Okay, here goes (deep breath)...
The Celts were linked by trade, a common language, similar beliefs, and similar social structure. Their military knowledge was at the very least on par with the rest of the world – they had knowledge of iron long swords, chariots, cavalry, javelins, armor, shields, etc. (even if some chose to go naked into battle). Though, their fervor in battle tended to override any sense of discipline during a fight they were more than capable of using tactics. However, they never created a unified front against their problems or enemies and were eventually picked apart and scattered. What if they had stepped beyond the social/economic cohesion and had came together politically/militarily?
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1200BC-400BC: The Celtic tribes are culturally linked by social structure and trade.
700BC-400BC: Dramatic shifts in population and an increase in local tribal warfare start to break up the uniformity.
500BC: After several mild winters and cool summers the climate shifts and becomes much warmer.
400BC: Leading a confederation of tribes, mostly from the Boii, is a warrior by the name of Brennus (though his actual name is lost to history). Brennus’ army marches into the Po valley, taking Etruscan cities and villages. In a desperate attempt to stave off the wave of marauders the Etruscans request help from a city-state in the south, a people calling themselves Romans. They were a people of at least some repute as they were the ones the Etruscans went to in their time of need. Rome didn’t send a military force, instead mediators arrived. Brennus approached with caution but welcomed them. During the course of the negotiations an argument broke out and one of the Romans killed a tribal leader. Worried about the military power of the Romans, Brennus was able to convince his fellow leaders to agree to retribution only against the family of the assassins. An emissary was sent to Rome to ask for just this thing but it was rebuffed. Instead of handing over the wrongdoers the Roman leaders promoted them to lead an army.
390BC-374BC: Brennus’ War.
390BC-387BC: Brennus moves his army south, meeting the Roman legions outside Allia. The might of the Boii army and the military forethought of their general defeated the Romans. In the confusion that followed in the wake of the retreating Roman forces, Veii fell to the Boii assault followed by the siege of Rome itself.
386BC: According to a letter written by Brennus’ son (by the same name), put to paper 10 years after the fall of Rome, Brennus (the elder) was offered a large sum of gold in return for the withdraw of his forces. Brennus (the elder), however, found something much more valuable than a few chests of trinkets. He saw in Rome and the Etruscan city-states that had already been conquered and/or pillaged what his own people could aspire to become. Even if militarily these southmen hadn’t yet put up much of a resistance their organization and discipline was not to be overlooked. He admitted to his son that he feared the allure of wealth would be too much for his undisciplined war machine and they would lose all they had accomplished. So he declined the bribe, told his warriors that they were offered wine instead, and in the ensuing rage the last of Rome’s defenses fell. Brennus gave the population of the city to his warriors but took the lives of the ruling class for his own. He beheaded any that declined to answer his questions.
386BC-380BC: During this time Brennus incorporated the Roman military discipline into his own army – though it was very difficult and some even returned north rather than subdue their frenzy. He also learned about the Latin League, the model our own leadership is based.
382BC: Brennus sent north a trusted warrior captain, by the name of Brawyn, with a contingent of Roman scholars, nobles and a letter outlining the vision he had for his people.
379BC-375BC: The spring saw Brennus reemerge with his army. He learned about the League but he also learned that it was contingent mainly on the will of the Romans. Without that will Brennus saw a fractured and warlike people much like his own. This is something he understood, something he knew how to defeat. His plan had three parts; he sent war parties south, they would be used to disrupt the day-to-day lives and communications between the city-states. He then sent emissaries to the embattled people of Syracuse (in their recent history they had beaten back advances from their own people as well as an empire across the sea and would make good allies). His third front was his attack on the Umbrians.
Several skirmish were fought along the upper Tiber but the real battle came when Brennus crossed the Apennines. At Sentinum in 378BC Brennus came upon the main Umbrian army, it was supplemented by smaller contingents of Latins, Sabians, and Samenites. As Brennus’ army moved into engage the Umbrians the Latins, Sabians, and Samenites moved from concealed positions into the flanks and rear of Brennus’ force. At the height of the battle, when all resources were engaged, Brennus gave the signal for his own surprise. Riding in from their own hidden position were Brennus’ cavalry (3 units, equaling 2500; one unit of 500 javelins, one unit of 1000 mounted archers, one unit of 1000 armed with long swords). It was a major defeat for the Umbrians, and a loss of manpower that the other League members would soon regret.
During the continued war in Italia Brawyn rode north, first stopping in the new heartland of the Po valley. From there she traveled over the Alps and for the next few year delivered the news of Brennus’ War. The letter she carried with her laid out the plans for a unified peoples and the captives in tow brought proof it could be done. For a year she traveled, some joined her to offer there support but most waited for word of when and where this meeting of the tribes would take place. During Imbloc of 380BC (February, March, April) word was sent that Alesia would act as the gathering point. Less than half of the tribes Brawyn visited the year before attended. Chiefs, warriors, and Druids gathered but little was accomplished during the month the delegates spoke. However the following year the number of representatives attending doubled and Brawyn was able to supply them with news of Brennus’ victory over the Umbrians (there is a story of entire villages suddenly proclaiming they were blood relatives of Brennus once word reached them of his conquests).
It was probably the emissary from Syracuse that most surprised Brennus once messengers finally reached him during his march down the coast. Brennus’ decree that “all the lands within the sea shall be yours†was welcomed by Dionysius I, though modern scholars feel it was the 1000 warriors sent to aid in Syracuse’ fight for dominance that made more of an impact on the King. Dionysius declined to send military aid to Brennus but promised to dispatch ambassadors to his fellow Hellenists to speak on Brennus’ behalf.
376BC: Eager for news from Brawyn, Brennus grew impatient and sent an army of envoys to Alesia for word on the gathering. Having seen how fast word traveled between Rome and his moving army by using fresh messengers and horses from town to town Brennus established a series of weigh stations between Alesia and his army. As most of the adult population in the area was either now enslaved or on the warpath Brennus filled the envoy corps with every able bodied youth who was not of age to carry a sword into battle. By the end of Samhain (January), a rough course of roads had been cut and the weigh stations were in place.
376BC-370BC: Syracuse begins its war for dominance (the warriors supplied by Brennus making up the front lines). This event renews the conflict with Carthage. Though battles at sea were inconclusive, the two attempts to fight on land were totally in Syracuse’ favor. At their defeat in 374BC Carthage contented themselves with securing their assets on Sardinia and taking over all of Corsica. The remainder of the war was fought with the remaining city-states on the island that hadn’t yet fallen to Dionysius I. Though victorious, both Dionysius I and his son (who ruled after) were tyrants and faced several rebellions during the years they ruled.
375BC: Just ten days after the New Year (November) Brennus assembled his forces outside the city of Tarentum. All other major cities had either fallen by force or by mediation. The leaders of Tarentum did not come out to decide the fate of their city - and indeed, the rest of Italia. They remained held up behind their defenses. Brennus, eager to return to Alisia to be granted that which was most obviously his to claim – the title of High King – gave into his impatient and kicked his steed into full gallop. During the course of the battle, an arrow struck Brennus through the throat – he died instantly. His body was brought back to his tent, where his wife, Medb, and his son (who had been living in Rome since its fall) had been waiting to witness the final battle. Smeared in his father’s blood Brennus (the younger) stepped before his father’s military council and promised to finish the fight that had begun. After seven months of siege and battle Tarentum fell – Brennus burned it to the ground, killing every last warm blooded body within the walls to make sure he beheaded the one who had killed his father. After the battle, Brennus saw what he had done and wept. He vowed never to allow such carnage to befall these lands again.
During the annual Gathering news had reached the delegates that Brennus (elder) was marching towards Tarentum. Living in the glory of our Empire we all like to bask in the wise decision of the Oghma to settle their differences and build on their commonality but in truth, looking back at the period, it was probably the thought of Brennus returning from years of war with a battle hardened army that solidified their wills. At the festival signaling the start of Beltane (May) the tribal representatives agreed to the mutual protection and cooperation of all their people. This did not include Celtibiria or Breton as few tribes from these areas bothered to attend any of the Gatherings over the last 5 years (which made the collective tribes very happy since even if the few representatives of those lands had agreed to join the League it would not have been a consensus of the territorial leader in those areas).
374BC: Brennus (younger) stationed half the army in the area around Rome to keep the peace (Brennus placed Brawyn, as she had proven very loyal to his father, in charge of the occupational force). With the rest he marched north for Alesia to present himself to the Gathering. At the Gathering, now calling themselves the Oghma, Brennus decreed that it was not his intent to be anything but at the service of his people. “I am a warrior, my life is with my sword and shield – they are both raised in the defense of all those who seek it.†He proposed two measures; 1) keep the army stationed in and around Rome at the ready (he planned on disbanding the rest of his army in the north, that would give him a voice in every tribe in the League), and 2) to grant the city-states now under their control a voice in the council. The Oghma agreed to keep the warriors in Rome active and pledged the necessary food and supplies for such an effort, but they rejected Brennus’ plea for equal treatment for the conquered.
Brennus turned out to be an avid writer, he considered himself a poet and historian (and it is to his merit that we owe much of what we know of this time – especially given that our scholars of this time traditionally passed knowledge by word of mouth). He returned to Rome where he filled over a hundred volumes on everything from his daily meals, to his dealings with the locals, to the training he put his warriors through. He extended the weigh station line the length of the peninsula and was determined to prove to those his father had conquered that his people were more than marauders and barbarians.
The Italia that Brennus presided over as war chief was a shadow of its former self. 16 years of war and the steady exodus that redistributed the people of Italia in the land of the Greeks, Egypt, and Persia severely depopulated the area (in fact the area would continue to be sparsely populated until the end of the century). Brennus strongly encouraged interaction between the indigenous tribes and what the people of Rome called his “migrating horde†– though, for every well-mannered conversation he overheard he was given news about two street brawls.
374BC-368BC: Despite the victory over Tarentum for the next 6 years Brennus had to march his army up and down the peninsula putting down minor revolts – usually in the form of non-payment of tribute.
368BC: A harsh winter brought roving bands over the Rhine. Suebi, Marcomanni, Cimbri, Teutones crossed the northern border in search of new lands and food. The Oghma sent for Brennus fearing that the stories they were hearing from outlying villages about the raiders were simply the start of a full on migration into Gallic territory. The war chief set out for the Rhine with just 10,000 warriors (fully half cavalry). He set up camp at Kelheim and by the end of Imbolc (April) the warriors sent to serve under him doubled his ranks. He ignored an edict and a visitation from several Oghma delegates to attack immediately and held camp until the start of Lughnasa (August).
368BC-361BC: Accompanying Brennus on the journey to pacify the region was a young man by the name of Eogan (he was the grandson of Brawyn). Brawyn had complained the boy had picked up too many bad habits (among others being fat and lazy) in traveling the conquered territories – Brennus writes that he liked the youth and for his own safety brought the young man with him on the campaign. Brennus (most likely in jest) thought that if the youth stayed in the south and continued his disregard for the sword in full view of his grandmother that she would kill him.
Brennus campaigned first against the Suebi on his march up the Rhine – so uneventful was this march that the only entry in Brennus’ journals is a paragraph describing a creek where he stopped to bathe. It was when he started his march down the Elbe that his army was put under constant attack. His journals point out a period of three weeks where they were hit by nightly raids. It seems that even the stout war chief had his fill of battle, Scholars like to point out that by the end of the campaign as he made his way down the Oder pacifying the Marcomanni he no longer listed his engagements in great detail but only the numbers of dead. In an ironic twist of fate, Brennus, like his father, fell victim to an assassin’s arrow.
Ever the historian, Brennus dictated a deathbed letter. He gave his support for Eogan, and noted that both the boy’s father and grandmother (both trusted warriors of renown) would second the motion. He advised his war council that Eogan would serve the army well as war chief and as a voice in the Oghma.
360BC: The letter, though enough to quiet most of the ambitions, was not enough to quell all of them. Oorf, with the backing of only a 1000 warriors broke from the main army vowing never to follow the will of any boy. He set off to gather the support of those who were about to full under the yoke of the Gallic League. However, what was boiling up to be the start of a civil war within the ranks of the fledgling state ended with just a simmer. While hunting for local tribes to support him in his rise to power, Oorf was ambushed in the thick forests. The remaining Marcomanni, thinking Oorf’s force was some type of trap surrounded and slaughtered them. This, as it turned out, was the final stork in bringing the territory to bear. As the Marcomanni were engaged with Oorf’s warriors, Eogan ordered the army to attack.
360BC-336BC: Eogan left the army in the hands of a capable warrior by the name of Tyr and returned to Alesia to report to the Oghma. The Oghma were not pleased to see him. They had not been given word that he would be taking over the army and were fearful of the precedent this event may set. Nor were they happy about not receiving word from the front on how the campaign was going. It wasn’t said then but we know now that during a Gathering the previous year discussions had gotten so heated that several tribes threatened to leave the League unless they were made aware on how their warriors were doing in the north. However, Eogan was able to quell a minor rebellion, finish putting down the roving tribes, and had the backing of the army; so, they were willing to accept his position as war chief.
It came as no surprise to anyone in his family when Eogan did little with the army (due mainly to Tyr, the army was swiftly dispersed and resettled in the new territory). Eogan remained in Alesia were he was present every time the Oghma met. He persuaded the Oghma to build more roads so they could establish more weigh stations and enhance trade. He also spoke openly about setting up several nemetons specifically to the god Teutates (a war god). It was his hope that these “sacred fight rings†would be a place where mock battles could be fought to temper the bloodlust that overcame the tribesman from time to time. He also encouraged the Oghma to ask the tribes to move from their fortified hills. It is said that he personally oversaw the construction of 38 new villages and was responsible for issuing orders for a further 180 other building projects (ranging from building bridges, schools, nemetons, and repair work on some of the existing buildings in Italia) – one wonders how much more he could have accomplished if he didn’t have to gain Oghma approval for each of his projects. One of the first things he’s credited with doing upon his return to Alesia was to ship Italian scholars, Druids, and Bards to the newly acquired territories to teach (the most important of which was the latest agricultural advances) and spread stories of the League’s greatness. These are just an example of his building initiatives that more than warranted him the title of “The Great Builderâ€. Eogan enjoyed food and drink and in his later years completely disregarded the fitness laws of our people. Overweight and in poor health he died peacefully in his sleep in the winter of 336BC but left word that he supported his son, Breoga, to be the next war chief.
336BC-323BC: Breoga shared none of his father’s interest in books, engineering, or politics. He favored the sword in arguments and resented the “pacifying of his ancestral spirit†over the past 30 years. Other than the active army camps in Italia many of the warriors had returned to their lands. In light of the peace of the past 3 decades there was even talk within the Oghma to disband the Italia camps. Breoga wouldn’t stand for this and contemplated ways to convince the Oghma of the need to keep and possibly expand the standing army.
Word reached Breoga of the plight of the Greek peoples. Under the rule of a great war chief named Philip they had managed to gain some independence from the Persians. Under Philip’s son Alexander the Greeks were now poised to become the dominant power in the region. Breoga sent word to this Alexander that he supported his efforts to claim back his ancestral lands and offered the Gallic army to his cause. Alexander sent word back that they should meet. Breoga was given permission from the Oghma to meet with this Alexander.
During the winter of 335 a meeting was set to take place at Shipka Pass. Alexander, with a large contingent of warriors, and Breoga with an equally large cohort, traveled to the arranged rendezvous - they said nothing to each other for several minutes, the only sound was the clink of metal as the warriors on the opposing sides waited for the command to strike. Eventually Alexander broke the silence and asked Breoga what the Celts feared most. Breoga’s response would go down in history, “we fear nothing but that the heavens might fall on our heads.†There was another minute of silence and then Alexander began to laugh, followed closely by his second, a man by the name of Ptolemy. Breoga didn’t join but did accept a seat within Alexander’s tent. Breoga, not being the scholar his father was, wrote nothing of this exchange, and sadly, the only word on these proceeding was a book written by the warrior Ptolemy years later. In his book he states that Alexander was taken by Breoga and that right away he saw the man as a friend.
Though Breoga pledged all the armies of the Gallic League the Oghma would not support that promise. Few of the tribal representatives saw reason to offer the lives of their own people in a foreign war but appreciated the friendship the war chief had forged with the Greek (during the last 3 decades many of the tribes had prospered under the peace and prosperity). Though they would not promote the formation and training of a new army they would not stop anyone from wanting to follow Breoga. In all, Breoga was only able to gather 12000 to his cause – the lore of battle was not enough to make most go against the wishes of the Oghma. Breoga joined up with Alexander’s army in time to face Darius III at Issus (333BC) and then joined in the march that conquered Egypt and Syria though didn’t aide in the assault on Persepolis at the behest of Alexander (who apparently felt this was something only his Greeks should do in retribution for the destruction of one of their great cities 150 years earlier). Small rebel armies began to threaten what Alexander had thus far accomplished and he asked Breoga and his Gallic army to put an end to these troublemakers. This would be the last time Breoga set eyes on Alexander.
In the political chaos that followed Alexander’s death several generals maneuvered for a position to control the vast empire that had been forged (so said in the name of Alexander’s family). Ptolemy was one of these generals, he had fought along side Breoga on several occasions and it is said that a great respect had grown between the two men. So it was no shock to anyone when Breoga supported Ptolemy’s claim to a portion of Alexander’s empire (Ptolemy departed for Egypt soon after the death of his leader with Alexander’s body), nor was it a surprise to see Ptolemy supporting Breoga’s claim to some of the territory for his warriors. What did come as a surprise was the dagger that Antigonus slipped into Breoga’s gut to show his disagreement with Breoga’s claim.
Antigonus wasn’t the only one within Alexander’s ranks that voiced decent against any barbaric claim to their former leader’s lands (especially since Breoga claimed the right to Macedonia). Nearly all of Alexander’s generals were against the claim – but as forces were drawn up to finish off the last of Breoga’s army rifts formed in the commanding ranks. None of Alexander’s generals felt Antigonus should be the supreme leader and the remaining members of Alexander’s family (whom the generals theoretically fought and served as satrap for) assumed they had authority to command.
323BC-300BC: Though the civil war that erupted between the factions was primarily settled during the first few months’ fighting it dragged on in minor battles for the next 2 decades.
323BC-322BC: In the wake of Breoga’s murder his army, as described by survivors, went berserk. 7000 Gallic warriors killed everything in sight as they fought from their camp in Babylon. They sent word by way of riders to the Oghma but had no way to know if such news would reach the homeland. Their only course of action was to fight their way back to the League. Leaderless they only got as far as Thapsacus before being defeated by the semi combined forces of Philip Arrhidaeus and Antigonus (on two separate days of fighting – first defeated by Philip and than retreating in to Antigonus’ army the following day). The remains of the Gallic army retreated into the desert.
It was at Thapsacus that the civil war was more or less settled. Though Ptolemy wasn’t present at the meeting he writes that within a day and a night the remains of the “royal family†were put to death (most information passed on to him by slaves formally in service to Antigonus). Antigonus, promising to uphold Olympias’ authority (Alexander’s mother) helped her poison Philip. Antigonus in return murdered Olympias as she slept that night (this, in effect, let the genie out of the bottle – over the next few months, all of Alexander’s relations were subject to assignation). Antigonus (portraying the murder death as a barbarian plot) took control of Philip’s army. In the following month’s he was able to defeat several minor generals, an army sent by Cassander, and join forces with Lysimachus.
323BC-312BC: Breoga’s murder was the event that launched the Gallic League into the Macedonian War. Being so far outside the communication lines the weigh stations riders took almost two months to get the message of Breoga’s murder to the Oghma. The outrage was immediate. Within two days the tribal leaders promoted one of their own to war chief. Bebinn was a respected orator of the Oghma and a trusted influential warrior hailing from the Nori. In a month’s time all of Gaul had risen up to avenge Breoga (all except the conquered peoples of Italia, they weren’t allowed to carry weapons let alone join the army).
Almost a year to the day of the Oghma receiving word of Breoga’s murder Bebinn led an army of 100,000 down the Adriatic conquering the Illyrians along the way. At Epidamnos she spilt her army, sending half through the mountains to Macedonia while she led the other half into the Greek heartland. They met with little resistance, in fact Bebinn was surprised at how similar the people in the outlying villages and towns were to her own. Her first major victory came at Callium, the city was burnt to the ground after two days of fighting. Next she marched on Heracleia and another victory. As she besieged Delphi Bebinn dispatched 10,000 warriors to harry the cities further south.
The northern army, under the leadership of a warrior named Bran, as with Bebinn, met with little resistance with the smaller towns and villages, but by the end Lughnasa (October) came upon Anigonus’ army. The armies formed up near Mezek. Though the armies were evenly matched it was the Gallic chariots that won the day. Even when Bran’s lines were broken by the hoplite phalanx his cavalry was able to fight a rearguard action enabling Bran to ferry his forces with his chariots back a mile and reform his lines. When the Gallic army advanced anew, the cavalry disengaged, feigned retreat, and came at the enemy from behind. When it was apparent that the battle would not be won by Antigonus, many of the Thracian cohorts switched sides (though Lysimachus’ managed to maintain the loyalty of the units directly under his command). Antigonus was barely able to flee with a few thousand men.
By 318BC the major cities in Greece were under Bebinn’s control (or were of no threat – especially after Cassander’s capture and death) and she marched with the bulk of her army north to rejoin Bran at Byzantium. A letter awaited her there; it was from Ptolemy whose armies sought control of Egypt. He, as Breoga had pledged to Alexander, proclaimed that he too joined in the Celts campaign to avenge Breoga. Ptolemy’s army would strike from the south and occupy Antigonus in palestine and Syria. The dawn of Beltane (May) 318BC as everyone in the Gallic League was celebrating, Bebinn opened the floodgates and 85,000 warriors poured into Anatolia. Simultaneously with this assault was the sea invasion of Cyprus and the coast of Asia Minor (The Oghma had sent a request to Agathocles of Syracuse for ships and warriors – few warriors but many ships were sent). Those who surrendered were enslaved, those who didn’t were beheaded.
In 312BC on the high dry central plateau near the city of Pessinus in a war that started with a betrayal it was fitting that it would also end the same way. The remnants of Antigonus’ army gave up their general to Bebinn rather than face the renowned wrath of her forces. The lands Anigonus claimed were divided between the Gallic League and our ally Ptolemy. The League was granted the lands of Thrace, Macedonia, Greece, and Anatolia. Ptolemy held on to the lands of the Tigris and Euphrates, Egypt, and Syria. For his help in the war Agathocles was granted Crete and Cypress (as we were honor bound to grant per Brennus’ pledge in 378).
312BC-300BC: Though the war had ended, several engagements were still fought in the following years. Most of these battles were between Seleucus and Ptolemy (with the aide of some of Bebinn’s army). For the most part the League members were concerned about seeding their new lands with their own people.
312BC: Ptolemy, feeling secure in his position – especially after the marriage to Alexander’s sister Cleopatra (I) – was proclaimed Ptolemy Soter, King of Egypt (312BC-290BC). Cleopatra, however, would not rule long as Queen of the Nile – in 308BC she was murdered by Seleucid’s spies.
310BC: Throughout the Macedonian War there was a battle being fought at home that would shape the future leadership. The tenuous collaboration of the tribes that had been solidifying over the past 50 years began to fracture. The rancorous tribes could be more or less arranged into one of three groups: the “Urbansâ€, the “Spearsâ€, and the “Majority†(so named because the core of this group were 12 of the oldest druids whose collective age was older than the rest of the Oghma put together).
The Urbans used Breoga’s death as proof that the Gallic League should not be involving themselves with issues outside their own territory. They called for the army to be disbanded.
The Spears felt the current system of one war chief was dangerous. When word reached them that Breoga had been killed, they all thought for sure the next news to reach them would be the breakup of the army into war parties each with their own war chief and all fighting for control. To avoid this outcome, the Spears called for the appointment of several war chiefs – with each member of this group electing themselves for the positions.
The Majority saw the danger in what could have happened when Breoga was murdered but saw a different answer to this problem. To the Majority, disbanding the army was not an option and nor did they see the wisdom in what the Spears proposed. To the druids of the Majority, the issue was balance in finding a way to grant power without becoming powerless. To them the answer was in how the League tribes had rallied around Bebinn when she was named war chief.
Ultimately, it was the Majority’s opinion that held sway and upon Bebinn’s return to Alesia, much to her surprise, she was crowned High Queen of the Gallic League (310-287). She declined the honor twice before taking it upon the third request. She established the standards by which the High Queen/King and the Oghma would operate for the next 150 years. Before her reign, the war chief had been more at the discretion of the Oghma but under her tenure as High Queen the war chief(s) answered directly to the crown. She also regulated the meeting times of the Oghma. Where as before, the majority of the representatives only routinely met around the New Year and some time during the three months of Beltane, Bebinn established the annual meeting times at each of the four seasonal celebrations. As Queen, she was able to conduct foreign policy (treaty, trade, war), appoint war chiefs, and levy taxes/tribute in conquered territories (all rulings could be vetoed by 2/3 of the Oghma). The Oghma was in charge of all domestic issues: peaceful migration of tribes that refuse or were unable to settle in the lands they already occupied, decide on the use of available resources, air and deal with grievances (though their rulings were subject to the High Queen/Kings veto). One of her first acts as High Queen was to formally sign treaties with both the Kingdom of Syracuse and the newly reformed Egyptian Empire.
300BC: Lysimachus, stranded in Asia Minor with his wife (Arsione I), daughter (Arsione II), and a small band of guards – and unable to rally any of what remained of his and Antigonus’ army – sought shelter with Seleucus. Arsione II is married to Seleucus but less than a year into the marriage, Arsoine I implements her daughter and husband in a plot to murder and overthrow Seleucus. Both are put to death and Arsoine II weds Seleucus.
The Celts were linked by trade, a common language, similar beliefs, and similar social structure. Their military knowledge was at the very least on par with the rest of the world – they had knowledge of iron long swords, chariots, cavalry, javelins, armor, shields, etc. (even if some chose to go naked into battle). Though, their fervor in battle tended to override any sense of discipline during a fight they were more than capable of using tactics. However, they never created a unified front against their problems or enemies and were eventually picked apart and scattered. What if they had stepped beyond the social/economic cohesion and had came together politically/militarily?
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1200BC-400BC: The Celtic tribes are culturally linked by social structure and trade.
700BC-400BC: Dramatic shifts in population and an increase in local tribal warfare start to break up the uniformity.
500BC: After several mild winters and cool summers the climate shifts and becomes much warmer.
400BC: Leading a confederation of tribes, mostly from the Boii, is a warrior by the name of Brennus (though his actual name is lost to history). Brennus’ army marches into the Po valley, taking Etruscan cities and villages. In a desperate attempt to stave off the wave of marauders the Etruscans request help from a city-state in the south, a people calling themselves Romans. They were a people of at least some repute as they were the ones the Etruscans went to in their time of need. Rome didn’t send a military force, instead mediators arrived. Brennus approached with caution but welcomed them. During the course of the negotiations an argument broke out and one of the Romans killed a tribal leader. Worried about the military power of the Romans, Brennus was able to convince his fellow leaders to agree to retribution only against the family of the assassins. An emissary was sent to Rome to ask for just this thing but it was rebuffed. Instead of handing over the wrongdoers the Roman leaders promoted them to lead an army.
390BC-374BC: Brennus’ War.
390BC-387BC: Brennus moves his army south, meeting the Roman legions outside Allia. The might of the Boii army and the military forethought of their general defeated the Romans. In the confusion that followed in the wake of the retreating Roman forces, Veii fell to the Boii assault followed by the siege of Rome itself.
386BC: According to a letter written by Brennus’ son (by the same name), put to paper 10 years after the fall of Rome, Brennus (the elder) was offered a large sum of gold in return for the withdraw of his forces. Brennus (the elder), however, found something much more valuable than a few chests of trinkets. He saw in Rome and the Etruscan city-states that had already been conquered and/or pillaged what his own people could aspire to become. Even if militarily these southmen hadn’t yet put up much of a resistance their organization and discipline was not to be overlooked. He admitted to his son that he feared the allure of wealth would be too much for his undisciplined war machine and they would lose all they had accomplished. So he declined the bribe, told his warriors that they were offered wine instead, and in the ensuing rage the last of Rome’s defenses fell. Brennus gave the population of the city to his warriors but took the lives of the ruling class for his own. He beheaded any that declined to answer his questions.
386BC-380BC: During this time Brennus incorporated the Roman military discipline into his own army – though it was very difficult and some even returned north rather than subdue their frenzy. He also learned about the Latin League, the model our own leadership is based.
382BC: Brennus sent north a trusted warrior captain, by the name of Brawyn, with a contingent of Roman scholars, nobles and a letter outlining the vision he had for his people.
379BC-375BC: The spring saw Brennus reemerge with his army. He learned about the League but he also learned that it was contingent mainly on the will of the Romans. Without that will Brennus saw a fractured and warlike people much like his own. This is something he understood, something he knew how to defeat. His plan had three parts; he sent war parties south, they would be used to disrupt the day-to-day lives and communications between the city-states. He then sent emissaries to the embattled people of Syracuse (in their recent history they had beaten back advances from their own people as well as an empire across the sea and would make good allies). His third front was his attack on the Umbrians.
Several skirmish were fought along the upper Tiber but the real battle came when Brennus crossed the Apennines. At Sentinum in 378BC Brennus came upon the main Umbrian army, it was supplemented by smaller contingents of Latins, Sabians, and Samenites. As Brennus’ army moved into engage the Umbrians the Latins, Sabians, and Samenites moved from concealed positions into the flanks and rear of Brennus’ force. At the height of the battle, when all resources were engaged, Brennus gave the signal for his own surprise. Riding in from their own hidden position were Brennus’ cavalry (3 units, equaling 2500; one unit of 500 javelins, one unit of 1000 mounted archers, one unit of 1000 armed with long swords). It was a major defeat for the Umbrians, and a loss of manpower that the other League members would soon regret.
During the continued war in Italia Brawyn rode north, first stopping in the new heartland of the Po valley. From there she traveled over the Alps and for the next few year delivered the news of Brennus’ War. The letter she carried with her laid out the plans for a unified peoples and the captives in tow brought proof it could be done. For a year she traveled, some joined her to offer there support but most waited for word of when and where this meeting of the tribes would take place. During Imbloc of 380BC (February, March, April) word was sent that Alesia would act as the gathering point. Less than half of the tribes Brawyn visited the year before attended. Chiefs, warriors, and Druids gathered but little was accomplished during the month the delegates spoke. However the following year the number of representatives attending doubled and Brawyn was able to supply them with news of Brennus’ victory over the Umbrians (there is a story of entire villages suddenly proclaiming they were blood relatives of Brennus once word reached them of his conquests).
It was probably the emissary from Syracuse that most surprised Brennus once messengers finally reached him during his march down the coast. Brennus’ decree that “all the lands within the sea shall be yours†was welcomed by Dionysius I, though modern scholars feel it was the 1000 warriors sent to aid in Syracuse’ fight for dominance that made more of an impact on the King. Dionysius declined to send military aid to Brennus but promised to dispatch ambassadors to his fellow Hellenists to speak on Brennus’ behalf.
376BC: Eager for news from Brawyn, Brennus grew impatient and sent an army of envoys to Alesia for word on the gathering. Having seen how fast word traveled between Rome and his moving army by using fresh messengers and horses from town to town Brennus established a series of weigh stations between Alesia and his army. As most of the adult population in the area was either now enslaved or on the warpath Brennus filled the envoy corps with every able bodied youth who was not of age to carry a sword into battle. By the end of Samhain (January), a rough course of roads had been cut and the weigh stations were in place.
376BC-370BC: Syracuse begins its war for dominance (the warriors supplied by Brennus making up the front lines). This event renews the conflict with Carthage. Though battles at sea were inconclusive, the two attempts to fight on land were totally in Syracuse’ favor. At their defeat in 374BC Carthage contented themselves with securing their assets on Sardinia and taking over all of Corsica. The remainder of the war was fought with the remaining city-states on the island that hadn’t yet fallen to Dionysius I. Though victorious, both Dionysius I and his son (who ruled after) were tyrants and faced several rebellions during the years they ruled.
375BC: Just ten days after the New Year (November) Brennus assembled his forces outside the city of Tarentum. All other major cities had either fallen by force or by mediation. The leaders of Tarentum did not come out to decide the fate of their city - and indeed, the rest of Italia. They remained held up behind their defenses. Brennus, eager to return to Alisia to be granted that which was most obviously his to claim – the title of High King – gave into his impatient and kicked his steed into full gallop. During the course of the battle, an arrow struck Brennus through the throat – he died instantly. His body was brought back to his tent, where his wife, Medb, and his son (who had been living in Rome since its fall) had been waiting to witness the final battle. Smeared in his father’s blood Brennus (the younger) stepped before his father’s military council and promised to finish the fight that had begun. After seven months of siege and battle Tarentum fell – Brennus burned it to the ground, killing every last warm blooded body within the walls to make sure he beheaded the one who had killed his father. After the battle, Brennus saw what he had done and wept. He vowed never to allow such carnage to befall these lands again.
During the annual Gathering news had reached the delegates that Brennus (elder) was marching towards Tarentum. Living in the glory of our Empire we all like to bask in the wise decision of the Oghma to settle their differences and build on their commonality but in truth, looking back at the period, it was probably the thought of Brennus returning from years of war with a battle hardened army that solidified their wills. At the festival signaling the start of Beltane (May) the tribal representatives agreed to the mutual protection and cooperation of all their people. This did not include Celtibiria or Breton as few tribes from these areas bothered to attend any of the Gatherings over the last 5 years (which made the collective tribes very happy since even if the few representatives of those lands had agreed to join the League it would not have been a consensus of the territorial leader in those areas).
374BC: Brennus (younger) stationed half the army in the area around Rome to keep the peace (Brennus placed Brawyn, as she had proven very loyal to his father, in charge of the occupational force). With the rest he marched north for Alesia to present himself to the Gathering. At the Gathering, now calling themselves the Oghma, Brennus decreed that it was not his intent to be anything but at the service of his people. “I am a warrior, my life is with my sword and shield – they are both raised in the defense of all those who seek it.†He proposed two measures; 1) keep the army stationed in and around Rome at the ready (he planned on disbanding the rest of his army in the north, that would give him a voice in every tribe in the League), and 2) to grant the city-states now under their control a voice in the council. The Oghma agreed to keep the warriors in Rome active and pledged the necessary food and supplies for such an effort, but they rejected Brennus’ plea for equal treatment for the conquered.
Brennus turned out to be an avid writer, he considered himself a poet and historian (and it is to his merit that we owe much of what we know of this time – especially given that our scholars of this time traditionally passed knowledge by word of mouth). He returned to Rome where he filled over a hundred volumes on everything from his daily meals, to his dealings with the locals, to the training he put his warriors through. He extended the weigh station line the length of the peninsula and was determined to prove to those his father had conquered that his people were more than marauders and barbarians.
The Italia that Brennus presided over as war chief was a shadow of its former self. 16 years of war and the steady exodus that redistributed the people of Italia in the land of the Greeks, Egypt, and Persia severely depopulated the area (in fact the area would continue to be sparsely populated until the end of the century). Brennus strongly encouraged interaction between the indigenous tribes and what the people of Rome called his “migrating horde†– though, for every well-mannered conversation he overheard he was given news about two street brawls.
374BC-368BC: Despite the victory over Tarentum for the next 6 years Brennus had to march his army up and down the peninsula putting down minor revolts – usually in the form of non-payment of tribute.
368BC: A harsh winter brought roving bands over the Rhine. Suebi, Marcomanni, Cimbri, Teutones crossed the northern border in search of new lands and food. The Oghma sent for Brennus fearing that the stories they were hearing from outlying villages about the raiders were simply the start of a full on migration into Gallic territory. The war chief set out for the Rhine with just 10,000 warriors (fully half cavalry). He set up camp at Kelheim and by the end of Imbolc (April) the warriors sent to serve under him doubled his ranks. He ignored an edict and a visitation from several Oghma delegates to attack immediately and held camp until the start of Lughnasa (August).
368BC-361BC: Accompanying Brennus on the journey to pacify the region was a young man by the name of Eogan (he was the grandson of Brawyn). Brawyn had complained the boy had picked up too many bad habits (among others being fat and lazy) in traveling the conquered territories – Brennus writes that he liked the youth and for his own safety brought the young man with him on the campaign. Brennus (most likely in jest) thought that if the youth stayed in the south and continued his disregard for the sword in full view of his grandmother that she would kill him.
Brennus campaigned first against the Suebi on his march up the Rhine – so uneventful was this march that the only entry in Brennus’ journals is a paragraph describing a creek where he stopped to bathe. It was when he started his march down the Elbe that his army was put under constant attack. His journals point out a period of three weeks where they were hit by nightly raids. It seems that even the stout war chief had his fill of battle, Scholars like to point out that by the end of the campaign as he made his way down the Oder pacifying the Marcomanni he no longer listed his engagements in great detail but only the numbers of dead. In an ironic twist of fate, Brennus, like his father, fell victim to an assassin’s arrow.
Ever the historian, Brennus dictated a deathbed letter. He gave his support for Eogan, and noted that both the boy’s father and grandmother (both trusted warriors of renown) would second the motion. He advised his war council that Eogan would serve the army well as war chief and as a voice in the Oghma.
360BC: The letter, though enough to quiet most of the ambitions, was not enough to quell all of them. Oorf, with the backing of only a 1000 warriors broke from the main army vowing never to follow the will of any boy. He set off to gather the support of those who were about to full under the yoke of the Gallic League. However, what was boiling up to be the start of a civil war within the ranks of the fledgling state ended with just a simmer. While hunting for local tribes to support him in his rise to power, Oorf was ambushed in the thick forests. The remaining Marcomanni, thinking Oorf’s force was some type of trap surrounded and slaughtered them. This, as it turned out, was the final stork in bringing the territory to bear. As the Marcomanni were engaged with Oorf’s warriors, Eogan ordered the army to attack.
360BC-336BC: Eogan left the army in the hands of a capable warrior by the name of Tyr and returned to Alesia to report to the Oghma. The Oghma were not pleased to see him. They had not been given word that he would be taking over the army and were fearful of the precedent this event may set. Nor were they happy about not receiving word from the front on how the campaign was going. It wasn’t said then but we know now that during a Gathering the previous year discussions had gotten so heated that several tribes threatened to leave the League unless they were made aware on how their warriors were doing in the north. However, Eogan was able to quell a minor rebellion, finish putting down the roving tribes, and had the backing of the army; so, they were willing to accept his position as war chief.
It came as no surprise to anyone in his family when Eogan did little with the army (due mainly to Tyr, the army was swiftly dispersed and resettled in the new territory). Eogan remained in Alesia were he was present every time the Oghma met. He persuaded the Oghma to build more roads so they could establish more weigh stations and enhance trade. He also spoke openly about setting up several nemetons specifically to the god Teutates (a war god). It was his hope that these “sacred fight rings†would be a place where mock battles could be fought to temper the bloodlust that overcame the tribesman from time to time. He also encouraged the Oghma to ask the tribes to move from their fortified hills. It is said that he personally oversaw the construction of 38 new villages and was responsible for issuing orders for a further 180 other building projects (ranging from building bridges, schools, nemetons, and repair work on some of the existing buildings in Italia) – one wonders how much more he could have accomplished if he didn’t have to gain Oghma approval for each of his projects. One of the first things he’s credited with doing upon his return to Alesia was to ship Italian scholars, Druids, and Bards to the newly acquired territories to teach (the most important of which was the latest agricultural advances) and spread stories of the League’s greatness. These are just an example of his building initiatives that more than warranted him the title of “The Great Builderâ€. Eogan enjoyed food and drink and in his later years completely disregarded the fitness laws of our people. Overweight and in poor health he died peacefully in his sleep in the winter of 336BC but left word that he supported his son, Breoga, to be the next war chief.
336BC-323BC: Breoga shared none of his father’s interest in books, engineering, or politics. He favored the sword in arguments and resented the “pacifying of his ancestral spirit†over the past 30 years. Other than the active army camps in Italia many of the warriors had returned to their lands. In light of the peace of the past 3 decades there was even talk within the Oghma to disband the Italia camps. Breoga wouldn’t stand for this and contemplated ways to convince the Oghma of the need to keep and possibly expand the standing army.
Word reached Breoga of the plight of the Greek peoples. Under the rule of a great war chief named Philip they had managed to gain some independence from the Persians. Under Philip’s son Alexander the Greeks were now poised to become the dominant power in the region. Breoga sent word to this Alexander that he supported his efforts to claim back his ancestral lands and offered the Gallic army to his cause. Alexander sent word back that they should meet. Breoga was given permission from the Oghma to meet with this Alexander.
During the winter of 335 a meeting was set to take place at Shipka Pass. Alexander, with a large contingent of warriors, and Breoga with an equally large cohort, traveled to the arranged rendezvous - they said nothing to each other for several minutes, the only sound was the clink of metal as the warriors on the opposing sides waited for the command to strike. Eventually Alexander broke the silence and asked Breoga what the Celts feared most. Breoga’s response would go down in history, “we fear nothing but that the heavens might fall on our heads.†There was another minute of silence and then Alexander began to laugh, followed closely by his second, a man by the name of Ptolemy. Breoga didn’t join but did accept a seat within Alexander’s tent. Breoga, not being the scholar his father was, wrote nothing of this exchange, and sadly, the only word on these proceeding was a book written by the warrior Ptolemy years later. In his book he states that Alexander was taken by Breoga and that right away he saw the man as a friend.
Though Breoga pledged all the armies of the Gallic League the Oghma would not support that promise. Few of the tribal representatives saw reason to offer the lives of their own people in a foreign war but appreciated the friendship the war chief had forged with the Greek (during the last 3 decades many of the tribes had prospered under the peace and prosperity). Though they would not promote the formation and training of a new army they would not stop anyone from wanting to follow Breoga. In all, Breoga was only able to gather 12000 to his cause – the lore of battle was not enough to make most go against the wishes of the Oghma. Breoga joined up with Alexander’s army in time to face Darius III at Issus (333BC) and then joined in the march that conquered Egypt and Syria though didn’t aide in the assault on Persepolis at the behest of Alexander (who apparently felt this was something only his Greeks should do in retribution for the destruction of one of their great cities 150 years earlier). Small rebel armies began to threaten what Alexander had thus far accomplished and he asked Breoga and his Gallic army to put an end to these troublemakers. This would be the last time Breoga set eyes on Alexander.
In the political chaos that followed Alexander’s death several generals maneuvered for a position to control the vast empire that had been forged (so said in the name of Alexander’s family). Ptolemy was one of these generals, he had fought along side Breoga on several occasions and it is said that a great respect had grown between the two men. So it was no shock to anyone when Breoga supported Ptolemy’s claim to a portion of Alexander’s empire (Ptolemy departed for Egypt soon after the death of his leader with Alexander’s body), nor was it a surprise to see Ptolemy supporting Breoga’s claim to some of the territory for his warriors. What did come as a surprise was the dagger that Antigonus slipped into Breoga’s gut to show his disagreement with Breoga’s claim.
Antigonus wasn’t the only one within Alexander’s ranks that voiced decent against any barbaric claim to their former leader’s lands (especially since Breoga claimed the right to Macedonia). Nearly all of Alexander’s generals were against the claim – but as forces were drawn up to finish off the last of Breoga’s army rifts formed in the commanding ranks. None of Alexander’s generals felt Antigonus should be the supreme leader and the remaining members of Alexander’s family (whom the generals theoretically fought and served as satrap for) assumed they had authority to command.
323BC-300BC: Though the civil war that erupted between the factions was primarily settled during the first few months’ fighting it dragged on in minor battles for the next 2 decades.
323BC-322BC: In the wake of Breoga’s murder his army, as described by survivors, went berserk. 7000 Gallic warriors killed everything in sight as they fought from their camp in Babylon. They sent word by way of riders to the Oghma but had no way to know if such news would reach the homeland. Their only course of action was to fight their way back to the League. Leaderless they only got as far as Thapsacus before being defeated by the semi combined forces of Philip Arrhidaeus and Antigonus (on two separate days of fighting – first defeated by Philip and than retreating in to Antigonus’ army the following day). The remains of the Gallic army retreated into the desert.
It was at Thapsacus that the civil war was more or less settled. Though Ptolemy wasn’t present at the meeting he writes that within a day and a night the remains of the “royal family†were put to death (most information passed on to him by slaves formally in service to Antigonus). Antigonus, promising to uphold Olympias’ authority (Alexander’s mother) helped her poison Philip. Antigonus in return murdered Olympias as she slept that night (this, in effect, let the genie out of the bottle – over the next few months, all of Alexander’s relations were subject to assignation). Antigonus (portraying the murder death as a barbarian plot) took control of Philip’s army. In the following month’s he was able to defeat several minor generals, an army sent by Cassander, and join forces with Lysimachus.
323BC-312BC: Breoga’s murder was the event that launched the Gallic League into the Macedonian War. Being so far outside the communication lines the weigh stations riders took almost two months to get the message of Breoga’s murder to the Oghma. The outrage was immediate. Within two days the tribal leaders promoted one of their own to war chief. Bebinn was a respected orator of the Oghma and a trusted influential warrior hailing from the Nori. In a month’s time all of Gaul had risen up to avenge Breoga (all except the conquered peoples of Italia, they weren’t allowed to carry weapons let alone join the army).
Almost a year to the day of the Oghma receiving word of Breoga’s murder Bebinn led an army of 100,000 down the Adriatic conquering the Illyrians along the way. At Epidamnos she spilt her army, sending half through the mountains to Macedonia while she led the other half into the Greek heartland. They met with little resistance, in fact Bebinn was surprised at how similar the people in the outlying villages and towns were to her own. Her first major victory came at Callium, the city was burnt to the ground after two days of fighting. Next she marched on Heracleia and another victory. As she besieged Delphi Bebinn dispatched 10,000 warriors to harry the cities further south.
The northern army, under the leadership of a warrior named Bran, as with Bebinn, met with little resistance with the smaller towns and villages, but by the end Lughnasa (October) came upon Anigonus’ army. The armies formed up near Mezek. Though the armies were evenly matched it was the Gallic chariots that won the day. Even when Bran’s lines were broken by the hoplite phalanx his cavalry was able to fight a rearguard action enabling Bran to ferry his forces with his chariots back a mile and reform his lines. When the Gallic army advanced anew, the cavalry disengaged, feigned retreat, and came at the enemy from behind. When it was apparent that the battle would not be won by Antigonus, many of the Thracian cohorts switched sides (though Lysimachus’ managed to maintain the loyalty of the units directly under his command). Antigonus was barely able to flee with a few thousand men.
By 318BC the major cities in Greece were under Bebinn’s control (or were of no threat – especially after Cassander’s capture and death) and she marched with the bulk of her army north to rejoin Bran at Byzantium. A letter awaited her there; it was from Ptolemy whose armies sought control of Egypt. He, as Breoga had pledged to Alexander, proclaimed that he too joined in the Celts campaign to avenge Breoga. Ptolemy’s army would strike from the south and occupy Antigonus in palestine and Syria. The dawn of Beltane (May) 318BC as everyone in the Gallic League was celebrating, Bebinn opened the floodgates and 85,000 warriors poured into Anatolia. Simultaneously with this assault was the sea invasion of Cyprus and the coast of Asia Minor (The Oghma had sent a request to Agathocles of Syracuse for ships and warriors – few warriors but many ships were sent). Those who surrendered were enslaved, those who didn’t were beheaded.
In 312BC on the high dry central plateau near the city of Pessinus in a war that started with a betrayal it was fitting that it would also end the same way. The remnants of Antigonus’ army gave up their general to Bebinn rather than face the renowned wrath of her forces. The lands Anigonus claimed were divided between the Gallic League and our ally Ptolemy. The League was granted the lands of Thrace, Macedonia, Greece, and Anatolia. Ptolemy held on to the lands of the Tigris and Euphrates, Egypt, and Syria. For his help in the war Agathocles was granted Crete and Cypress (as we were honor bound to grant per Brennus’ pledge in 378).
312BC-300BC: Though the war had ended, several engagements were still fought in the following years. Most of these battles were between Seleucus and Ptolemy (with the aide of some of Bebinn’s army). For the most part the League members were concerned about seeding their new lands with their own people.
312BC: Ptolemy, feeling secure in his position – especially after the marriage to Alexander’s sister Cleopatra (I) – was proclaimed Ptolemy Soter, King of Egypt (312BC-290BC). Cleopatra, however, would not rule long as Queen of the Nile – in 308BC she was murdered by Seleucid’s spies.
310BC: Throughout the Macedonian War there was a battle being fought at home that would shape the future leadership. The tenuous collaboration of the tribes that had been solidifying over the past 50 years began to fracture. The rancorous tribes could be more or less arranged into one of three groups: the “Urbansâ€, the “Spearsâ€, and the “Majority†(so named because the core of this group were 12 of the oldest druids whose collective age was older than the rest of the Oghma put together).
The Urbans used Breoga’s death as proof that the Gallic League should not be involving themselves with issues outside their own territory. They called for the army to be disbanded.
The Spears felt the current system of one war chief was dangerous. When word reached them that Breoga had been killed, they all thought for sure the next news to reach them would be the breakup of the army into war parties each with their own war chief and all fighting for control. To avoid this outcome, the Spears called for the appointment of several war chiefs – with each member of this group electing themselves for the positions.
The Majority saw the danger in what could have happened when Breoga was murdered but saw a different answer to this problem. To the Majority, disbanding the army was not an option and nor did they see the wisdom in what the Spears proposed. To the druids of the Majority, the issue was balance in finding a way to grant power without becoming powerless. To them the answer was in how the League tribes had rallied around Bebinn when she was named war chief.
Ultimately, it was the Majority’s opinion that held sway and upon Bebinn’s return to Alesia, much to her surprise, she was crowned High Queen of the Gallic League (310-287). She declined the honor twice before taking it upon the third request. She established the standards by which the High Queen/King and the Oghma would operate for the next 150 years. Before her reign, the war chief had been more at the discretion of the Oghma but under her tenure as High Queen the war chief(s) answered directly to the crown. She also regulated the meeting times of the Oghma. Where as before, the majority of the representatives only routinely met around the New Year and some time during the three months of Beltane, Bebinn established the annual meeting times at each of the four seasonal celebrations. As Queen, she was able to conduct foreign policy (treaty, trade, war), appoint war chiefs, and levy taxes/tribute in conquered territories (all rulings could be vetoed by 2/3 of the Oghma). The Oghma was in charge of all domestic issues: peaceful migration of tribes that refuse or were unable to settle in the lands they already occupied, decide on the use of available resources, air and deal with grievances (though their rulings were subject to the High Queen/Kings veto). One of her first acts as High Queen was to formally sign treaties with both the Kingdom of Syracuse and the newly reformed Egyptian Empire.
300BC: Lysimachus, stranded in Asia Minor with his wife (Arsione I), daughter (Arsione II), and a small band of guards – and unable to rally any of what remained of his and Antigonus’ army – sought shelter with Seleucus. Arsione II is married to Seleucus but less than a year into the marriage, Arsoine I implements her daughter and husband in a plot to murder and overthrow Seleucus. Both are put to death and Arsoine II weds Seleucus.
. Don't worry, I've got it in my head to try and run this through to the present date.