The People’s Republic of China dominated all of China apart from the provinces of Fujian Zhejiang, Fujian, Guangdong, Hainan Island and Taiwan. The territory they controlled included Manchuria which was the most industrialized region of the country and rich in coal, iron ore and, as it turned out, oil from the Daqing oilfield. Soviet assistance and a relatively sane policy that didn’t include collectivization or other damaging policies that Stalin had implemented during the first two Five Year Plans helped rebuilding China that was now finally orderly and in peace. The communists had introduced a strict order and had destroyed the very last of the warlords which had been publicly hanged as enemies of the state as well as collaborators of the Japanese and suspected sympathizers of the Nationalist Kuomintang. Zhou Enlai generally followed an economic policy that was in line with Lenin’s New Economic Policy of the early 1920s and therefore allowed a limited form of market economy, but did combat ‘large capitalism’. Heavy industry, mining, arms production, electricity production, public works and infrastructure ended up under the jurisdiction of Beijing while small businesses were allowed to continue. The agricultural policy was relatively moderate. Large bourgeois landowners were disowned and their land was redistributed to poorer peasants who received government issued farming equipment and utilities bought for bottom prices from the Soviet Union such as tractors, combines and good fertilizer. Due to government attempts at a slower movement toward socialism, the great famines and deaths that the USSR had seen generally didn’t occur. Zhou Enlai also introduced compulsory education free for all so that every person in China could read, write and do calculus by 1960 while building a system of higher education although that took more time. With Soviet assistance, Zhou started to rapidly industrialize and modernize his country. Set goals were to increase coal production to 250 million tonnes, steel production to 25 million tonnes, oil production to 50 million tonnes and electricity production to 27.5 billion kWh per year, all by the end of the First Seven Year Plan which was set to end in 1955. The plan also included a large rearmament program and a massive expansion of the road net, the railroad network and the communications network. Large new roads based on the German ‘autobahns’, new railroads and telegraph, telex and phone connections were to be created while the USSR provided locomotives and Germany allowed Chinese car manufacturers to build the Volkswagen Beetle under license., making it a true ‘People’s Car’ which is what Volkswagen means. This design was so simple and cheap that it could easily be mass produced for little cost. Even today, millions of Chinese produced ‘People’s Cars’ are still in use in China and in the Third World. This was a family car, available for only 1.000 German marks and able to achieve a respectable speed of 100 km/h. Production wouldn’t cease until the early 1980s.
By 1950 already, the triumvirate of Zhou Enlai, Peng Dehuai and Deng Xiaoping felt confident enough to reunite China as president Dewey had turned inward. Moreover, they were backed by Moscow. Stalin sold them T-34-85, IS series and T-55 tanks, the new AK-47 assault rifle, MiG-15 jetfighters and supply trucks and also provided the necessary training for Chinese soldiers and pilots. They felt they could beat the small Republic of China which sat in the southeast as a thorn in the side of their country and ‘The Revolution’. Some call this the Chinese War although most see it as a continuation of the Chinese Civil War, including president Dewey who decided not to interfere with China’s ‘internal affairs’ which earned him the anger and contempt of rabid anticommunists such as senator Joseph McCarthy. Communist forces under general Peng Dehuai crossed the Yangtze river on December 26th 1950, Mao Zedong’s birth date, attacking with many troops and out of nowhere, catching Chiang off guard. The Dewey administration offered only token support by selling weapons and sending a handful of special forces. Notable anticommunist Joseph McCarthy supported by famous figures like general George S. Patton and Douglas MacArthur quickly achieved popularity in decrying Dewey’s selling out of American allies and interests, calling him a backstabber. It didn’t change his mind, even when People’s Liberation Army forces took Zheijang province by the end of January (a third of the entire country). Korean and Soviet troops also operated in the region and captured American operatives whose existence Dewey denied for them never to be heard of again. The PLA defeated Chiang’s outnumbered forces within six months despite Chiang’s good use of the landscape and modern US weapons. Fact was that his soldiers were unmotivated, especially when seeing what was being achieved so quickly in communist China and what was going on under Chiang’s corrupt regime. He fled with his entourage to Taiwan. The Republic of China was reduced to Taiwan, the Pescadores and Hainan Island. The communists lacked the naval capability to take these islands, more so with an American and a Japanese carrier group in the area. They declared a victory in May 1951.
Stalin was pleased as his sphere of influence had now been rounded up without stirring up any meaningful repercussions for the Soviet Union, but in America many people were turning against Dewey’s return to isolationism which just wasn’t the way to go anymore after the war had dragged America out of its isolationism. Most modern political analysts agree to this and regard Dewey’s presidency as a mere fluke influenced by an overly panicked response to German attacks on American soil. McCarthy started spewing virulent anti-isolationist rhetoric against the government which he blamed of being weak and soft toward the evils of communism and fascism which were working hand in hand to dominate the world and he even accused Dewey of being a closet socialist for just leaving Chiang Kai-Shek, one of America’s most important allies in Asia, to his own devices just like that. Eurasia had already fallen prey to them except for India which remained as bulwark of democracy, but was threatening to slip into socialism as well under Nehru who he called a lackey of Moscow. Very soon, he predicted, the entire eastern hemisphere would be painted either red or brown. His anti-fascist and anti-communist antics struck a chord as he demonstratively showed a map, showing the spheres of influence of communism and fascism. He stated that coexistence with communism and fascism was neither possible, nor desirable nor honourable and that cooperation with them would advance the cause of tyranny. In Africa, both Italy and France were fighting vicious, brutal colonial wars to retain their empires which had been trying to break free from them since the war with American aid. The pleas of these people for freedom, democracy and justice were being ignored by the evil fascists and McCarthy argued that America had to be the champion of democracy and should combat fascism and communism wherever it could instead of ignoring them as they trampled the will of the free man. His protests against government policy led to him being ignored by the White House and president Dewey, but they couldn’t ignore the following he was getting among the people and within the Republican party itself. It was in September 1951 that McCarthy announced he would be running for president and would be competing with president Dewey for the Republican nomination. He requested Patton to be his running mate, but he declined as he wasn’t a politician. In his stead, Charles Lindbergh, a known anti-communist, became his running mate. This big name, along with support from generals Patton and Douglas MacArthur (who had fought to liberate China no less), gave him all the publicity he needed. It isn’t surprising that this duo easily won the Republican nomination over Dewey. Their competitor was Adlai Stevenson who didn’t really have anything new to offer to the American people. Initially, choosing Lindbergh as running mate was deemed risky since he had been suspected of pro-fascist sympathies before the war. If he had really fostered those, he stopped fostering them the moment Germany and Italy joined the USSR in the war. Despite having a rather single issue campaign, they managed to win the 1952 elections.
Both Goering and the now rapidly aging Stalin noticed the change in America’s foreign policy and sped up their hydrogen bomb program as McCarthy had already done for the American program. With Europe rebuilding and the economy growing again, they also started to consider a space program, research into warhead miniaturization and nuclear ICBMs. Stalin and Goering continued their relations despite being officially ideologically opposed to each other as it had been a very fruitful partnership for both their countries. Germany dominated Europe while the Soviet Union dominated Asia and part of the Middle East. Werner von Braun and his team started doing research into the A11 ballistic missile which had been nothing more than a concept until then. This missile would be capable of bringing a satellite payload into Earth orbit or carrying a nuclear warhead if warhead miniaturization proceeded according to plan. The Soviet and German nuclear energy project with names of famous nuclear physicists such as Igor Kurchatov, Andrei Sakharov, Otto Hahn, Werner Heisenberg, Carl Weizsäcker and Kurt Diebner as researchers was going strong even if it was slightly behind on the American program. On November 1st 1952, America tested Ivy Mike, a thermonuclear weapon. The super heavy "Mike" device was essentially a building that resembled a factory rather than a weapon. It has been reported that Russian engineers derisively referred to Mike as a "thermonuclear installation". At its centre, a large cylindrical thermos flask, held the cryogenic deuterium-tritium fusion fuel. A regular fission bomb at one end was used to create the conditions needed to start the fusion reaction. The device had been designed by a student of Enrico Fermi, on the suggestion of Edward Teller. It had been decided that nothing other than a full-scale test would validate the idea of the Teller-Ulam design and Garwin was instructed to use very conservative estimates when designing the test, and that it need not be deployable. The primary stage was a boosted fission bomb in a separate space on top of the assembly (so it would not freeze, rendering it inoperable). The fusion stage used liquid deuterium-tritium despite the difficulty of handling this material, because this fuel simplified the experiment, and made the results easier to analyze. Running down the centre of the flask which held it was a cylindrical rod of plutonium (the "sparkplug") to ignite the fusion reaction. Surrounding this assembly was a 4.5 tonne natural uranium "tamper". The exterior of the tamper was lined with sheets of lead and polyethylene foam, which formed a radiation channel to conduct X-rays from the primary to secondary (the function of X-rays was to hydro dynamically compress the secondary, increasing the density and temperature of the deuterium to the levels needed to sustain the thermonuclear reaction, and compressing the sparkplug to super criticality ignition.) The outermost layer was a steel casing 10-12 inches (25-30 cm) thick. The entire assembly, nicknamed "Sausage", measured 80 inches (2.03 m) in diameter and 244 inches (6.19 m) in height and weighed about 54 tons. The entire Mike device (including cryogenic equipment) weighed 73.8 metric tonnes.
It was detonated and the estimated yield of the blast was 10.4 megatons although 77% of the bomb’s power came from fast fission of the uranium tamper, producing a lot of fallout. The mushroom cloud reached an altitude of 37 kilometres and it was 160 kilometres wide with a 32 kilometre wide stem. Where the Elugelab Atoll (where the test took place) had once been, there was a 1.9 kilometre wide and 50 metre deep crater. The islands nearby were stripped of their vegetation. Lots of coral was destroyed and irradiated debris hit ships stationed almost 50 kilometres away while the immediate area around the blast (‘ground zero’) was heavily contaminated. The USSR and Germany responded with their own new weapon of the ‘Sloika design’ devised by the Russian research team. Despite their alliance, there was some healthy competition. The blast had an estimated yield of 700 kilotons which made it weak for a fusion weapon. In reality, this was not a hydrogen bomb, but a boosted fission bomb although the Russians argued that this weapon could be deployed by aircraft whereas the Ivy Mike design could not be used as a weapon which was true. This bomb was also the strongest pure fission bomb ever built. It would take until 1954 before the Axis powers tested their first hydrogen bomb, but their design didn’t utilize the cryogenic deuterium-tritium fuel, making it much lighter and therefore deployable as a weapon and it was powerful enough in its own right with 3.3 megaton yield.
Externally, McCarthy held word about combating communism as well as he did internally. The American government funded anti-communist movements and governments all over the world, including Africa, Asia and South America with money, weapons and training. He supported regimes like that Juan Peron in Argentina and other south American caudillos as long as their brand of ‘South American fascism’ wasn’t tied to Germany or Italy. Military juntas supported by Washington frequently replaced more socialist oriented regimes. This blunt American intervention in South American politics which caused so much corruption, poverty and oppressive militarism explains the animosity many people in South America today towards the US. Internally, he increased funding of both the CIA and FBI massively and expanded their jurisdiction at the expense of other agencies and the police. Among their new powers was the right to detain any American citizen suspected of communist sympathies for a not predetermined amount of time. This was euphemistically called ‘protective custody’. In this state a subject had been arrested, but not formally accused of anything yet. In this judicial vacuum, there were many vague definitions and rules. Since it was defined so unclearly, people could be kept imprisoned for years before actually being charged with anything and brought into a courtroom. The FBI and CIA used it frequently to remove ‘communist sympathizers’. FBI boss J. Edgar Hoover also used his immensely powerful powerbase to blackmail or harass political activists and dissenters, create secret files about important politicians containing all the skeletons in their closets, tapping telephone lines, shadowing people, obtaining illegal evidence or plainly fabricate evidence in some cases. This was part of the ‘better dead than red’ campaign which cleared out any possible dissenters and opponents of the new American government. America was definitely not a dictatorship, but nevertheless McCarthy was busy destroying the democracy he was trying to protect, laying the foundations for a much more authoritarian America if still recognizable as a democracy. The tools he had created would be utilized by all the presidents after him. He, however, wasn’t happy with the job of leading a superpower which turned out to be more stressful and difficult than he had thought, more so with him becoming paranoid, looking over his shoulders for NKVD assassins. He became alcoholic, a secret that he guarded very well and which wouldn’t get out until years later, long after his death of liver failure in 1957 which made Charles Lindbergh the new president of the United States. He too was anti-communist although McCarthy had done most of the work for him. What he did do was act against crime, specifically the mafia, by using the newly expanded powers of the FBI which included frequent violations of habeas corpus and privacy. He also created a system of citizen guards to support the police against more local crime, including the gang problem although that problem wouldn’t arise until later after the mob had been beaten. These armed militias had the jurisdiction to arrest people, but they had to deliver them to the real police afterward. The creation of these militias followed the general trend of America’s militarizing society.
In the meantime, the three European great leaders perished of age one by one. Stalin was the first to go, dying on March 5th 1953 after a few days in agony after a stroke. Considering his eating and drinking habits, high blood pressure, rheumatism, arthritis and so on this was hardly surprising although Molotov claims in his memoires that Beria killed him. Regardless of this, a power struggle ensued between Beria and his NKVD powerbase on one hand and Molotov and Khrushchev on the other with small timers Bulganin and Malenkov caught in the middle. None of them wanted to see Beria in charge of the Soviet Union since he would surely execute them all and replace them with his own cronies. They formed a temporary alliance against him and managed to wrest the reins of power from his hands together. He was arrested by the new leader of the Soviet Union’s secret police, Semyon Ignatyev, who had him thrown into his own Lubyanka prison where he had tortured so many political opponents and dissenters during his bloody reign. He was charged with treason and hundreds accounts of rape, abuse and murder of which the bones of his victims were silent witnesses. He was swiftly executed while Khrushchev took power. The first thing he did was reaffirm his ties with Berlin and Beijing. These ties had been cemented over the years with ideological differences blurring after nearly a decade of co-belligerence and military and economic cooperation afterward. The racist loons Hitler and Himmler with their ‘Lebenraum’ ideas had died long ago although the former was still venerated as the person who put Germany on the map again as a great power. Hitler had been given a huge mausoleum and numerous statues all over Germany and many streets and even complete towns named ager him. Nazi scientists had reclassified the Russians as Aryans pressured by Goering while Goebbels’s propaganda glorified their struggle for the motherland, Russian patriotism, courage and strength, in short the Nationalist elements in the USSR. Soviet propaganda, in the meantime, emphasized the socialist elements in National Socialism.
One of the more minor dictators to perish was Philippe Pétain, leader of France, Germany’s western European sidekick although not weak by any means. France had been allowed to reconstitute its armed forces during the war in 1942. France maintained a large fleet of battleships and was also building carriers. After the end of the war, unrest had erupted in Algeria and Morocco and he had responded with military force. Being a fascist dictatorship, the French leadership had no scruples and no qualms about use of heavy force such as carpet bombing, artillery bombardments and large scale use of armour and chemical weapons which they did with support from Mussolini. He died in 1951 at the age of 95 by which time he was already senile and admiral François Darlan had already taken over the day to day affairs by then. The step to de jure president of France was therefore a small one. France had settled in nicely into the New Order. Admittedly, the loss of Alsace-Lorraine, Nice and Savoy stung, but the peace had been lenient compared to what it could have been. France had a privileged status compared to occupied countries like the Low Countries.
In the meantime, the space program got off the ground. In 1953, the Germans put the first satellite into orbit from the Peenemunde test site while Italy’s nuclear program got started as well with German support after the Ivy Mike test. Goering sold the Italians a non-functioning model warhead to work with along with tonnes of notes and paperwork from the German nuclear energy project which sped up their program immensely, more so with access to French uranium supplies in their Saharan colony of Niger. By 1954, the Italian research team had built a heavy water reactor and a number of centrifuges in an underground facility just outside Rome. Mussolini tried to rush the project to make Italy equal in status to Germany again instead of playing second fiddle to Goering and Stalin. In Libya and Tunisia, Mussolini was fighting a fierce colonial war and seemed to be winning as he swarmed his ‘Fourth Shore’ with millions of settlers who were eager to move there after oil had been found in the late 1940s, especially from poorer southern Italy. Large numbers of Albanians and smaller numbers of Croats living in occupied Istria and Dalmatia moved there too as there was no future where they lived. The entire colony of Libya And Tunisia had less than one million natives which would soon be demographically overwhelmed by Sicilians, south Italians and a handful of Albanians and Croats. Due to German assistance, the bomb was ready before Mussolini’s death although the bomb wasn’t strong due to Mussolini’s rushing. It was tested in the Libyan desert and had an estimated yield of 9 kilotons.
The arms race and space race continued with Germany and the USSR sending up a manned mission in 1957 while Mussolini and Goering grew older. Mussolini was about to pass away as well as the second member of the old guard to go after Stalin. He held a speech in 1958 to commemorate his 75th birthday, but as he spoke he started to get slow and pronounced words wrongly. He collapsed on the stage of a stroke. At the age of 75, fascist dictator Benito Mussolini was dead. The Cold War continued and threatened to escalate into a hot war in Cuba. In 1958, communist leader Fidel Castro overthrew corrupt dictator Fulgencio Batista supported by Moscow, but very much against the wishes of president Lindbergh. Soviet operatives were working in Cuba and so they were in danger of being captured when Lindbergh ordered an invasion of Cuba for 1959. No less than three carrier groups were deployed to the Gulf of Mexico to keep communism out of Washington’s backyard. Five divisions of American troops landed near Havana in full force with armour, artillery support and air support, nuclear bombers on standby and battleships to destroy possible counterattacks against the American beachhead. Moscow raged and fumed, announcing a partial mobilization and bringing their own nuclear bombers in the air threatening war if American forces laid so much as a finger on KGB and Red Army ‘advisors’ on Cuba which brought the world closer to nuclear war than most people thought at the time. Both sides had thousands of nuclear weapons ready for use in bombers circling near the borders of enemy territory and also ICBMs, making them capable of unleashing the apocalypse several times over. Lindbergh had no interest in a nuclear war with the Soviet Union over Cuba and promised the safe return of whatever Soviet citizens were on Cuban soil and so the crisis wound down. Moscow didn’t want to risk a nuclear war over some far flung island any more than the American government did; also, Berlin wasn’t too excited about the prospect of nuclear war either with the destruction of German cities in the war in mind. The first crisis of the Cold War resulted in nothing more than both sides shouting some accusations back and forth a little more than usual such as ‘western imperialists’ and ‘plutocrats’ by the Soviets and Germans and ‘fascist oppressors’ and ‘communist barbarians’ by the US. This ended with the officious Soviet-German cooperation being concluded in the Eurasian Alliance in which all European countries except for Switzerland and Portugal were part of. The USSR also tried to woo Nehru into this block, but he refused to commit although he kept up a pro-Soviet foreign policy. Lindbergh strengthened his ties with Britain, the other members of the British Commonwealth such as Australia, Canada and New Zealand, Japan and his caudillos in South America, forming the Oceanian Pact. Indonesia under Sukarno remained neutral, leading to American suspicion of pro-communist sympathies. Indochina also stuck to neutrality as they became more economically and militarily dependent on their northern neighbor and also because they didn’t like the frequent American meddling in their internal affairs under McCarthy and later under Lindbergh. This left China as a weaker, but still powerful third block in Asia although Zhou Enlai stayed committed to Moscow for most of the fifties to gain strength before asserting his country as a third power. This first period ended with Goering’s death in 1962 at the age of 69 after a heart attack. He was succeeded by Heydrich, a cold and cruel ruler, but pragmatic enough to see the Eurasian Alliance was in his best interests.