 respectively, but if Charles is fighting the additional forces of the Vienna garrisson, and is outflanked while doing so, his position is a virtual death sentence.
(2) The Romans proper do not have a fleet, but Trebizond has built up a fairly respectable one during its recent time of prosperity.
(3) It turns our her infertility following Anna's difficult birth was only temporary, and picked an inconvenient time to end.
5000 Cows, Venice is definitely playing with fire, and as the saying goes, they are likely to get burned. Alfonso is on a high right now, and hasn't lost a war or even really failed in his wartime objectives since his reign began, so if he can pull off his plans in France, I imagine that he'll feel that the sky is the limit.
cimon, Manuel didn't have to take Morea or Attica by force, they joined him willingly because he supports breaking off the union with Rome. As for Ioannes not catching wind of what was going on in advance, the Venetians are partially to blame for that, as Ioannes has become somewhat complacent with regards to them, and will need to learn not to make that mistake again. The other reason is that Manuel has coconspirators within the empire, especially in the south, who helped to filter the information reaching the capital.
Sorry for not posting for so long, I was trying not to post on here again until I had an update. Hopefully you can take solace in the fact that I've succeeded. Also, don't forget to give the TL some votes in the superlative turtledove poll
1492, Part Two
"They'll move me from this spot when great flaming elephants fall from the sky."-Christoph von Habsburg at the gates of Vienna, origin of the phrase "When flaming elephants fall from the sky"
The death of Charlotte of Savoy is felt across France, but thanks to Prince Philip’s strong condemnation of the action and alleged attempt to prevent the execution most of the hostility is turned towards Antipope Alexander and the Parisian Church. For all this, Philip does not have Alexander executed, and in fact foils multiple attempts to storm the prison or otherwise assassinate him. Propaganda soon comes into play, as Philip attempts to promote the idea that Charlotte condemned the Roman Church as well, and that it is wrong to side with the crusade to honor her memory. While this does some good for halting defection and destruction of Church property it cannot mend the Parisian Church’s reputation, and the elevation of Cardinal Louis de Lorraine to the pontificate as Dionysius III is greeted with little enthusiasm by the people, and Philip is forced to hire large amounts of German and Swiss mercenaries to augment his forces and make them equal to those of John of Burgundy.
On August 19th the city of Munich falls to a vicious assault by King Charles VIII’s forces. The resulting sack was so terrible that to this day August nineteenth is a memorial day in Bavaria, and scenes of the so called “Rape of Munich” became quite popular in the visual and musical arts. With Bavaria now entirely in the hands of his allies, Charles makes the decision to go for the throat, and march on Austria immediately. A well-known proponent of Fabian strategy, Maximilian backs down and attempts to wear Charles down with indirect warfare, but his attempts serve only to slow the French. Charles makes no attempt to pursue Maximilian or his forces, and instead shocks the world by marching directly against Vienna, placing the city under siege in October. Cannons ring out day and night, and it soon becomes obvious that Charles will not wait for the city to surrender, nor give Maximilian the chance to starve him of supplies.
Caught between a rock and a hard place, Maximilian moves the bulk of his forces (roughly 20,000 men) into the nearby town of Mödling. Now it is Charles’ turn to feel the pinch, as Maximilian’s forces are quick to take up a defensive position in Mödling that makes attacking them head on virtually suicidal, while their close proximity means that they will likely be able to come to aid Vienna in the event of an assault. Of course, being attacked from behind in the middle of an assault is likely a death sentence for Charles and his forces (1), but the loss of supplies that waiting would bring would be no less deadly. As winter sets in, Charles makes the difficult decision to hold the siege through the cold, and to call on aid from Bavaria and the Palatinate to make assaulting Vienna a more viable option. During this time it was said that the French required two separate armies, one to maintain the siege, and another to guard their supply wagons.
Back east, the year brings further development in the various conflicts surrounding Manuel of Cyprus’ attempt to take the Imperial throne. Among the more noteworthy is the outcome of the Venetian siege of Doros in Theodoro. There an unexpected hero steps in to pull Alexios III Gabras of Theodoro out of the fire. Bayezid of the house of Osman, eldest son of Mehmed II, has been held by the Gabras family in Doros on behalf of the Empire of Trebizond, which has been receiving an annual tribute of 40,000 ducats from the Ottoman Empire for keeping him captive. With Venetian gold flowing freely into the coffers of the Theodoran nobility, Prince Alexios III has few that he can trust within an already sorry cast of generals, most of whom have only the miniscule experience of driving the broken down Crimean Khanate out of the peninsula while the bulk of their territory was taken by the Muscovites. With Doros under siege and mostly militia to hold it, the situation is quite desperate for Theodoro.
It is this desperation that causes Alexios to take some advice from his Roman ancestors. Always in times of war, when not even one’s own officers and countrymen could be trusted, the Romans were known for taking foreigners into their ranks, men with no possibility of taking power on account of their barbaric backgrounds . Such was the rationale behind the foederati troops of late antiquity, such was the rationale behind the Varangian Guard of medieval Constantinople, and such would now provide the rationale for Alexios’ decision to enlist the help of his prisoner Bayezid in repelling the Venetians. In no real position to argue, and with no notable opportunities to profit by betraying Alexios, Bayezid’s demands consist of an improvement in his own captivity conditions, and that his seven year old son Murad be given a modestly sized estate in the northern portion of the peninsula. With his life and country on the line there is little within reason that Alexios will not offer, and with that Bayezid is sent forth to lead the defense of Doros.
Bayezid wastes no time in proving his usefulness, firstly by staging an attempted sally forth of the garrison in the south in order to distract the Venetians while a few of Alexios’ loyal supporters manage to escape to the northeast. These supporters in turn hire Tatar mercenaries from the north on Alexios’ behalf, and also send word to the Empire of Trebizond of their plight. The result is to put considerable strain on the Venetian siege efforts, as the mercenaries conduct raids against the Venetian colonies in the Crimea, and the Trebizondians similarly use their small fleet (2) to pillage the shipping and the coast. While the siege is ongoing, the Venetians begin to see their control over the former Genoese colonies, never particularly strong to begin with, deteriorate, up to the point of riots in the streets of Theodosia in protest of the Venetians dragging the city into a war that was utterly destroying their trade with the outside world.
With their problems multiplying daily and more and more men being called back from the siege to quell unrest, the besiegers find themselves in a position little better than that of the besieged by October. It is into this well-crafted situation that Bayezid rides on November 3rd, as he leads the garrison of Doros in a final sally, accompanied by Prince Alexios himself. Thanks to the problems that have been created over the last three months the Venetians no longer have any real numerical advantage, and skillful use of terrain and study of the Venetian positions by the experienced Bayezid allow him to avoid coming under sustained fire from the Venetian guns. His decision to strike in the early morning may also have been a factor, as the poor visibility would have helped to counter Bayezid’s less than adequate numbers of missile troops, and the Venetians would have had little time to prepare if the attack awakened them. Ultimately it took little to drive off the Venetian forces, who being mercenaries were less than inclined to hold on to the bitter end, allowing the Theodorans to claim a strong victory and capture a good many guns and prisoners.
In the Roman Empire, Manuel of Cyprus leaves the siege of Thessalonica to his Turkish allies just before July, while he marches east towards the capital. The transition from Manuel’s siege to the Turkish one is a confusing affair, and during this time many provisions are smuggled in to the beleaguered Thessalonians, allowing them to offer continued resistance. Meanwhile, Manuel’s eastern march catches the imperial family off guard, as they’d expected the siege at Thessalonica to keep him busy for longer, given that the city is well manned, well supplied, contains ample cannons, and boasts a loyalist population that is roughly equal in size to that of Constantinople.
With Manuel freed of the burden of Thessalonica for the moment, he is able to march quickly, and besieges Adrianople on July 22nd. Adrianople’s defenses are significant, and Ioannes IX uses the time the city can buy him to attempt to raise up support for a new army. Unfortunately, the Bulgarians are reluctant to provide men for the emperor, especially following the near rebellion following Patriarch Manuel III’s condemnation of the ecclesiastic union with Rome. Unable to risk leaving Constantinople himself, Ioannes’ plans for a Bulgarian relief force are further undermined by the fact that the Empress Maria is by this point about eight months pregnant, and thus unable to go north to raise the forces in person(3). With the boyars behaving poorly, no aid comes, and on September 4th, Adrianople falls, just three days after the successful birth of Ioannes and Maria’s fourth son, Konstantinos. With the situation now dire, Ioannes prepares to resort to drastic measures to secure the aid his empire now depends on.
The Hagia Sophia Cathedral, Constantinople, September 6th, 1492
David walked across the smooth marble floor of the great cathedral. He could hear the echo of each footstep reverberating through the great empty building. As the altar came into view he slowed his pace, and took a deep breath. A clean smell of well-cut stone intermingled with the aroma of dried mortar filled his nostrils, and brought about in him feelings of familiarity. Reaching the center of the church, David stopped to admire the building itself. Rubbing a hand along the column nearest to him, he looked up at the mosaics of the saints. In the back of his mind David could hear his tutors speaking to him, reminding him that a portrait of a saint upon a wall has no special power or meaning, but for some reason he could not fully believe them no matter how much he knew they were right. Like a child looking for reassurance, David took solace in the smiles and serene looks upon the saints’ faces, and he couldn’t help but smile to himself on account of his own childishness, and of how absurd it was for an emperor to be reassured by a portrait.
All too soon David found his thoughts interrupted by the echoing sound of new footsteps in the cathedral. Turning to face the newcomer, David instantly recognized his father Ioannes, clad in gleaming plate armor of fine Italian make that reflected the thin shafts of light in the room to the point of almost amplifying their brightness. His long purple cloak flowed majestically behind him, just high enough to stay above the ground.
“Basileus,” David exclaimed, and knelt before his father as the latter approached.
Ioannes grabbed the narrow shoulders of his son, one in each hand, and physically coaxed him into a standing position. “My son,” Ioannes began, his voice shaking a little, “time is short, and I would not have my son bid me farewell with bowing and flattery.”
So saying, he pulled David into a powerful hug, and kissed him on the cheek. For several seconds they were still, as a single small tear escaped from Ioannes left eye and rolled down his cheek.
After a moment, Ioannes disengaged. Standing alongside one another, both dressed in regal military attire, it was not hard to believe that the two were related. That said, Ioannes own apparent youth made them appear to the untrained eye as brothers or cousins. The two were of identical height, and both wore shoulder length hair, jet black in color. Only David’s blue eyes and harsher features were reminiscent of his mother, while his narrower shoulders betrayed Ioannes superior age.
A gravely serious expression crossed David’s face, and staring intensely into his father’s eyes he asked, “What news from the west?”
Ioannes looked thoughtfully at his son, and softly said, “Before I tell you, I must know, my son, what will you seek to do with your time on the throne?”
Without hesitation David answered him, “I would seek to gain power enough to prevent this tragedy from ever happening again.”
“A blunt and ambitious answer,” replied Ioannes, “but this cycle has carried on since before the time of Christ. It is naive to think that you alone can stop it.”
“I know,” replied David, his eyes stern and unmoving, “but if I give up I will fail anyways. I would fight against this fate to the bitter end, even if my hope is foolish.
Ioannes stared at his son, as though scanning him for a trace of uncertainty, but David stayed as he was, his gaze harsh as the reality of his situation.
At last Ioannes smiled. “I envy your strength of resolve. Were that I held them myself we might now be living in happier times.”
“Please father, what news is there of the west that troubles you so?” asked David urgently.
The smile faded from Ioannes’ face, and he once again met his son’s gaze with one of grave seriousness. “Adrianople has fallen,” he said, “Manuel’s forces will be upon us within two weeks if not sooner.”
For a fleeting second David’s face fell, but he recovered quickly and asked, “What would you command me to do?”
“We have one option left to us, I think,” said Ioannes. “You must take up your position as King of the Bulgarians, and call upon them in the name of your mother’s family. They would sooner die than follow Manuel, and their horsemen are strong and numerous. I will stay to defend the great city, lest it fall before you have an opportunity to return”
“I understand father. I will raise up forces to crush the usurper Manuel for God and the empire.”
As soon as he had said this David turned and began walking back towards the entrance of the cathedral.
When he had gotten about halfway to the door, he slowed, and turned back towards Ioannes.
“Father,” he called, “may I ask a favor of you before I leave?”
“Of course, anything,” Ioannes replied.
“Can Giorgios come with me? I know his qualities well, and I am lacking in good subordinates at the moment.”
Ioannes pondered this for a moment, before saying, “Alright, but for Christ’s sake be careful. I can barely risk losing you. If both of my eldest sons were to fall your mother and I would be ruined just as surely as if the city were taken.”
“Don’t worry father,” David chuckled, “Giorgios handles a blade even better than I do.”
And with that David was off, and Ioannes smiled and shook his head, before turning to the altar and beginning a prayer.
“Our father…..”
* * * * *
Ioannes IX’s eldest sons David and Giorgios, accompanied by half the Latin Guard, including its commander Romanos Giustiniani, ride out from Constantinople towards Tarnovo, armed with David’s new title, King of Bulgaria. Constantinople is besieged on the 19th, following a somewhat nasty sack that left 4,000 citizens of Adrianople dead. The sack is largely the fault of the Turks, Cilicians, and Italians in Manuel’s army, over whom he has little real control. The siege of Constantinople is slow going, and is not helped by the fact that supplies are regularly smuggled in by sea well in to early November, when the Venetians finally attach a naval blockade to the operation.
In Asia Minor Prince Ahmed has continued success against the smaller fortresses of the Kingdom of Smyrna, but abandons his invasion when news arrives of Adrianople’s fall, leaving small garrisons in the fortresses that have already been taken, to invade the imperial possessions on the Asian side of Marmara. Only Nicomedia puts forth an organized resistance, and falls after a brief siege in late November, though notably the city is not sacked, as Ahmed does not want to further ruin the region’s economy. Following this siege, Ahmed again resumes war with Smyrna, this time besieging the Kingdom’s second city, Canakkale.
Beyond this, two important births, and a marriage take place in Europe. The births belong to Richard, son of Thomas of York, crown prince of England, and his wife Elizabeth of Wales, and Henry, son of King Edward I of Naples and Victoire of France. The marriage is between King John II of Portugal and Catherine, daughter of King Alfonso XII of Castile. Despite an age difference of about twenty years (Catherine being only fifteen) the marriage is a great boost to the already strong alliance between King John of Portugal and King Alfonso of Castile, especially given that King John has yet to produce an heir, thanks to a first marriage that ended in death of both mother and child in childbirth.
In Venice, Cristoforo Colombo and Diogo Dias return On July 30th, following a difficult voyage back across the Atlantic which ultimately forced them to stop and make repairs in the Portuguese Azores. They soon find that their efforts are much appreciated in Venice, and the people are especially amazed at the surviving native slaves taken from St. Elmo, of which there are three (though none of them survive their first year in Venice). These and the gold trinkets are enough to convince the Doge to commit more resources to further expeditions, and many of the wealthier families begin investing in these voyages too. A new voyage, under Dias command, is set to take place the following year. Notably, in addition to goods for trading, reports of large tracts of unused land also attract a few investors interested in establishing a sugar industry on St. Elmo, and a fair many experienced planters will be sent in addition to the sailors, merchants, prospectors, and soldiers who make up the bulk of the expedition.
(1)Charles' forces outnumber Maximilian's by just under two to one, at 37,000 and 20,000 respectively, but if Charles is fighting the additional forces of the Vienna garrisson, and is outflanked while doing so, his position is a virtual death sentence.
(2) The Romans proper do not have a fleet, but Trebizond has built up a fairly respectable one during its recent time of prosperity.
(3) It turns our her infertility following Anna's difficult birth was only temporary, and picked an inconvenient time to end.