The Horse and The Jaguar
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[FONT="]Chapter 16[/FONT]
[FONT="]1299 Part 2[/FONT]
[FONT="]A Picnic and a Campaign[/FONT]
[FONT="]1299 Part 2[/FONT]
[FONT="]A Picnic and a Campaign[/FONT]
Songghumal was distraught at the loss of his old friend and comrade Ike Mense. He had been a trusted advisor, reliable commander, bridge to the Uyghur soldiers. The two generals had waged many campaigns together in the service of their Khan and could nearly read each other’s thoughts. There were many capable leaders worthy of promotion within Ike’s troops but none had earned the complete trust of the Khan or built a shared history. The Khan had relied on the old Uyghur too much that he did not really know Ike’s subordinates. In order to fill the void, he appointed one of his senior Mongol commanders to the post vacated by Ike Mense’s death.[/FONT]
He secluded himself in his camp and spoke to no one for nearly a week as the Uyghurs sent Ike to his ancestors in their way. When Songghumal did leave his ger it was to visit Megujin, the old Shaman. He had fallen ill with the fever and would have gone with Ike Mense had he been stronger, but he was old when he began this journey back in China and the trials of the voyage and the difficulties encountered since had taken their toll and he was now older than his years. Megujin’s recovery from the fever was slow and he no longer walked. When he left the shelter of his ger he was carried on a palate by Ngöbe men who respected his relationship with the Tngri. In his camp he reclined on cushions tended by several old Ngöbe women who cared for his needs.
When Songghumal visited the old man, his caregivers would leave, allowing the two the privacy of a prince and his confessor. On this one day, Songghumal arrived with a retinue of attendants and roused Megujin with the promise of an afternoon away from the crowded and noisy camp. An oxcart was brought up and the Shaman was loaded, cushions and all, into the bed behind the driver. Songghumal rode alongside as they made their way into the countryside. They stopped on a ridge overlooking the sparkling bay and the sea beyond. Carpets were laid down and the old man made comfortable. A chair was brought for the Khan and they shared cups of Airag, a platter of Khuushuur, and finally a small stack of Ul Boov topped with Urum. Megujin’s spirits were raised as were those of the grieving Khan by these reminders of life in the steppes.
They spent most of the afternoon on the hillside, drinking Airag and talking about many things that played in each man’s mind. At long last, after an uncertain quantity of Airag had been consumed, Songghumal told the old shaman that he was uncertain what to do now that Ike Mense, his strong right hand, was gone. Megujin probed the Khan in order to find the true source of his disquiet and eventually asked if it was the loyalty of his troops he was uncertain of now that his popular general had passed to eternity. Songghumal nodded. He was concerned that his army was weakened and their resolve lessened by the general’s death.
Megujin reclined silently and drank another cup of Airag. “You must stand before the army as strong alone as you and Mense had been together.” He said at last. “You must conduct a campaign to restore the ability and will, the courage and strength, the resolve and trust of your soldiers. These lands here are peaceful, Asi Ügei is now peaceful, but look at the spirit the troops Ike led into battle on the other sea showed on their return to Alagh. We know that that was no great campaign, but it was a successful one.”
Songghumal, considering this suggestion, asked himself aloud where he should march. Megujin, thinking it a real question reminded the Khan that he was no man of battle and that the Khan should discuss this with his war council. The khan laughed and said; “Of course old friend, I will do just that. Let us drink one more time to the coming battles.” And he poured a final Airag into both their cups.
Megujin laughed out loud as his attendants placed him into the oxcart while the Khan’s men struggled to lift their Airag infused lord onto his horse. “We’re getting old Shi-bi” the shaman cried using the Khan’s old name, “We both could hold our drink better than this in days past!” “Get you to your ger old man, and to your old women!” Songghumal responded over his shoulder as he rode away, leaning first this way and then that; his escort frantically nudging him to keep him upright while he cursed them for crowding him.
The Khan left the seclusion of his tent the next morning, none the worse for wear. He needed to determine where he would lead his troops. It must be a target worthy of a Khan and his soldiers but since they had not fought a real battle in several years, it needed to be a fairly easy target. He knew that the Mayans of the Mayapan league were too far away and in their home country too strong for him to attack yet. Conquering more native villages would not be sufficient. He needed to conquer a kingdom.
He rode into the countryside alone but for a lone aide. Mentally he went through the geography of this land as he knew it.
- Beyond his realm to the North West lay several large centers, not really kingdoms although if left along in time they would be. These were not suitable for they would not be able to resist and would simply submit to Mongol dominance. They could be left to attend to later.
- Next up the coast was a loose federation of small cities that were also unsuitable. They were small and weak according to the intelligence he had received and were most likely to submit immediately as well.
- Beyond these were Mayan cities that were not part of the league of Mayapan, that were too far to ask Mayapan for help and were in decline, although still great he was told.
These cities would be his targets. Two of them in particular would give him control from one sea to the other. First he would capture Kaminaljuyu, a pilgrimage city and ceremonial center, and then march upon Quiriguá, a great trading city. Songghumal would lead this expedition against these Mayan cities himself and show the army that he had not softened in his role as Khan.
Songghumal summoned his commanders. His army was now supplemented by local troops who had learned many of the arts of Asian warfare. They in turn had provided the Asians with new strategies, weapons and tactics specifically suited to the forests and mountains that surrounded them. A few of the Ngöbe had shown sufficient leadership and military skill to be placed in command of their own units, and the Khan relied on their knowledge and familiarity of the terrain.
The Khan’s army had been weakened by the fevers, but he was still able to field 10,000 troops, including naval infantry and Ngöbe units, and 250 cavalry. He would leave 3,000 or so troops and a small contingent of cavalry to defend Alagh. The force at Asi ügei would be left intact to defend the coast of the other sea.
The Mayan cities were not close. He would sail up the coast 3,200 li and then march overland about 250 li to Kaminaljuyu. The journey up the coast would not be an easy one, with contrary currents and changeable winds, but it would be much faster than traveling by land. Once he reached his landing place, about 2 weeks sail along the coast; he would rest his troops on shore, pasture the horses and send scouts towards Kaminaljuyu and its valley in the highlands. His intelligence said that the city was surrounded by small farming communities whose life was to provide food and essential goods to the priests and nobles in the temples and plaza and palaces of the city.
As Songghumal formulated his plans, he sent a ship to Chan Chan with the news of the death of the Governor’s family and his sincere sadness at their passing into eternity. He was truly fond of the young boy and sent many of the child’s toys as mementos to the Governor along with the belongings of the boy’s mother. At the same time he ordered Chun Bo fen to send some of the Chinese units back to Alagh to bolster its defense.
The ship returned after the Khan had departed and raced up the coast in pursuit of the invasion fleet. Chun’s response was polite and brief. He thanked the Khan for his expressions of regret over the death of the Governor’s wife and child. Chun then advised the Kahn that he was engaged in his own campaign and the Chinese units requested were tied up in the defense of Chan Chan. They were not available for transport to Alagh. There would be no assistance from Chimor.
Songghumal Khan had departed Alagh on the first day of June, 1299, to conquer the Mayan cities of Kaminaljuyu and Quiriguá. Time, weather and a lack of resources had taken a toll on the fleet over the years and there were far fewer ships available for the expedition than would be expected. They were crowded and uncomfortable as they fought the current westward. Most of the Ngöbe had never been on a ship before and the motion was strange, resulting in widespread sea sickness among their ranks. As a result, when the army disembarked at their destination the Ngöbe were weak and in need of rest and recovery. The Khan set up his camp along the shore, near a river and set his horses out to pasture.
Despite his best efforts and those of his officials, Songghumal did not have good intelligence. He had been told that Kaminaljuyu was in decline, which was true, but had no idea how far it had fallen. The city, once a great center of pilgrimage and power, was nearly empty. The great expanses of fields that surrounded it were mostly untended and returning to the forest. From a hill above the valley the scouts saw the remains of a huge city, with platforms and temples, ball courts and plazas. What they did not see were people.
The landing of the Mongol army, their camp on the coast and the journey of the scouts had not gone unnoticed and the remaining few residents of the city had abandoned it, ending a decline that had taken many hundreds of years. They fled through the forests making their way to Quiriguá to seek refuge.
Quiriguá, his second target, he believed was a great trading city. It was in fact lightly populated with its trading days long past
The scouts returned to Songghumal’s camp with the news that the way was free of danger, all the inhabitants having fled. They told him of the condition of Kaminaljuyu and the resources available there. From their reports, he was able to conclude that the city would not be a challenge and decided to march through it to Quiriguá about 450 li beyond the abandoned site.
The Mongol army set of on their march through the country of these fallen Mayan kings. There were raised roadways which made progress easier than expected but the invasion did not move swiftly forward.
When the refugees reached Quiriguá, runners had been sent to the Maya cities in the lowlands to the northeast and to “The Man of the Mat”, Tz'ikin, leader of the K'iche' Maya at Jakawitz. Tz’ikin was also aware of the landing of the Khan and was marshalling his forces to meet them. His tributaries; the Rabinal, Kaqchikel and Tz’utujil were sending troops to march with him. He had made Ajkan, his successor, War Leader of the Ilok’ab’, the warrior caste.
Flawed intelligence continued to plague the Khan as he marched toward Kaminaljuyu. His reports had led him to believe that the Mayans were, to one degree or another, a unified kingdom under the rule of Mayapan. He did understand, correctly, that their power and strength ebbed and flowed across the landscape over time and that some areas would be prosperous and thrive while others would decline and be abandoned, only to rise again in the fullness of time. He had been led to believe that this entire region was in decline and peripheral to the empire ruled by Ahau Cuat Cocom. He was unaware of, or discounted, the presence of the K’iche’, as a minor Mayan tribe. His understanding of their importance or even their territory was woefully inadequate and he relied mostly on rumors for his knowledge of them.
The K’iche’ War Leader, Ajkan, had assembled his army while Songghumal rested along the coast. When the scouts returned to the Mongol camp he advanced toward Kaminaljuyu to meet the Khan. His army was twice the size of Songghumal’s but armed with wood, stone and bronze weapons. Slings, bows, and spears were their only ranged weapons and most of the men carried clubs, axes or wooden swords edged with obsidian shards for close combat. All things the Mongols were now familiar with.
Ajkan had heard about the bizarre animals the Asians rode upon and about the power of their bows. Rumors were rife in the countryside about the thunder and fire that they had at their command. He and the priests tried to prepare his men for a battle with magical foes with great power at their command. His army knew that this could be the strangest battle they had ever taken part in but were reassured that the men who wielded these weapons were mortal, probably, and could be defeated.
He divided his force into two components and concealed them in the hills on either side of the valley of Kaminaljuyu. His plan was to allow the Mongols to enter the valley and, once the entire force was in he would attack with the smaller force, descending onto the left flank of the Asian column. Once fully engaged, the larger portion of his army would fall upon the right flank which would now be the invaders rear, and grind them as if they were maize in a Metlatl.
Songghumal had taken the precaution of sending advance units in a wide fan ahead of the main body of his army as they advanced, to scout for any potential resistance. These had discovered evidence of the movement of large numbers of people, but had not encountered any of the K’iche' forces. This was interpreted as signs of the flight of the local population before the Khan. He marched forward, believing the way was clear.
As he entered the valley of Kaminaljuyu, a few of the Khan’s advance units finally made contact with outlying elements of Ajkan’s army. These were lightly armed reconnaissance detachments and they offered no resistance, melting into the forest with only minor casualties. Word sent back to the Khan was interpreted as remnants of the local population keeping an eye on the Mongol’s progress.
Other scouting parties, descending into the valley toward the main K’iche’ army encountered elements of Ajkan’s forces hidden between the hills on the west side of the valley. Vastly outnumbered, Most of these were quickly neutralized and the captives sent to the rear, but a handful escaped to warn the Khan.
Songghumal received the news of the army on his left flank just before the K’iche’ broke through the forest and descend into the valley. He was able to turn his troops to face the onslaught in good order, depriving Ajkan of the element of total surprise. The K’iche’ advanced at a run, creating a terrible noise with horns and drums and shouts and yells and hymns to their gods. The sight of thousands of Mayans charging towards the Khan’s army, waiving their weapons and banners, their commanders, fantastically dressed for battle and urging them on from palanquins adorned with images of their patron deities was indeed alarming. Amid the Chaos was an order that Songghumal could just barely perceive, but he had no time to contemplate its meaning in the wildness of the attack.
Groups of horse archers charged from openings in the Khans lines to harass the enemy with fast moving and deadly fire, returning to the protection of the army as another wave rode out to repeat the maneuver. Their numbers were too small to have much impact on the Mayan troops and the advance was not slowed. They had been well prepared for the enemy’s animals. After a few sorties small units of K’iche’ soldiers would break off from the main body to engage the horsemen on their retreat. This tactic by the Mongols soon was abandoned
The advancing K’iche' were slowed as they came into range of the Asian archers, but the onslaught continued as they marched over the bodies of their stricken comrades, finally coming into their own range. Arrows and stones began to fall on the Khan’s line and Ajkan’s men continued their inexorable progress towards the front ranks of the Asian army, although that advance was slowing.
All things considered, the Khan’s forces were doing well. Casualties were definitely higher among the Mayan troops, the forces were of nearly equal size and the advance was being halted. Songghumal knew that hand to hand was the next stage and he was confident that he would rule the day.
Ajkan’s men were stopped finally and began to give ground to the army of the Khan as it began to move slowly forward. The battle was now hand to hand in many sections of the front and the horse archers had once again broken out and were harassing the Mayan flanks. At this moment, the larger K’iche’ force burst from the forested hills to the east and descended upon the Khans rear guard.
The cannon that were in the Khan’s train had were only now being brought to bear on the first Mayan assault. They were ordered to wheel and fire on the forces now trying to envelope the Khan. Archers turned and fired into the advancing K’iche’; infantry units were detached and sent to meet Ajkan’s fresh troops. Now outnumbered on both flanks, the slaughter was tremendous.
Ajkan, in the aspect of the Hero Twin, Xbalanque, (the leader of the first force to attack the Khan lead in the aspect of Hunahpu, the other Hero Twin) drove his men forward relentlessly until they were engaged hand to hand with the invading army. The close engagement rendered the bows of the Khan ineffective. Spears, axes, clubs and swords were now the most effective tools of war. The cannon fired into elements of the Mayan force that had not yet engaged the Khan, wreaking great havoc among the K’iche' troops.
The tide of battle had turned against Songghumal. Outnumbered and nearly surrounded he was now trying to find a way to extricate his army before it was overcome.
Ajkan’s troops had failed to close on the southern flank of the khan’s army, leaving a narrow front that was free of the enemy. Songghumal began to fall back on this breach and was able to break through into the open fields beyond. Finally free of the encirclement, he mounted a rearguard action to protect his men as they retreated from the valley the way they had entered it.
Ajkan pursued the Khan for some time, harassing his rear guard and inflicting some damage, but his men were exhausted and he had to give up and return to the valley. In the process he lost the initiative and was unable to capitalize on his victory. The Khan’s army was greatly reduced, but still intact.
The Khan took stock of his remaining forces. He had lost thirty horses and three thousand four hundred men, more than a third of his army. His cannon had been lost in the retreat as their positions were overrun by Ajkan himself. This was a great prize for the heir of Jakawitz.
Songghumal now knew that the Maya here were not the weak declining and degraded civilization he had been lead to believe. They were strong and numerous. He did not have the forces necessary to overcome them. He needed men and horses, many more horses.
The Ngöbe leaders, whose men had performed well during the battle, pressed Songghumal to return to Alagh. War to them was a skirmish to the Mongols. On this scale it was something they were not able to comprehend. The carnage had been unnerving.
The Khan’s decision to withdraw to the coast and the fleet was made that much easier by reports from his pickets that a large body of soldiers was seen moving towards the valley of Kaminaljuyu from the east. These were in fact the Pipil, who had heard that the K’iche' were on the march towards their lands to meet the Khan.
Fearing the intent of the K’iche' and the purpose of the Khan, the Pipil had sent their own force to defend their territory and their cities to the southeast.
Songghumal, surprised at the organization, belligerence and population of this region he had thought was nearly empty, made the decision to return to Alagh and husband his forces against the possibility of a major invasion by the Maya. His retreat was hasty, but orderly and he soon arrived at the coast and set sail for Alagh, his plan to prove his strength to his army in shambles.
He never learned that the Pipil army had fallen upon the forces of Ajkan as they recovered in the valley and soundly defeated them. The resultant war between the two neighboring peoples was short and bloody. The K’iche’ were absorbed into the expanding Pipil kingdom which soon dominated the highlands and would eventually threaten the Mayapan league itself.
The Horse and the Jaguar...16 1299 part 3 The Campaign in the South
Leaving a contingent of troops to secure the territory around Kuelap insure the authority of his representatives, Chun Bo Fen retraced his path across the mountains to Cajamarca, then down to Chepen and finally along the coast to Chan Chan. En route he was joined by forces sent from Túcume and Pakatnamú, further strengthening the army of Chimor. Finally, he arrived at the capital after several weeks on the march and set about resting and resupplying his forces.
Once the army had been settled in their camps in the countryside Chun withdrew to the confines and solitude of his chambers in the palace. There at last he mourned for his wife and their son who had gone to their ancestors so far to the north. Stories emerged from the few who provided food and drink that his grief was intense and ranged from despair to rage. Most of his attendants were afraid to enter his presence although when they did he was normally found sitting in a chair staring at the sea. Two weeks after he went into seclusion he emerged from the palace thinner, for he had eaten little, but full of determination.
The army was roused and within a few days was on the march along the coast road to Paramonga. This city was approximately 700 li to the south of Chan Chan near Chimor’s southern border. Chun had developed good trading relationships in the region and exchanged regular embassies with the leaders of the four valleys along that part of the coast. This was a prosperous country but not particularly militaristic. Their position and status was maintained through negotiation, trade and diplomacy. He expected little resistance to the demands would make of them.
Three weeks passed before he approached the first valley and the city of Paramonga. Waiting for him on a rise a few li from the edge of the valley was a delegation made up of the city’s leading citizens and the king’s prime minister. These dignitaries had been sent to welcome the great Governor of Chimor and escort him into Paramonga with great ceremony. The army encamped along the slopes of the valley near the city and food, drink and other goods were conveyed to them on long trains of llamas. Chun brought 5,000 men as a guard with him as he entered the city but there was no expression of concern on the part of his escorts.
With the city leaders at on their palanquins leading followed by Chun Bo Fen riding amidst his troops, he passed into Paramonga and through its streets to the main plaza. All along the route the citizens cheered and jostled each other to get a better look at the great man as if he was a returning hero instead of a conqueror.
Chun had expected the city to submit rather easily but he had not expected to be welcomed as a hero and great lord. The leaders of Paramonga wishing not to disrupt trade or make the necessary expenditures to raise an army, had come to the conclusion that their best path for avoiding conflict was to voluntarily join the province of Chimor. So they decided to treat Chun as a great man and hope that they would be allowed to lead their lives as before. It was an astute evaluation. Chun was so pleased at the welcome and the complete lack of resistance that he gave the city very generous terms for its admission to Chimor. They would be allowed to continue their business as before, save a small tribute to Chan Chan, but they would receive very favorable trade terms. Chun would send a representative to guard his interests with the leadership, but they would continue to rule in all domestic and economic matters. They would provide men and supplies for necessary works in the province such as road building, canal maintenance, mining and herding. When needed they would provide and support men for the military needs of the Governor, beginning right now.
The four valleys happily provided 8,000 men for Chun’s army as well as the llamas to pack their supplies and the herdsmen to take care of the llamas. The army of the Governor of Chimor was now one of the largest that had been seen in these lands, nearly 40,000 men at arms.
Chun’s next goal was Wak'a Wallamarka and then Pachacamac, the religious center of the Ichma Kingdom, about 500 li further south on the coast. These responded to the arrival of the Governor of Chimor on their doorstep much as Paramonga, Acaray and the other cities of the four valleys had. After a brief show of force, mainly involving an archery display on horseback followed by the destruction of a small stone building, the King of The Ichma submitted to the overlordship of Chimor without resistance. An additional 5,000 troops joined the ranks of the Governor.
Continuing down the coast once his troops had rested, Chun’s next goal was the lands of the Chincha. This people were renowned for their skill as farmers, mariners who traded as far as Alagh, and the fierceness of their warriors. He had no illusions of what was to come. He knew that Chincha would be a series of battles and most likely a siege of their major city on the coast.
The Chincha people were well known due to their trade routes along the coast. Chan Chan had a long history of commerce with these people because they came to trade in the capital several times a year, arriving on great rafts with unusually shaped sails. Chun had met with them several times and had they had sat with him and his navigators talking the arts of sailing. The Chincha were amazed at the size and capacity of the junks and had even tried to trade for one, but the Chinese captains were equally impressed with the reed rafts of these native seamen. With these seemingly simple craft they traversed the entire coast known by the Asians and beyond. In their legends, which they shared during a feast after a particularly good trading mission to Chan Chan, they told that their people had come from a country of many islands far across the sea to the west.
The Chincha were surprised when the Chinese junks exploring the southern coast, looking for iron, had no trade goods when they briefly called on their city. In actuality, they thought it rude behavior. The welcome in Chincha promptly cooled. Later voyages to the ore bypassed Chincha.
They encountered the first elements of Chincha forces when they entered a valley nearly ninety li from the city. The events at Paramonga and Pachacamac were well known in the region and Chun’s apparent purpose for this march south clear to the rulers of Chincha. They would not run gladly into the arms of this overlord. The initial engagement showed the Chincha to be well trained, well lead, disciplined and very skilled with their weapons. Chun’s main forces were still approaching the valley and his vanguard was primarily the troops from Paramonga and Ichma. They were able to prevail against the Chincha due to vastly superior numbers but took very high casualties.
The Chincha withdrew across the river and established a defensive line. The Governor’s main force arrived in the valley shortly after the initial battle had ended. Chun had learned a great deal about his new troops. Green as they were they could fight. He would rest them and sent them to the rear. His archers were able to reach the Chincha warriors across the river while staying out of range of the native bows themselves. Arrows rained down on the Chincha until their captain was shot through and they retreated up the far side of the valley. Chun’s army crossed the river and, with his archers in the lead, conducted an intermittent running battle toward the city of Chincha.
On the coastal plain a few li north of the city, Chun came into contact with the main Chincha army. His initial engagement at the ford had shown that they could be a formidable foe, at least when the combat was restricted to the standards of this world. The army of Chimor was slightly larger than the opposition, but Chun’s native troops, particularly the men from the valleys and the Ichma, were not up to the standard of the soldiers they faced today. The battle, Chun felt, would rest on the backs of his Chimu soldiers and the Chinese units in his host.
The initial engagement with the main Chincha army proved the truth of his opinion regarding the men of Paramonga and Pachacamac who again suffered significant casualties. He was surprised that his Chimu fought only slightly better in the pitched battle. His archers again showed their value by peppering the enemy with arrows while remaining out of range of the native bows. His few cavalry harassed the flanks of the Chincha, causing them to repeatedly shift focus from the main battle to the right and then the left. The horsemen proved their worth by terrifying the Chincha warriors with headlong charges followed by retreats where the archers fired over their horse’s rumps. The excellent Chincha leadership had no tactic to respond to this sort of attack.
When the time came, his Chinese troops, with their superior metal weapons and armor were far more valuable than the native warriors. They broke the Chincha lines and were followed by enthusiastic Chimu warriors who were finally able to show their worth in close quarters. Chun’s horsemen now rode through the Chincha forces wielding swords and spears and creating carnage which caused even the Chincha to pause.
This intermittent lull as the Chincha took in the destruction around them was enough for Chum to eventually drive them from the field and they fled into Chincha where a large number of fresh soldiers were protecting the city. In this way, Chun Bo Fen was able to besiege a city for the first time on this continent.
Although short by Asian standards, the siege only lasted three weeks; it was devastating to both the city and the native participants. Chun set his catapults and trebuchets to bombard the city and his canon were deployed on a nearby hill which gave them complete command of the city. Stones fell on the city, the walls of buildings collapsed under cannon fire, and the city burned as a result of bombs hurled by catapult and trebuchet. The defenders resisted valiantly and made forays to harass Chun’s troops but were repeatedly repulsed before they could reach the artillery. The Chincha held even though this was warfare unlike anything that had been seen in this world. Where other cities and nations had fallen at the blast of a single cannon, these people fought as if their gods were commanding them.
In the ranks of Chun’s native army, there was a strange sense of elation at boxing up the vaunted Chincha warriors, but it was combined with a horror at seeing the power that their overlord commanded. Seeing the city burn as a result of things that hurled pottery balls which erupted into great fires when they landed was beyond their understanding. Many of them believed that Chun Bo Fen must be a god himself, or at least be under the protection of an unknown but very powerful god.
Few of the native troops of Chimor understood that they were now part of the most technologically advanced military force this half of the world had ever seen.
When Chincha fell it was not noble or grand. There was no final act or assault. The Chincha warriors did not mount a heroic but futile breakout attempt. The siege simply ended. For two days there was little or no hostile action originating from the city. Chun’s forward elements moved ever closer to the city and met only minor and scattered resistance. On the 23rd day of the siege, Chun sent Chinese infantry units into the city and they met no resistance. The people they saw looked like spirits, gaunt, bone filled bags of skin with haunted, hunted eyes. What stores of food were in the city had quickly been destroyed by the Governor’s incendiary bombs. Water has the only necessity of life that was not in short supply since it was derived from wells within the city. It was the lack of food which had broken the great and vaunted Chincha people.
No king was to be found, no leading citizens or ministers of the government. Chun’s men finally found a priest, cowering in the ruins of a temple, guarding the decaying carcass of a rat. He told the governor’s men that the king of Chincha and his priests had sent many of the populace to their gods, carrying their pleas for salvation. The gods, it seems, were otherwise engaged and left the Chincha to their own devices. As his people starved, the king defied the rain of stones and bombs, even as his own palace was reduced to rubble.
A few days before the fall of Chincha, during a sacrifice at the main plaza, the temple had collapsed a week earlier, one man in the crowd cried out as the king garroted his brother, sending him to the gods with the plea for help. His words were not recorded nor were his actions for all was hearsay now. The mass of people were incited by the cries of this man and the crowd surged forward.
The King and the priests were sacrificed at the hands of the populace, frustrated, angry and hungry. Later, only the bones of the leaders of Chincha were found; in a pot.
Chun, who had seen many terrible things, was horrified at the acts of the nobles of Chincha and the final act of its people. He summoned the leaders of all his native contingents to his tent set on the plain outside the city. He declared that he would not enter this city which had defiled not only its own name, but which had abandoned its ancestors by this great crime of regicide.
He met them on a pavilion set outside his tent and said;
“Noble kings and lords of Chan Chan, Kuelap, Paramonga, Pachacamac, Cajamarca and the other domains of the province of Chimor; You know that the I have left your cities and lands in peace. Your people live as they always have. All grow rich and prosper within our common allegiance. Our people eat well, there is no hunger, all benefit.
Here, in this city, this king have chosen to resist and fight and so destruction has come upon them. Rather than taking the gift of submission and accepting the benevolence of Chimor, they chose to resist the irresistible and so lost their birthright.
In their arrogance and lack of humility, their unwillingness to recognize their weakness, their refusal to acknowledge that they could not triumph, they have doomed their families, their cities and their people.
This king, on the backs of his valiant warriors, whose courage my army will always admire and respect, prayed to his gods with the blood of their women and children. his gods did not hear him. His own people, in turn, sent him to those same gods, and, out of unimaginable hunger, those people consumed their king as he had been consuming them.
This city is not wounded. This city is dead. Its gods have forsaken it so their temples will be raised. The people have shown themselves no better than their kings, so they shall be removed. Chincha will fade from the memory of the mountains and the sea. Its warriors are gone. Its fields will lie fallow. This fertile land will one day belong to new men, Men of Chimor and Chimor’s friends.
Let your people know what has happened here so they may rejoice in the wisdom of your leaders. Let them know what has happened here so they may tell the story that the old gods forsook Chincha as the people of Chincha forsook the old gods.
For ten years I declare this place dead. No one may live here, farm here, fish here. The city will be erased, its walls raised, its temples scattered. In time, a new city may be built, but not until the earth has forgiven what the people of Chincha have done to themselves.
I cannot endure the stench of this place any longer and will march south where the air is fresh and clean. Your task men of Paramonga and Pachacamac is to erase this place from the face of earth, rub its name from the course of history. Once all signs of this city are gone and the land seems to be never used, join your brothers and I in the south.”
Chun rose, bowed ceremoniously to his subordinates, and walked from the pavilion. They saw him mount his horse and gallop into the south, as if he could not escape Chincha quickly enough.
His Chinese and Chimu troops followed and the march toward the prize, the iron ore and the cities of Chiribaya, Omo and Chen Chen began. This was still another 1,700 li to the south.
[FONT="]The troops left at Chincha engaged the remaining citizens in the destruction of their own city. There was no sense of pity towards these people, who were fed as the governor had directed. But they were not unduly persecuted. Chun had made it clear in his written orders to the commanders that the defeated were to be treated without cruelty and that they were to arrive at Omo Healthy and reasonably strong. Their true labors would begin then fior they were destined to work the iron mines of Chun Bo Fen.[/FONT]
[FONT="]Chapter 16[/FONT]
[FONT="]1299 Part 3[/FONT]
[FONT="]The Campaign in The South[/FONT]
[FONT="]1299 Part 3[/FONT]
[FONT="]The Campaign in The South[/FONT]
Leaving a contingent of troops to secure the territory around Kuelap insure the authority of his representatives, Chun Bo Fen retraced his path across the mountains to Cajamarca, then down to Chepen and finally along the coast to Chan Chan. En route he was joined by forces sent from Túcume and Pakatnamú, further strengthening the army of Chimor. Finally, he arrived at the capital after several weeks on the march and set about resting and resupplying his forces.
Once the army had been settled in their camps in the countryside Chun withdrew to the confines and solitude of his chambers in the palace. There at last he mourned for his wife and their son who had gone to their ancestors so far to the north. Stories emerged from the few who provided food and drink that his grief was intense and ranged from despair to rage. Most of his attendants were afraid to enter his presence although when they did he was normally found sitting in a chair staring at the sea. Two weeks after he went into seclusion he emerged from the palace thinner, for he had eaten little, but full of determination.
The army was roused and within a few days was on the march along the coast road to Paramonga. This city was approximately 700 li to the south of Chan Chan near Chimor’s southern border. Chun had developed good trading relationships in the region and exchanged regular embassies with the leaders of the four valleys along that part of the coast. This was a prosperous country but not particularly militaristic. Their position and status was maintained through negotiation, trade and diplomacy. He expected little resistance to the demands would make of them.
Three weeks passed before he approached the first valley and the city of Paramonga. Waiting for him on a rise a few li from the edge of the valley was a delegation made up of the city’s leading citizens and the king’s prime minister. These dignitaries had been sent to welcome the great Governor of Chimor and escort him into Paramonga with great ceremony. The army encamped along the slopes of the valley near the city and food, drink and other goods were conveyed to them on long trains of llamas. Chun brought 5,000 men as a guard with him as he entered the city but there was no expression of concern on the part of his escorts.
With the city leaders at on their palanquins leading followed by Chun Bo Fen riding amidst his troops, he passed into Paramonga and through its streets to the main plaza. All along the route the citizens cheered and jostled each other to get a better look at the great man as if he was a returning hero instead of a conqueror.
Chun had expected the city to submit rather easily but he had not expected to be welcomed as a hero and great lord. The leaders of Paramonga wishing not to disrupt trade or make the necessary expenditures to raise an army, had come to the conclusion that their best path for avoiding conflict was to voluntarily join the province of Chimor. So they decided to treat Chun as a great man and hope that they would be allowed to lead their lives as before. It was an astute evaluation. Chun was so pleased at the welcome and the complete lack of resistance that he gave the city very generous terms for its admission to Chimor. They would be allowed to continue their business as before, save a small tribute to Chan Chan, but they would receive very favorable trade terms. Chun would send a representative to guard his interests with the leadership, but they would continue to rule in all domestic and economic matters. They would provide men and supplies for necessary works in the province such as road building, canal maintenance, mining and herding. When needed they would provide and support men for the military needs of the Governor, beginning right now.
The four valleys happily provided 8,000 men for Chun’s army as well as the llamas to pack their supplies and the herdsmen to take care of the llamas. The army of the Governor of Chimor was now one of the largest that had been seen in these lands, nearly 40,000 men at arms.
Chun’s next goal was Wak'a Wallamarka and then Pachacamac, the religious center of the Ichma Kingdom, about 500 li further south on the coast. These responded to the arrival of the Governor of Chimor on their doorstep much as Paramonga, Acaray and the other cities of the four valleys had. After a brief show of force, mainly involving an archery display on horseback followed by the destruction of a small stone building, the King of The Ichma submitted to the overlordship of Chimor without resistance. An additional 5,000 troops joined the ranks of the Governor.
Continuing down the coast once his troops had rested, Chun’s next goal was the lands of the Chincha. This people were renowned for their skill as farmers, mariners who traded as far as Alagh, and the fierceness of their warriors. He had no illusions of what was to come. He knew that Chincha would be a series of battles and most likely a siege of their major city on the coast.
The Chincha people were well known due to their trade routes along the coast. Chan Chan had a long history of commerce with these people because they came to trade in the capital several times a year, arriving on great rafts with unusually shaped sails. Chun had met with them several times and had they had sat with him and his navigators talking the arts of sailing. The Chincha were amazed at the size and capacity of the junks and had even tried to trade for one, but the Chinese captains were equally impressed with the reed rafts of these native seamen. With these seemingly simple craft they traversed the entire coast known by the Asians and beyond. In their legends, which they shared during a feast after a particularly good trading mission to Chan Chan, they told that their people had come from a country of many islands far across the sea to the west.
The Chincha were surprised when the Chinese junks exploring the southern coast, looking for iron, had no trade goods when they briefly called on their city. In actuality, they thought it rude behavior. The welcome in Chincha promptly cooled. Later voyages to the ore bypassed Chincha.
They encountered the first elements of Chincha forces when they entered a valley nearly ninety li from the city. The events at Paramonga and Pachacamac were well known in the region and Chun’s apparent purpose for this march south clear to the rulers of Chincha. They would not run gladly into the arms of this overlord. The initial engagement showed the Chincha to be well trained, well lead, disciplined and very skilled with their weapons. Chun’s main forces were still approaching the valley and his vanguard was primarily the troops from Paramonga and Ichma. They were able to prevail against the Chincha due to vastly superior numbers but took very high casualties.
The Chincha withdrew across the river and established a defensive line. The Governor’s main force arrived in the valley shortly after the initial battle had ended. Chun had learned a great deal about his new troops. Green as they were they could fight. He would rest them and sent them to the rear. His archers were able to reach the Chincha warriors across the river while staying out of range of the native bows themselves. Arrows rained down on the Chincha until their captain was shot through and they retreated up the far side of the valley. Chun’s army crossed the river and, with his archers in the lead, conducted an intermittent running battle toward the city of Chincha.
On the coastal plain a few li north of the city, Chun came into contact with the main Chincha army. His initial engagement at the ford had shown that they could be a formidable foe, at least when the combat was restricted to the standards of this world. The army of Chimor was slightly larger than the opposition, but Chun’s native troops, particularly the men from the valleys and the Ichma, were not up to the standard of the soldiers they faced today. The battle, Chun felt, would rest on the backs of his Chimu soldiers and the Chinese units in his host.
The initial engagement with the main Chincha army proved the truth of his opinion regarding the men of Paramonga and Pachacamac who again suffered significant casualties. He was surprised that his Chimu fought only slightly better in the pitched battle. His archers again showed their value by peppering the enemy with arrows while remaining out of range of the native bows. His few cavalry harassed the flanks of the Chincha, causing them to repeatedly shift focus from the main battle to the right and then the left. The horsemen proved their worth by terrifying the Chincha warriors with headlong charges followed by retreats where the archers fired over their horse’s rumps. The excellent Chincha leadership had no tactic to respond to this sort of attack.
When the time came, his Chinese troops, with their superior metal weapons and armor were far more valuable than the native warriors. They broke the Chincha lines and were followed by enthusiastic Chimu warriors who were finally able to show their worth in close quarters. Chun’s horsemen now rode through the Chincha forces wielding swords and spears and creating carnage which caused even the Chincha to pause.
This intermittent lull as the Chincha took in the destruction around them was enough for Chum to eventually drive them from the field and they fled into Chincha where a large number of fresh soldiers were protecting the city. In this way, Chun Bo Fen was able to besiege a city for the first time on this continent.
Although short by Asian standards, the siege only lasted three weeks; it was devastating to both the city and the native participants. Chun set his catapults and trebuchets to bombard the city and his canon were deployed on a nearby hill which gave them complete command of the city. Stones fell on the city, the walls of buildings collapsed under cannon fire, and the city burned as a result of bombs hurled by catapult and trebuchet. The defenders resisted valiantly and made forays to harass Chun’s troops but were repeatedly repulsed before they could reach the artillery. The Chincha held even though this was warfare unlike anything that had been seen in this world. Where other cities and nations had fallen at the blast of a single cannon, these people fought as if their gods were commanding them.
In the ranks of Chun’s native army, there was a strange sense of elation at boxing up the vaunted Chincha warriors, but it was combined with a horror at seeing the power that their overlord commanded. Seeing the city burn as a result of things that hurled pottery balls which erupted into great fires when they landed was beyond their understanding. Many of them believed that Chun Bo Fen must be a god himself, or at least be under the protection of an unknown but very powerful god.
Few of the native troops of Chimor understood that they were now part of the most technologically advanced military force this half of the world had ever seen.
When Chincha fell it was not noble or grand. There was no final act or assault. The Chincha warriors did not mount a heroic but futile breakout attempt. The siege simply ended. For two days there was little or no hostile action originating from the city. Chun’s forward elements moved ever closer to the city and met only minor and scattered resistance. On the 23rd day of the siege, Chun sent Chinese infantry units into the city and they met no resistance. The people they saw looked like spirits, gaunt, bone filled bags of skin with haunted, hunted eyes. What stores of food were in the city had quickly been destroyed by the Governor’s incendiary bombs. Water has the only necessity of life that was not in short supply since it was derived from wells within the city. It was the lack of food which had broken the great and vaunted Chincha people.
No king was to be found, no leading citizens or ministers of the government. Chun’s men finally found a priest, cowering in the ruins of a temple, guarding the decaying carcass of a rat. He told the governor’s men that the king of Chincha and his priests had sent many of the populace to their gods, carrying their pleas for salvation. The gods, it seems, were otherwise engaged and left the Chincha to their own devices. As his people starved, the king defied the rain of stones and bombs, even as his own palace was reduced to rubble.
A few days before the fall of Chincha, during a sacrifice at the main plaza, the temple had collapsed a week earlier, one man in the crowd cried out as the king garroted his brother, sending him to the gods with the plea for help. His words were not recorded nor were his actions for all was hearsay now. The mass of people were incited by the cries of this man and the crowd surged forward.
The King and the priests were sacrificed at the hands of the populace, frustrated, angry and hungry. Later, only the bones of the leaders of Chincha were found; in a pot.
Chun, who had seen many terrible things, was horrified at the acts of the nobles of Chincha and the final act of its people. He summoned the leaders of all his native contingents to his tent set on the plain outside the city. He declared that he would not enter this city which had defiled not only its own name, but which had abandoned its ancestors by this great crime of regicide.
He met them on a pavilion set outside his tent and said;
“Noble kings and lords of Chan Chan, Kuelap, Paramonga, Pachacamac, Cajamarca and the other domains of the province of Chimor; You know that the I have left your cities and lands in peace. Your people live as they always have. All grow rich and prosper within our common allegiance. Our people eat well, there is no hunger, all benefit.
Here, in this city, this king have chosen to resist and fight and so destruction has come upon them. Rather than taking the gift of submission and accepting the benevolence of Chimor, they chose to resist the irresistible and so lost their birthright.
In their arrogance and lack of humility, their unwillingness to recognize their weakness, their refusal to acknowledge that they could not triumph, they have doomed their families, their cities and their people.
This king, on the backs of his valiant warriors, whose courage my army will always admire and respect, prayed to his gods with the blood of their women and children. his gods did not hear him. His own people, in turn, sent him to those same gods, and, out of unimaginable hunger, those people consumed their king as he had been consuming them.
This city is not wounded. This city is dead. Its gods have forsaken it so their temples will be raised. The people have shown themselves no better than their kings, so they shall be removed. Chincha will fade from the memory of the mountains and the sea. Its warriors are gone. Its fields will lie fallow. This fertile land will one day belong to new men, Men of Chimor and Chimor’s friends.
Let your people know what has happened here so they may rejoice in the wisdom of your leaders. Let them know what has happened here so they may tell the story that the old gods forsook Chincha as the people of Chincha forsook the old gods.
For ten years I declare this place dead. No one may live here, farm here, fish here. The city will be erased, its walls raised, its temples scattered. In time, a new city may be built, but not until the earth has forgiven what the people of Chincha have done to themselves.
I cannot endure the stench of this place any longer and will march south where the air is fresh and clean. Your task men of Paramonga and Pachacamac is to erase this place from the face of earth, rub its name from the course of history. Once all signs of this city are gone and the land seems to be never used, join your brothers and I in the south.”
Chun rose, bowed ceremoniously to his subordinates, and walked from the pavilion. They saw him mount his horse and gallop into the south, as if he could not escape Chincha quickly enough.
His Chinese and Chimu troops followed and the march toward the prize, the iron ore and the cities of Chiribaya, Omo and Chen Chen began. This was still another 1,700 li to the south.
[FONT="]The troops left at Chincha engaged the remaining citizens in the destruction of their own city. There was no sense of pity towards these people, who were fed as the governor had directed. But they were not unduly persecuted. Chun had made it clear in his written orders to the commanders that the defeated were to be treated without cruelty and that they were to arrive at Omo Healthy and reasonably strong. Their true labors would begin then fior they were destined to work the iron mines of Chun Bo Fen.[/FONT]
The Horse and the Jaguar...16 1299 part 4 Songghumal’s Khanate Prepares
In Asi ügei, Orghui Biskigür had made use of the fittings which the Khan had cannibalized from vessels which could no longer be made seaworthy to refit his three existing ships. A few additional smaller junks that had been dismantled and shipped across the isthmus were being re-assembled as well. His shipwrights had adapted methods used by other nations which traded with China, and were building a small vessel to test their ideas out. It had little iron and was joined with wooden pegs. The planks were carefully fitted and sewn together in the manner of the Arabs and then made water tight with a sealant made with fish oil. Native cotton had been woven for the sails and was now being bent on. The Ngöbe and other natives of the region had proved invaluable during the construction; they knew which woods were easiest to work and which were most resistant to the marine environment for they had been building canoes and other open boats for fishing and trade for many centuries. Once the new ship was completed, he would have a fleet of ten vessels at his command.
Most of the original inhabitants had returned to the surrounding countryside and fishing, farming and trade had resumed. They had no great love for the Asians and saw them as unwelcome invaders. They were tolerated and received the required respect and obedience, but it was inevitably without enthusiasm. Some of the headmen, wanting to understand the interlopers better, had infiltrated informants into the Mongol camp in the guise of potters, weavers, woodsmen and laborers. They knew the Asians were limited in numbers and although their knowledge was vast and encompassed many things that were unknown until their arrival, they did indeed have weaknesses. One of the greatest was that the Ngöbe, who were closely intertwined with the Mongols, were slowly becoming discontented after seeing how other natives, particularly the captives destined for the mines, had been treated. Some wondered who would be next.
However, there was prosperity across the entire length and breadth of the Khanate, from one sea to the other. Food and goods were plentiful and there was active and free commerce. The new methods of agriculture had been combined with the local practices to increase harvests and reduce labor in the fields. New skills and crafts had been learned and new industries established and old ones expanded. Animal husbandry, previously almost unknown, was more and more widespread with growing herds of cattle providing meat, dairy, leather and innumerable other products including tallow to light the night, horn for tools and jewelry and bone to make the Mongolian bow. Sheep provided meat, milk and wool which was woven and dyed and then traded widely up and down both coasts. The inability of the natives to digest dairy products was slowly lessening as they gained exposure to milk, cheese and yogurt and as children were increasingly nursed on milk from the livestock. Chickens and ducks provided a significant part of the diet as well and feathers and down were used to decorate clothing, make cushions and numerous other trade items. A few of the locals had even been employed by their masters to assist with the care of the horses. A very few had even learned to ride.
The introduction of the wheel and the cart, either hauled by men or hitched to oxen had greatly simplified the transportation of goods and pathways were rapidly becoming roadways in order to accommodate these new vehicles. Skills necessary for the construction of the Khan’s capital; stone cutting and masonry, tile making, cabinet making, weaving of carpets, Carpentry and woodworking on a scale not seen before had given the people of the Khanate skills possessed by very few in this world and demand for their goods and crafts was rapidly growing.
The land between the seas was undergoing revolutionary changes in the space of less than one lifetime. But despite all these benefits, all this progress and unheard of prosperity there were factors which caused the native peoples to question the hegemony of the Khan.
They had always labored for themselves, fulfilling their own needs and the needs of their community. They had known what needed to be done and worked together to maintain their society. Leadership of the people had always been conferred on the basis of skill, knowledge and wisdom; it had never been claimed by ego or forced upon them through power. Their labors were for the common good, never for the benefit or aggrandizement of a single person. The Khan had forced them into corvees to build his city and roads. He had required them to provide men for his army and he had demanded that some of them relocate to new areas. He had imprisoned some, an unknown concept, and made them work in fields or on the city before being sent far away to mines in some strange country.
When the indigenous people had fought each other, it had always been for a good reason; resources, trade routes, honor or something else which truly mattered. The Khan had now taken thousands of their men and gone farther away than made any sense to engage in a war of conquest against people they did not even know and who had done no wrong. The natives could not understand what benefit would received from this adventure. They were even more baffled when the mighty Songghumal Khan returned having from his campaign in defeat, leaving many of their fellows dead on the field of battle. Had it not been for the grief at the loss of so many of their neighbors, they would have been amused at the Khan’s failure.
Songghumal himself was greatly troubled by the disastrous battle with the K’iche and the failure of his campaign against Kaminaljuyu and Quiriguá. Not only had he lost a significant number of men and several cannon, but he had shown himself not to be invincible. His Asian troops were dispirited by the ignominious end to the campaign, being forced to flee by men in loincloths and feathers and masks made them question themselves, but they questioned the fitness of their leader even more.
Songghumal also believed that he had made a great enemy of the K’iche and had given Ahau Cuat Cocom additional reasons to move against him by his failure. Being unaware of the Pipil attack on the K’iche, He believer that “The Man of the Mat”, Tz'ikin, would be planning an assault on Alagh now that he knew there were chinks in the Mongol armor. Needing to focus on something constructive, the Khan dove into the preparations for a defense of the Khanate. He reinforced his northwestern outposts, to guard against the inevitable K’iche assault; he again sent vessels south to Chan Chan with orders to return with units to bolster the defenses of Alagh. The garrison in the Pearl Islands was recalled to the delight of the islanders, who promptly eliminated the Khan’s representative by force feeding him an entire year’s worth of tribute.
The Khan moved his camp within the still unfinished walls of his capital and work was refocused on completion of the defenses. Warehouses were built before palaces in order to stockpile weapons and supplies. Orghui Biskigür sent part of his garrison back to Alagh as ordered and extended his ships patrols farther toward Mayapan. He also strengthened his palisades and increased his stores of supplies.
The young prince, Nugün Ürije, returned to Alagh from the west with the horses that had remained there during the abortive campaign and re-united with his adoptive father. This brought some joy to the Khan as he absorbed the young man’s enthusiasm and energy and enjoyed his wit and intelligence. The prince was billeted with his comrades near the Khans tent, within the walls. This was his decision as he told his father that he wanted to be with his men to protect the Khan when the K’iche came. Songghumal appreciated his dedication to the soldiers and his understanding of the situation and allowed him to remain with the troops.
When the ships returned from Chan Chan the Khan was angry to find that they had only been able to muster a small number of soldiers because the bulk of the Governors forces were on campaign in the south. Had more troops returned to Alagh the city would have been nearly undefended. One thing which did please the Khan was a small amount of unprocessed Iron ore. His representative told him that there was a very small amount of ore making its way north having been extracted by the small garrison at the mines. This ore was sufficient to smelt enough steel to make perhaps seventy five swords. Not much, but better than obsidian and wood. His smiths were ordered to get to work.
And so 1299 ended; The Khan fortifying himself in his incomplete city, Chun Bo Fen preparing for the final conquest as he neared the mines and Biskigür strengthening his defenses and watching for the enemy. Nugün was with his soldiers in the Khan’s camp and Ahau Cuat Cocom was gathering his forces and uniting the fractious Mayan cities into a cohesive empire. The Pipil were swallowing the K’iche kingdom and Tz'ikin was trapped in Jakawitz awaiting his fate.
The Ngöbe and their brothers were aware of more than the Khan knew and were biding their time until they knew which way the wind would blow. Their goal was to stay out of the coming conflicts as best they could and reap as much benefit as possible in the aftermath. There was no great desire to return to the world before the Yuan fleet sailed into the bay but there was a growing sentiment that they would be able to make the most of what they had learned from the Asians if they were left to their own devices.
The fate of nearly 10,000 li stretching north to Mayapan and south to Chiribaya would be decided in the coming year.
[FONT="]Chapter 16[/FONT]
[FONT="]1299, Part 4[/FONT]
[FONT="]Songghumal’s Khanate Prepares[/FONT]
[FONT="]
[/FONT]
[FONT="]1299, Part 4[/FONT]
[FONT="]Songghumal’s Khanate Prepares[/FONT]
[FONT="]
[/FONT]
Most of the original inhabitants had returned to the surrounding countryside and fishing, farming and trade had resumed. They had no great love for the Asians and saw them as unwelcome invaders. They were tolerated and received the required respect and obedience, but it was inevitably without enthusiasm. Some of the headmen, wanting to understand the interlopers better, had infiltrated informants into the Mongol camp in the guise of potters, weavers, woodsmen and laborers. They knew the Asians were limited in numbers and although their knowledge was vast and encompassed many things that were unknown until their arrival, they did indeed have weaknesses. One of the greatest was that the Ngöbe, who were closely intertwined with the Mongols, were slowly becoming discontented after seeing how other natives, particularly the captives destined for the mines, had been treated. Some wondered who would be next.
However, there was prosperity across the entire length and breadth of the Khanate, from one sea to the other. Food and goods were plentiful and there was active and free commerce. The new methods of agriculture had been combined with the local practices to increase harvests and reduce labor in the fields. New skills and crafts had been learned and new industries established and old ones expanded. Animal husbandry, previously almost unknown, was more and more widespread with growing herds of cattle providing meat, dairy, leather and innumerable other products including tallow to light the night, horn for tools and jewelry and bone to make the Mongolian bow. Sheep provided meat, milk and wool which was woven and dyed and then traded widely up and down both coasts. The inability of the natives to digest dairy products was slowly lessening as they gained exposure to milk, cheese and yogurt and as children were increasingly nursed on milk from the livestock. Chickens and ducks provided a significant part of the diet as well and feathers and down were used to decorate clothing, make cushions and numerous other trade items. A few of the locals had even been employed by their masters to assist with the care of the horses. A very few had even learned to ride.
The introduction of the wheel and the cart, either hauled by men or hitched to oxen had greatly simplified the transportation of goods and pathways were rapidly becoming roadways in order to accommodate these new vehicles. Skills necessary for the construction of the Khan’s capital; stone cutting and masonry, tile making, cabinet making, weaving of carpets, Carpentry and woodworking on a scale not seen before had given the people of the Khanate skills possessed by very few in this world and demand for their goods and crafts was rapidly growing.
The land between the seas was undergoing revolutionary changes in the space of less than one lifetime. But despite all these benefits, all this progress and unheard of prosperity there were factors which caused the native peoples to question the hegemony of the Khan.
They had always labored for themselves, fulfilling their own needs and the needs of their community. They had known what needed to be done and worked together to maintain their society. Leadership of the people had always been conferred on the basis of skill, knowledge and wisdom; it had never been claimed by ego or forced upon them through power. Their labors were for the common good, never for the benefit or aggrandizement of a single person. The Khan had forced them into corvees to build his city and roads. He had required them to provide men for his army and he had demanded that some of them relocate to new areas. He had imprisoned some, an unknown concept, and made them work in fields or on the city before being sent far away to mines in some strange country.
When the indigenous people had fought each other, it had always been for a good reason; resources, trade routes, honor or something else which truly mattered. The Khan had now taken thousands of their men and gone farther away than made any sense to engage in a war of conquest against people they did not even know and who had done no wrong. The natives could not understand what benefit would received from this adventure. They were even more baffled when the mighty Songghumal Khan returned having from his campaign in defeat, leaving many of their fellows dead on the field of battle. Had it not been for the grief at the loss of so many of their neighbors, they would have been amused at the Khan’s failure.
Songghumal himself was greatly troubled by the disastrous battle with the K’iche and the failure of his campaign against Kaminaljuyu and Quiriguá. Not only had he lost a significant number of men and several cannon, but he had shown himself not to be invincible. His Asian troops were dispirited by the ignominious end to the campaign, being forced to flee by men in loincloths and feathers and masks made them question themselves, but they questioned the fitness of their leader even more.
Songghumal also believed that he had made a great enemy of the K’iche and had given Ahau Cuat Cocom additional reasons to move against him by his failure. Being unaware of the Pipil attack on the K’iche, He believer that “The Man of the Mat”, Tz'ikin, would be planning an assault on Alagh now that he knew there were chinks in the Mongol armor. Needing to focus on something constructive, the Khan dove into the preparations for a defense of the Khanate. He reinforced his northwestern outposts, to guard against the inevitable K’iche assault; he again sent vessels south to Chan Chan with orders to return with units to bolster the defenses of Alagh. The garrison in the Pearl Islands was recalled to the delight of the islanders, who promptly eliminated the Khan’s representative by force feeding him an entire year’s worth of tribute.
The Khan moved his camp within the still unfinished walls of his capital and work was refocused on completion of the defenses. Warehouses were built before palaces in order to stockpile weapons and supplies. Orghui Biskigür sent part of his garrison back to Alagh as ordered and extended his ships patrols farther toward Mayapan. He also strengthened his palisades and increased his stores of supplies.
The young prince, Nugün Ürije, returned to Alagh from the west with the horses that had remained there during the abortive campaign and re-united with his adoptive father. This brought some joy to the Khan as he absorbed the young man’s enthusiasm and energy and enjoyed his wit and intelligence. The prince was billeted with his comrades near the Khans tent, within the walls. This was his decision as he told his father that he wanted to be with his men to protect the Khan when the K’iche came. Songghumal appreciated his dedication to the soldiers and his understanding of the situation and allowed him to remain with the troops.
When the ships returned from Chan Chan the Khan was angry to find that they had only been able to muster a small number of soldiers because the bulk of the Governors forces were on campaign in the south. Had more troops returned to Alagh the city would have been nearly undefended. One thing which did please the Khan was a small amount of unprocessed Iron ore. His representative told him that there was a very small amount of ore making its way north having been extracted by the small garrison at the mines. This ore was sufficient to smelt enough steel to make perhaps seventy five swords. Not much, but better than obsidian and wood. His smiths were ordered to get to work.
-----
And so 1299 ended; The Khan fortifying himself in his incomplete city, Chun Bo Fen preparing for the final conquest as he neared the mines and Biskigür strengthening his defenses and watching for the enemy. Nugün was with his soldiers in the Khan’s camp and Ahau Cuat Cocom was gathering his forces and uniting the fractious Mayan cities into a cohesive empire. The Pipil were swallowing the K’iche kingdom and Tz'ikin was trapped in Jakawitz awaiting his fate.
The Ngöbe and their brothers were aware of more than the Khan knew and were biding their time until they knew which way the wind would blow. Their goal was to stay out of the coming conflicts as best they could and reap as much benefit as possible in the aftermath. There was no great desire to return to the world before the Yuan fleet sailed into the bay but there was a growing sentiment that they would be able to make the most of what they had learned from the Asians if they were left to their own devices.
The fate of nearly 10,000 li stretching north to Mayapan and south to Chiribaya would be decided in the coming year.
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Great update!
Is it me, or Chun is getting closer to Machu Pichu?
Has Chun plans to adventure into the Amazonas?
PD: Have you ever heard of the Chiribaya sheperds?
Machu Pichu hasn't been built yet, but he already has relations with the Inca, who are just starting out. Mayta Capac was the fouth Sapa Inca and reigned IOTL from 1290 to 1320. For all intents and purposes Qusqo (Cuzco) was the entire empire at this tims, Inca power was limited to the valley of Qusqo. Mayta Capac's son, Capac Yupanqui was the inca who extended their control outside the valley, but more about him later.
Glad your enjoying!
The Horse and the Jaguar...17 Advances, Gambits and the Dōngbù Emperor
[FONT="]
Ahau Cuat Cocom, lord of Mayapan, had received runners from Tz'ikin with news of the K’iche victory over the Khan. Ever aware of the relationships between the city states of the Mayans, his pleasure at the defeat of Songghumal was tempered by his irritation at the triumph of his K’iche brother. Messengers were dispatched to Jakawitz expressing his pleasure at the defeat of the invaders but they returned with the news that Tz’ikin was now engaged in a war with the neighboring Pipil kingdom and that much of his army had been destroyed at Kaminaljuyu. At some point he would need to deal with both of these upstarts, but not until the Kahn had been driven out of this world.
The war between the K’iche and Pipil would prevent either of them from taking advantage of Mayapan as it assaulted the Khan, but Ahau knew how these things had a habit of shifting loyalties that were on the periphery. Most of the kings of the cities of the league were required to live in Mayapan and he had been a bit lenient with some cities in order to secure their cooperation, which is why the king of Zama was in his city on the day he was killed by the Mongols. Ahau ordered all kings still in their cities to relocate their courts to Mayapan leaving factors to see to the affairs at home. In Mayapan, each king would have a majordomo who would keep the king informed of events at home and communicate with his factors managing affairs. Some resistance was expected, but inevitably was short lived when faced with the courier’s armed escorts.[/FONT]
Ahau continued to concentrate on his preparations for his attack on the Khanate. His offensive would be launched later in the year and he already had sent spies to infiltrate Songghumal’s lands. Troops had been sent towards the frontier and were bivouacked outside distant league cities awaiting orders to march to join the King. Additional forces from the nearby cities joined his forces and were trained with the new weapons and tactics that had been developed. The militias that had supplied the men for previous Mayan wars were fading into a permanent army as Ahau Cuat Cocom kept his men under arms far longer than had ever happened before. Cities were responsible for supporting a given number of troops at a set amount per man. Some of the league members had objected to this levy, but the simple fact was that cities already part of the league who did not challenge Ahau had been safe from conflict and were, in fact, prospering.
The King’s Mongol captives had been very well treated. In order to continue a life in captivity and avoid an appearance at the temple, they were helping the Mayans with whatever they wanted. The Mayans, in turn, had provided them with wives (several each) who would soon provide them with children, and he had given them comfortable accommodations on an estate outside the city where they were primarily responsible for the King’s growing herd of horses. Raids and limited actions along the borders of the Khanate had provided Ahau with additional Asian captives as well as additional horses so he now possessed nearly one hundred animals.
He had selected certain outstanding Mayan warriors and sent them to the Mongols to learn the secrets of riding. This they had done quite admirably once they got over their fear of the large beasts. They had become reasonably good horsemen but were unable to master the art of horse archery. They had become formidable lancers and were unreasonably good when using a sling at full gallop.
Ahau Cuat Cocom now had a large corps of archers which was armed with the Mayan version of the compound bow. These archers had honed their skills by hunting and enforcing the will of Ahau Cuat Cocom on League and other cities when they were reluctant to follow the King’s directions.
Mayan bow makers had been hard at work once they had discovered the secrets of the Compound bow used by the Mongols. Their imitation, though not as effective, was still a vast improvement over the old style of bows they had used and they were being produced in prodigious numbers. Mayan fletchers were denuding the forests of birds in order to meet the demand for arrows. The demand for copper and bronze arrowheads was taxing the abilities of Mayan metalsmiths and the flaking of traditional stone heads had become a boom industry.
Eventually, Ahau Cuat Cocom ordered his assembled army to move. A large number of canoes had been assembled at Zama, Xel-Há and Xcaret on the coast and a large portion of the force traveled by sea. They set off at dusk and put in to shore at dawn in order to avoid the Mongol junks that periodically patrolled the area. The main body traveled by land along the roads the King had ordered to be made. For his part, the King traveled on his great palanquin, now mounted on a wagon and drawn by four horses instead of being carried on the shoulders of his men. He was surrounded by his small cavalry and his personal guard bearing bronze axes and swords.
As long as he was able to use his roads his progress was rapid, but when the roads stopped it became increasingly difficult to move through the forests and he was forced to the coast where he could continue the journey by boat. The cavalry and the majority of the troops accompanied him along the shoreline until, at the end of August, Ahau Cuat Cocom landed in the northwest part of the great bay of islands. He had avoided the ships from Asi ügei and his army had survived the march and voyage in fairly good condition. They moved into the forests and made a scattered camp in order to avoid a great plume of smoke which might expose their presence to the Mongols.
His spies had provided him with the locations of all of the Khan’s outposts in this region as well as good intelligence about the forces arrayed against him. The local population was, in fact, largely sympathetic to the Mayan king since he was an old trading partner and somewhat familiar to them. Ahau Cuat Cocom, through the cooperation of the locals, was able to prevent word of his presence from reaching beyond the forest.
Ahau Cuat Cocom took the time to rest his troops and refine his battle plan. His agents brought him detailed information about the location of Mongol outposts and the Khans system of post stations. He learned about the road across the isthmus and the construction of the new capital city. His goal was to achieve complete surprise so an assault on Asi Ügei was not contemplated at the moment. He would march overland, across the mountains and descend on Songghumal from the north. Elements of his forces would capture outposts and prevent messages from moving between the Mongol settlements. Once he had conquered the capital, Asi Ügei could be captured easily since its defenses were relatively weak.
Chun Bo Fen halted his march for a week in a fertile valley near the coast about 200 li from Chen Chen and Chiribaya While his men rested he summoned a Buddhist monk to his tent. He was still struggling with the loss of his beloved wife and son. His monk guided him through the grief and the guilt that troubled his soul and helped him to accept their deaths. He had not abandoned them. Toward the end of the week he had a simmering disdain for Songghumal who had robbed him of what was most valuable. The Khan was the cause of their deaths as surely as if he had wielded a sword against them himself. There was no forgiveness.
Chun now felt that his connection to the Khanate was in empty meaningless words only. His army was devoid of Mongols and Uyghurs. The country of Chimor was prosperous and its influence and power was ever expanding. He would soon have a supply of iron and he would be able to abandon the pretense of fealty to the Khan, the murder of his heir.
On the morning of the eighth day, Chun Bo Fen left his tent and returned to his army. His commanders saw a new determination, grim and strong, in their leader. Chun sent messengers to Chan Chan with orders that any missions from Alagh were to be detained until he returned. No ships were to sail north to the Khanate, no supplies, troops, weapons or aid was to be provided regardless of the reason.
Communication with the Khanate was to cease until his return. He knew that he now held the cards needed. He had the largest part of the army and a major part of the fleet under his command. His lands were far more populous than Alagh and his resources greater. The Mandate of Heaven was his already.
The news of the fall and destruction of Chincha rapidly spread up and down the coast and climbed the mountains to the east until it reached the ears of Mayta Cápac in Qusqu. There were strong bonds of trade between the Inca and the Chincha and their loss would have an impact on the economy of his kingdom. Mayta Cápac had been aware of the march of Chun Bo Fen but believed it was a campaign of conquest, focused on territory and influence. The aim of such a march was to add to the wealth of the home valleys of Chimor. The destruction of a prosperous city such as Chincha made no sense if the motivation was economic conquest.
Commercial dominance was the major political and diplomatic characteristic shared by the cities in the mountains and the valleys. There was a symbiotic relationship where each provided what the other lacked. Power was measured in control of resources and trade. Territory was valued only for what it could produce or what it could control. Until the Governor had reached Chincha, his actions had been consistent with the values shared by the coastal and mountain kingdoms. Fields had not been destroyed, roads had been left intact, and cities had continued their economic role and temples had been preserved.
At Chincha, Mayta Cápac saw the complete dismantling of the city and thereby, the local economy and the benefits derived by that city’s trading partners. Chincha was gone and the Chincha people were gone as well, killed or uprooted to serve Chun’s purpose. The warriors of Chincha, renowned for their skill and fierceness in battle, had been completely eliminated by Chimor as if they were little boys in play battles.
The Governor of Chimor marched away from his great conquest with nothing. He had in fact destroyed a great treasure after it was in his hands. It made no sense.
It did make Mayta Cápac fear Chimor. They had powerful weapons that surpassed anything that the cities of the mountain valleys could send against them and they had the willingness to use them. The conquest of Kuelap showed that the mountains were not a barrier to them, nor were the desserts along the coast as demonstrated by their march to the south. Their animals and rolling platforms allowed them to traverse the countryside quickly while carrying great quantities of supplies. Their ships would meet them along the coast and bring even more equipment and provisions. What was their goal? What did they want?
Mayta Cápac took advantage of the pause in the Governors march although he had no idea why the army of Chimor had stopped or when it would resume its march.
As he had followed Chun’s progress from valley to valley along the coast, Mayta Cápac had been assembling his own army and it now marched toward the Moquegua valley. This great valley was an important commercial center along the coast. Its goods found ready markets in and around the lands around the great lake. The products of the Inca were highly valued in the cities of the Moquegua as well. It was an important trade partner for the king of Qusqu. The people there were peaceful descendents of the fallen Wari and Tiwanaku empires and were re-establishing their prosperity after the great floods and droughts which had brought the empires down.
Mayta Cápac’s goal was the city of Chiribaya near the mouth of the river; from there he hoped to be able to secure the valley from the Chimor host and establish Inca hegemony over the entire area. It was a long march and he needed to move quickly incase the halt in Chun’s advance was temporary. He hoped that the Governor had reached his objective, whatever that might be, and would remain several days march north of the Moquegua.
Within a few days of the departure of the Inca army the King received word that the army of Chimor was once again on the move. Runners were sent to Ozcollo Maita, the general leading the Incan army, with orders to increase the pace of their march. Within a few days he had entered the valley and was marching between Cerro Baul and Cerro Mejia. Ozcollo sent men to the summits of both mountains, where the remains of old Wari cities stood. Few people now inhabited these places, since the majority had resettled on the valley floor to tend their fields. These peaks would be prepared as places of sanctuary in case his army needed to fall back from Chiribaya.
Chun Bo Fen no longer followed the coast but was moving inland. He intended to capture and secure the cities of Omo and Chen Chen before moving downriver to Loreto and Chiribaya on the coast. His army had disappeared into the dessert and marched 130 li eastward toward Omo.
Ozcollo only heard that the army of Chimor had vanished and continued his descent on Chiribaya. When his scouts once again located the Governor as he advanced on Omo, the Inca force was already closing on Loreto a short distance upriver from Chiribaya. The enemy was behind him!
With Chun in the valley between him and his refuge at Cerro Baul and Chimor’s army separating him from potential re-enforcements from Qusqu, Ozcollo abandoned his plan to occupy Chiribaya. The citizens of Omo, who had viewed him as a savior coming to their defense, were appalled to see the Inca army march off into a tributary valley and out of the Moquegua without so much as a stone being thrown in their defense. Ozcollo was disappearing into the dessert in order to parallel the valley back to the safety of Cerro Baul and Cerro Mejia.
Omo and Chen Chen were still somewhat under populated compared to their glory days under Tiwanaku and Wari. They were not prepared for an invasion and demoralized by the disappearance of the grand Incan army. They had no means of defense against a force such as the one arrayed against them and capitulated to Chun before he even arrived. They sent representatives to Chun with gifts and offerings and where a week prior, Ozcollo had been received as a savior on his march to Chiribaya, Chun Bo Fen now accepted the fealty of these two cities.
Having received reports of the presence of a strong Incan army on Cerro Baul and Cerro Mejia and of the strong disposition of these places, Chun decided not to bother with them now. He established defensive positions upriver from Chen Chen where the Moquegua was joined by another valley. Above this point, both valleys became very narrow and a small force would be able to defend the fertile expanse around Chen Chen from attack down either river.
His sights were now set on Loreto and Chiribaya; Chun marched into the desolate stretch of the river below Omo and once again was met by dignitaries from the cities. Rather than simply surrendering as had Chen Chen and Omo, they inquired as to how they could help the governor.
These cities were in better condition than the towns farther up river because they relied not so much on their farms, which were productive, but on the sea. When the droughts had come, they had survived nicely. The floods that followed had damaged their fields, but not the fishing grounds. Trade along the coast had always played a major role in their economies.
Their interest in helping Chimor was a novel approach, but when they were told by the Governors representative that they would be most helpful by joining the province of Chimor they were dismayed. They had hoped that their offer of assistance would spare them from conquest. Chun’s army was camped not far from Loreto and the city was quick to see which way the Maize was growing. It capitulated immediately. Chiribaya hemmed and hawed, fighting to retain its independence. Chun finally instructed his representative to say this:
“Do you remember Chincha?”
The embassy from Chiribaya immediately removed itself from the room and considered the question. Why had the Governor destroyed the city? Because they had resisted him? Because they resorted to cannibalism? Did the Governor have a headache that day?
Chiribaya soon joined the Empire of Chimor, although they did not yet realize that is what they had done.
With the Moquegua secure, Chun Bo Fen sent his troops into the dessert to the deposits of Iron. The people of Chincha were forced to work in the dessert, extracting the ore. Forges and smelters were established in Chiribaya and Omo and soon there was a steady stream of metal being shipped to the craftsmen at Chan Chan.
Chun Bo Fen, still in Chiribaya, decided that now was the time to stake his claim. He had gathered his troops on the valley floor outside the city and quartered himself in the city palace for the past three weeks. On the morning of September 21st, a procession was seen descending from the city to the valley floor. In the midst of the train was a great wagon with a tent erected upon it and surrounding this wagon, the Governors personal guard. Once the procession reached the valley floor it stopped before the ranks of the Chimor army which had been drawn up in formation. Trumpets sounded, great drums were beaten in the hills above, Two Generals, one Chinese and one Chimu mounted the wagon and approached the entry of the tent. They drew the flaps aside and Chun Bo Fen stepped out of the great wagon tent, attired completely in yellow.
The Chinese troops immediately sent up a loud cheer and the native troops, unsure of the significance of this, soon followed suit. Representatives of all the cities Chun had conquered, from Chan Chan to Chiribaya presented themselves in front of Chun Bo Fen. As one, they proclaimed the reign of Eastern Prosperity and Chun’s imperial name; Dōngbù Zi yí.
The Dōngbù Emperor now ruled nearly 8,000 li from Guapondeleg in the north to the Iron deposits south of Chiribaya. His power extended from the mountains to the sea. His was an empire that this land had never seen, relying as much on military strength as on commercial influence.
Mayta Cápac watched events with great interest and no small amount of concern.
Chapter 17
Advances, Gambits and the Dōngbù Emperor
Advances, Gambits and the Dōngbù Emperor
Ahau Cuat Cocom, lord of Mayapan, had received runners from Tz'ikin with news of the K’iche victory over the Khan. Ever aware of the relationships between the city states of the Mayans, his pleasure at the defeat of Songghumal was tempered by his irritation at the triumph of his K’iche brother. Messengers were dispatched to Jakawitz expressing his pleasure at the defeat of the invaders but they returned with the news that Tz’ikin was now engaged in a war with the neighboring Pipil kingdom and that much of his army had been destroyed at Kaminaljuyu. At some point he would need to deal with both of these upstarts, but not until the Kahn had been driven out of this world.
The war between the K’iche and Pipil would prevent either of them from taking advantage of Mayapan as it assaulted the Khan, but Ahau knew how these things had a habit of shifting loyalties that were on the periphery. Most of the kings of the cities of the league were required to live in Mayapan and he had been a bit lenient with some cities in order to secure their cooperation, which is why the king of Zama was in his city on the day he was killed by the Mongols. Ahau ordered all kings still in their cities to relocate their courts to Mayapan leaving factors to see to the affairs at home. In Mayapan, each king would have a majordomo who would keep the king informed of events at home and communicate with his factors managing affairs. Some resistance was expected, but inevitably was short lived when faced with the courier’s armed escorts.[/FONT]
Ahau continued to concentrate on his preparations for his attack on the Khanate. His offensive would be launched later in the year and he already had sent spies to infiltrate Songghumal’s lands. Troops had been sent towards the frontier and were bivouacked outside distant league cities awaiting orders to march to join the King. Additional forces from the nearby cities joined his forces and were trained with the new weapons and tactics that had been developed. The militias that had supplied the men for previous Mayan wars were fading into a permanent army as Ahau Cuat Cocom kept his men under arms far longer than had ever happened before. Cities were responsible for supporting a given number of troops at a set amount per man. Some of the league members had objected to this levy, but the simple fact was that cities already part of the league who did not challenge Ahau had been safe from conflict and were, in fact, prospering.
The King’s Mongol captives had been very well treated. In order to continue a life in captivity and avoid an appearance at the temple, they were helping the Mayans with whatever they wanted. The Mayans, in turn, had provided them with wives (several each) who would soon provide them with children, and he had given them comfortable accommodations on an estate outside the city where they were primarily responsible for the King’s growing herd of horses. Raids and limited actions along the borders of the Khanate had provided Ahau with additional Asian captives as well as additional horses so he now possessed nearly one hundred animals.
He had selected certain outstanding Mayan warriors and sent them to the Mongols to learn the secrets of riding. This they had done quite admirably once they got over their fear of the large beasts. They had become reasonably good horsemen but were unable to master the art of horse archery. They had become formidable lancers and were unreasonably good when using a sling at full gallop.
Ahau Cuat Cocom now had a large corps of archers which was armed with the Mayan version of the compound bow. These archers had honed their skills by hunting and enforcing the will of Ahau Cuat Cocom on League and other cities when they were reluctant to follow the King’s directions.
Mayan bow makers had been hard at work once they had discovered the secrets of the Compound bow used by the Mongols. Their imitation, though not as effective, was still a vast improvement over the old style of bows they had used and they were being produced in prodigious numbers. Mayan fletchers were denuding the forests of birds in order to meet the demand for arrows. The demand for copper and bronze arrowheads was taxing the abilities of Mayan metalsmiths and the flaking of traditional stone heads had become a boom industry.
Eventually, Ahau Cuat Cocom ordered his assembled army to move. A large number of canoes had been assembled at Zama, Xel-Há and Xcaret on the coast and a large portion of the force traveled by sea. They set off at dusk and put in to shore at dawn in order to avoid the Mongol junks that periodically patrolled the area. The main body traveled by land along the roads the King had ordered to be made. For his part, the King traveled on his great palanquin, now mounted on a wagon and drawn by four horses instead of being carried on the shoulders of his men. He was surrounded by his small cavalry and his personal guard bearing bronze axes and swords.
As long as he was able to use his roads his progress was rapid, but when the roads stopped it became increasingly difficult to move through the forests and he was forced to the coast where he could continue the journey by boat. The cavalry and the majority of the troops accompanied him along the shoreline until, at the end of August, Ahau Cuat Cocom landed in the northwest part of the great bay of islands. He had avoided the ships from Asi ügei and his army had survived the march and voyage in fairly good condition. They moved into the forests and made a scattered camp in order to avoid a great plume of smoke which might expose their presence to the Mongols.
His spies had provided him with the locations of all of the Khan’s outposts in this region as well as good intelligence about the forces arrayed against him. The local population was, in fact, largely sympathetic to the Mayan king since he was an old trading partner and somewhat familiar to them. Ahau Cuat Cocom, through the cooperation of the locals, was able to prevent word of his presence from reaching beyond the forest.
Ahau Cuat Cocom took the time to rest his troops and refine his battle plan. His agents brought him detailed information about the location of Mongol outposts and the Khans system of post stations. He learned about the road across the isthmus and the construction of the new capital city. His goal was to achieve complete surprise so an assault on Asi Ügei was not contemplated at the moment. He would march overland, across the mountains and descend on Songghumal from the north. Elements of his forces would capture outposts and prevent messages from moving between the Mongol settlements. Once he had conquered the capital, Asi Ügei could be captured easily since its defenses were relatively weak.
-----
Chun now felt that his connection to the Khanate was in empty meaningless words only. His army was devoid of Mongols and Uyghurs. The country of Chimor was prosperous and its influence and power was ever expanding. He would soon have a supply of iron and he would be able to abandon the pretense of fealty to the Khan, the murder of his heir.
On the morning of the eighth day, Chun Bo Fen left his tent and returned to his army. His commanders saw a new determination, grim and strong, in their leader. Chun sent messengers to Chan Chan with orders that any missions from Alagh were to be detained until he returned. No ships were to sail north to the Khanate, no supplies, troops, weapons or aid was to be provided regardless of the reason.
Communication with the Khanate was to cease until his return. He knew that he now held the cards needed. He had the largest part of the army and a major part of the fleet under his command. His lands were far more populous than Alagh and his resources greater. The Mandate of Heaven was his already.
-----
Commercial dominance was the major political and diplomatic characteristic shared by the cities in the mountains and the valleys. There was a symbiotic relationship where each provided what the other lacked. Power was measured in control of resources and trade. Territory was valued only for what it could produce or what it could control. Until the Governor had reached Chincha, his actions had been consistent with the values shared by the coastal and mountain kingdoms. Fields had not been destroyed, roads had been left intact, and cities had continued their economic role and temples had been preserved.
At Chincha, Mayta Cápac saw the complete dismantling of the city and thereby, the local economy and the benefits derived by that city’s trading partners. Chincha was gone and the Chincha people were gone as well, killed or uprooted to serve Chun’s purpose. The warriors of Chincha, renowned for their skill and fierceness in battle, had been completely eliminated by Chimor as if they were little boys in play battles.
The Governor of Chimor marched away from his great conquest with nothing. He had in fact destroyed a great treasure after it was in his hands. It made no sense.
It did make Mayta Cápac fear Chimor. They had powerful weapons that surpassed anything that the cities of the mountain valleys could send against them and they had the willingness to use them. The conquest of Kuelap showed that the mountains were not a barrier to them, nor were the desserts along the coast as demonstrated by their march to the south. Their animals and rolling platforms allowed them to traverse the countryside quickly while carrying great quantities of supplies. Their ships would meet them along the coast and bring even more equipment and provisions. What was their goal? What did they want?
Mayta Cápac took advantage of the pause in the Governors march although he had no idea why the army of Chimor had stopped or when it would resume its march.
As he had followed Chun’s progress from valley to valley along the coast, Mayta Cápac had been assembling his own army and it now marched toward the Moquegua valley. This great valley was an important commercial center along the coast. Its goods found ready markets in and around the lands around the great lake. The products of the Inca were highly valued in the cities of the Moquegua as well. It was an important trade partner for the king of Qusqu. The people there were peaceful descendents of the fallen Wari and Tiwanaku empires and were re-establishing their prosperity after the great floods and droughts which had brought the empires down.
Mayta Cápac’s goal was the city of Chiribaya near the mouth of the river; from there he hoped to be able to secure the valley from the Chimor host and establish Inca hegemony over the entire area. It was a long march and he needed to move quickly incase the halt in Chun’s advance was temporary. He hoped that the Governor had reached his objective, whatever that might be, and would remain several days march north of the Moquegua.
Within a few days of the departure of the Inca army the King received word that the army of Chimor was once again on the move. Runners were sent to Ozcollo Maita, the general leading the Incan army, with orders to increase the pace of their march. Within a few days he had entered the valley and was marching between Cerro Baul and Cerro Mejia. Ozcollo sent men to the summits of both mountains, where the remains of old Wari cities stood. Few people now inhabited these places, since the majority had resettled on the valley floor to tend their fields. These peaks would be prepared as places of sanctuary in case his army needed to fall back from Chiribaya.
Chun Bo Fen no longer followed the coast but was moving inland. He intended to capture and secure the cities of Omo and Chen Chen before moving downriver to Loreto and Chiribaya on the coast. His army had disappeared into the dessert and marched 130 li eastward toward Omo.
Ozcollo only heard that the army of Chimor had vanished and continued his descent on Chiribaya. When his scouts once again located the Governor as he advanced on Omo, the Inca force was already closing on Loreto a short distance upriver from Chiribaya. The enemy was behind him!
With Chun in the valley between him and his refuge at Cerro Baul and Chimor’s army separating him from potential re-enforcements from Qusqu, Ozcollo abandoned his plan to occupy Chiribaya. The citizens of Omo, who had viewed him as a savior coming to their defense, were appalled to see the Inca army march off into a tributary valley and out of the Moquegua without so much as a stone being thrown in their defense. Ozcollo was disappearing into the dessert in order to parallel the valley back to the safety of Cerro Baul and Cerro Mejia.
-----
Having received reports of the presence of a strong Incan army on Cerro Baul and Cerro Mejia and of the strong disposition of these places, Chun decided not to bother with them now. He established defensive positions upriver from Chen Chen where the Moquegua was joined by another valley. Above this point, both valleys became very narrow and a small force would be able to defend the fertile expanse around Chen Chen from attack down either river.
His sights were now set on Loreto and Chiribaya; Chun marched into the desolate stretch of the river below Omo and once again was met by dignitaries from the cities. Rather than simply surrendering as had Chen Chen and Omo, they inquired as to how they could help the governor.
These cities were in better condition than the towns farther up river because they relied not so much on their farms, which were productive, but on the sea. When the droughts had come, they had survived nicely. The floods that followed had damaged their fields, but not the fishing grounds. Trade along the coast had always played a major role in their economies.
Their interest in helping Chimor was a novel approach, but when they were told by the Governors representative that they would be most helpful by joining the province of Chimor they were dismayed. They had hoped that their offer of assistance would spare them from conquest. Chun’s army was camped not far from Loreto and the city was quick to see which way the Maize was growing. It capitulated immediately. Chiribaya hemmed and hawed, fighting to retain its independence. Chun finally instructed his representative to say this:
“Do you remember Chincha?”
The embassy from Chiribaya immediately removed itself from the room and considered the question. Why had the Governor destroyed the city? Because they had resisted him? Because they resorted to cannibalism? Did the Governor have a headache that day?
Chiribaya soon joined the Empire of Chimor, although they did not yet realize that is what they had done.
With the Moquegua secure, Chun Bo Fen sent his troops into the dessert to the deposits of Iron. The people of Chincha were forced to work in the dessert, extracting the ore. Forges and smelters were established in Chiribaya and Omo and soon there was a steady stream of metal being shipped to the craftsmen at Chan Chan.
Chun Bo Fen, still in Chiribaya, decided that now was the time to stake his claim. He had gathered his troops on the valley floor outside the city and quartered himself in the city palace for the past three weeks. On the morning of September 21st, a procession was seen descending from the city to the valley floor. In the midst of the train was a great wagon with a tent erected upon it and surrounding this wagon, the Governors personal guard. Once the procession reached the valley floor it stopped before the ranks of the Chimor army which had been drawn up in formation. Trumpets sounded, great drums were beaten in the hills above, Two Generals, one Chinese and one Chimu mounted the wagon and approached the entry of the tent. They drew the flaps aside and Chun Bo Fen stepped out of the great wagon tent, attired completely in yellow.
The Chinese troops immediately sent up a loud cheer and the native troops, unsure of the significance of this, soon followed suit. Representatives of all the cities Chun had conquered, from Chan Chan to Chiribaya presented themselves in front of Chun Bo Fen. As one, they proclaimed the reign of Eastern Prosperity and Chun’s imperial name; Dōngbù Zi yí.
The Dōngbù Emperor now ruled nearly 8,000 li from Guapondeleg in the north to the Iron deposits south of Chiribaya. His power extended from the mountains to the sea. His was an empire that this land had never seen, relying as much on military strength as on commercial influence.
Mayta Cápac watched events with great interest and no small amount of concern.
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