The Footprint of Mussolini - TL
Goa going back to India, even if friendly to the RA, is pretty much DOA i think
I think the Soviet union didn’t want to republican Chinese to gain control Xinjiang because they didn’t want them to have a border with them so they could Broadcast propaganda over the airwaves directly into the Soviet union. I mean that’s just One interpretation of why the Soviets decided to push for Xinjiang Independence
It's a big enough disaster that they don't have troops there (and simply can't afford to right now), or even proper local Commie proxies, so Xinjiang independence, and better yet neutrality was the best they could get.
So the capital of the ROC is Nanjing, but what are the capitals of the PRC and Xinjiang out of curiosity?
Ok cool, thanks! I can see the native Uyghurs being much more prevalent in Xinjiang than in OTL. Keep up the good work
They've only just got their independence. They'll start passing laws soon enough, which will indeed include changing the name to East Turkestan (they were only called Xinjiang in the Treaty for Chiang's sensibility).
Likely, they almost certainly do call themselves Uyghuristan already. But the rest of the world has been referring to them as 'Xinjiang', the name given to them by their imperial overlords, for many years, so it will take a while for the rest of the world to adjust to call them what they call themselves. For a comparable example, think of the Indian city of Mumbai; the Indians have called it Mumbai for ages, but until recently the rest of the world tended to call it by the English word 'Bombay', and this has only changed once they've been independent for decades.
The New Administration
Hey all, as an apology for the long wait, I quickly wrote another update.
Doctors (and the Troika) were astonished that Stalin had recovered from his coma, but his condition could barely be described as ‘recovery’. He was racked with pain and in too much agony to attend to issues of state. This gave the Troika brief breathing space to plan what to do, as they sealed themselves shut in the Kremlin. None of them held any illusion about what would happen if Stalin fully recovered. After a humiliating peace, total reversal of some of his most recently enacted policies and outright dealing with the Western powers, they would be labeled traitors who attempted to seize power for themselves. They would be lucky to even survive the first night. In Molotov’s account of the proceedings, both he and Malenkov tried to come up with ways to explain to Stalin the necessity of their actions, until it was finally Khrushchev who stood up.
“Comrades,” he said in a grave voice, “we’re more likely to convince Patton to spy for us than get our General Secretary to see the wisdom of our actions. No, if we stay, we die. Run? Where? Stalin will find us if we’re in the USSR. If we go to an ally, we’ll be handed over. If we go to the West, they’ll kill us themselves. No comrades, we have to face facts … Our General Secretary is currently suffering in extreme pain. He’s worked extremely hard to ensure that the Soviet Union became a great power, and it has. He worked to defend us from the German invader, and he did. He has accomplished more than any leader in the history of Russia … and it would be such a shame if he were continue to harm his great legacy …”
Supposedly, Malenkov and Molotov were startled before being cowed by Khrushchev’s deadly seriousness.
“It will be an act of love. An act of loyalty. An act of ensuring that Comrade Stalin will be praised until the end of time, before he could do anything that would permanently harm his name. Do you want to be known as the men who allowed our suffering, honorable leader to perish so painfully at the cost of the lives of so many of the citizens he loved dearly?”
At this, Molotov and Malenkov supposedly meekly agreed to the suggestion that ‘if we didn’t go along with it, Khrushchev would kill us just as quickly’. However, many historians doubt this version of events and believe Molotov invented this story to minimize his role in the seedier aspects of the Soviet state. Notably, he had received word on December 27th that his Jewish wife had been killed in the Gulag under explicit order of Stalin as a test of his loyalty. Stalin’s medical episode had ensured Molotov didn’t get the message until much later when investigations were begun by Molotov as the Troika assumed power. For this reason, many historians suspect that the blame would be passed off on Khrushchev exclusively. Regardless, it’s doubtless that Khrushchev was supportive of the move. He still held resentment to Stalin over the Holodomor in Ukraine and was considered the most bull-headed and determined of the Troika. It’s unlikely anything could have been passed without his approval. If Malenkov didn’t agree, he certainly didn’t stop what happened.
On the night of January 3rd 1953, Stalin had somewhat recovered from his initial pains from his hospital bed (located inside the Kremlin to minimize the risk of discovery). He couldn’t breathe by himself and was on life-support, but had a sense of his surroundings. According to one of the medical staff present, Stalin asked for a newspaper to see what was going on in the world. The moment the staffer left to get one, three armed guards and Khrushchev walked into the room. Khrushchev thanked the doctors for their service before quietly but threateningly demanding that all medical staff leave the room immediately. At that, the doors were sealed from within. History does not record what precisely happened in the room, whether Stalin and Khrushchev talked, whether Stalin realised what was going on or whether any of the four intruders hesitated. All that is known for sure is that when the four exited the room, Stalin was dead. Historians believe the dictator was disconnected from his life support apparatus and slowly suffocated. The medical staff were soon gathered and told that if there were any ‘malicious rumours spread about Khrushchev’s ‘coincidental visit’ then they could expect reprisal.
On January 4th 1953, Stalin’s death was announced to the world with no mention of the dictator’s condition other than he had ‘a long battle with illness’. In truth, Western leaders had long suspected something was wrong in the Soviet Union and with Stalin specifically. It’s likely that the deception would have been announced soon, making it a serendipitous event for the Troika. Of course, Stalin got glowing adulation and a state funeral (while Israel declared a state holiday). Khrushchev gave a well-acclaimed speech at Stalin’s funeral, ensuring that while he never became the new Totalitarian figure of the 1950s, he would become the first among equals in the Troika, whose word was final. Stalin’s death met little outpouring of grief around the globe, his name (and Communism itself) having long since been cursed by millions.
The 1953 Lebanese elections would confirm the worst fears of Western leaders. The Baath Party won in a landslide, their electorate buoyed by the astonishing economic revival across the border in Syria and the electrifying speeches Aflaq regularly broadcasted over the border. He made no secret of his desire to incorporate Lebanon into his new UAR, and it seemed like the Lebanese people were fine with that. The West was too exhausted to fight the Baathists after having spent so much blood and treasure in China. Furthermore, Gaitskell and DeGaulle refused to let Aflaq be a ‘Democratic Martyr’ in a war to stop the sovereign will of the Lebanese people being realised. Thus, the world could only watch in revulsion as the Lebanese Parliament on September 4th 1953 announced a snap referendum on September 30th to allow the electorate to vote on whether to join the UAR or not. Though it would likely have won even without voter intimidation, Baath attacks on the Pro-Independence campaign ensured it was never a fair contest. The result was a conclusive 82% voting for union with the UAR. On October 1st, a procession of tanks crossed the former Lebanese border with Aflaq standing on the foremost vehicle in a display of astonishing ostentatiousness. It was announced that he would give a speech in the Lebanese Parliament building on October 10th. Most thought it was going to be a normal speech; they were very wrong.
After the enthusiastic clapping of the Baath representatives died down (along with the more muted but still decent applause from Non-Baathists), Aflaq smiled and waved them to rest. He began with a glowing endorsement of Lebanon as a state where religious differences had been put aside in the name of the Arab race. He extolled Christian and Muslim relations in the country and said that all Arabs had to unite to face the Zionist threat. Then his expression turned sour. With film crews recording the scene, he announced that there was urgent news that needed to be announced. At that, Lebanon’s President until the annexation, Camille Chamoun, was ushered in and he shuffled to the podium with Aflaq taking a step back and watching with razor-sharp intensity at the man before him. Troops filled the chamber and sealed all but the main door. Chamoun stuttered, obviously under extreme duress and having received torture. He announced that he was a member of a conspiracy orchestrated by the Mossad to assassinate Aflaq and pave the way for total annexation of Arabia up to the Euphrates for Israel. Of course, no such thing had happened and it could easily have been a fictitious Italian, French or British conspiracy, but Chamoun’s Pro-West and Anti-Pan-Arabism beliefs had made him an unacceptable figure in the new Lebanon. After announcing his fictitious allegiance, he pulled out a paper from his pocket, saying “My conspirators are in the room with me right now, and these are their names …” The names of several prominent opponents of the Baathists were read out. With each name, Baath guards grabbed the doomed man from their seats and dragged them out the door. Then members of the Baath Party themselves were dragged out (ones identified by Aflaq as ‘unreliable’). After the seventh name was called out, blind panic filled the room. No one knew if they were next. Some MPs leaped out of their chairs, screaming countless praises. “GLORY TO MICHEL AFLAQ! SAVIOUR OF THE ARABS! CHOSEN BY GOD! SON OF HEAVEN! BRIGHTER THAN THE SUN AND MOON! WE SWEAR ON THE LIVES OF OUR CHILDREN TO DIE FOR YOU! DEATH TO ALL WHO OPPOSE YOU!” It made no difference. The list continued to be read, names pulled seemingly at random. Aflaq coldly watched the proceedings from behind the podium. Finally, after nearly thirty names had been called, Chamoun announced he had completed his reading. The remaining MPs collapsed back into their chairs, some crying, some vomiting and some ultimately needing medical attention. Aflaq ended his speech by praising the loyalty and determination of the remaining parliamentarians. At his conclusion, parliamentarians gave an hour-long standing ovation reminiscent of Stalin. That evening, the arrested ministers were divided into two groups. The first, including Chamoun, were lined up against a wall. The second group were given guns and ordered to gun down their colleagues, after being told that if even one of the ministers failed to shoot, all their families would be considered targets. With no choice, the entire second group fired every bullet into the first, often into their own best friends. Now accomplices to the Baath Party’s monstrosities, many would stay with the Party until the bitter end while others would commit suicide after failing to get over what they had been forced to do. [1]
What would become known in modern Lebanon as ‘Black Saturday’ may have started in Parliament, but would include the whole country. That night, Baathists attacked any and all supporters of Lebanese Independence, leading to rioting fully encouraged and tolerated by the army. Many former ministers made a desperate escape to one of the foreign embassies. Indeed, the situation was so bad that some made an outright break for the Israeli and Turkish borders, since even the ‘Zionists’ and Fascists seemed a friendlier group. Other officials weren’t so lucky and were outright strung up on lampposts in Centre Ville for days in what was once called the ‘Paris of the East’. It is estimated that some 1400 people were killed in the cull. Foreign observers were mortified and began leaving in droves, feeling that whatever life and vibrancy Lebanon once enjoyed were destined to be extinguished under the Baath’s Totalitarian insanity. However, the Baath had made a crucial mistake. Their leadership had grown increasingly arrogant and felt they could get away with anything. In Iraq, they had been somewhat conciliatory to the old regime, but no such kindness was allowed here. This created what could be described as the only significant ‘Arab’ resistance to the UAR (the Kurds being their own group). They became known as the ‘Cedarists’, after the cedar tree on Lebanon’s flag. They were a group of Maronite Christians who did not identify as Arabs and felt closer union to the ancient Pheocenians than to Iraqis. They may have been a small and mercilessly persecuted group whose ultimate goal of freeing Lebanon single-handedly never came close to achievement, but their efforts would be more profound than they could imagine. Indeed, it’s likely their efforts were what spared Beirut from what befell so much of the Middle East in 1956.
The annexation of Lebanon was a watershed moment for Aflaq. While having managed to regain access to the Mediterranean for his native Syrians (going as far as to allow the Soviet Navy to dock in Beirut), he was by now convinced the time for the final conflict with Israel, Fascism and Colonialism was rapidly approaching. With the death of Ibn Saud in 1953 and the rise to power of the less respected King Saud, Saudi Arabia too became increasingly influenced by the UAR, even though it kept its nominal independence. Aflaq was not ready to start an outright conflict with the West, but believed that he could begin using proxies to combat Western influence in the Middle East, particularly Britain. Aflaq was particularly unconcerned with Britain, believing that Gaitskell’s Anti-Colonialist stance restrained their involvement. In 1954, war returned to the Middle East in the quiet backwater of Oman.
The Jebel Akhdar War began when Omanis in the nation’s interior, under command of elected Imam Ghalib Alhianai, fought against Sultan Said bin Taimur, who was backed by the British. Taimur wanted to access Oman’s internal oil fields and received payment from BP, Royal Dutch Shell and ExxonMobil to bring the interior under his control and allow drilling. Inspired with greed, the Sultan quickly accepted. In December 1954, the Sultan’s forces marched to Adam in an attempt to occupy the city. They were shocked to discover that their adversaries were well armed with Soviet weapons that the UAR had sent. Almost as quickly as this news reached the Sultan, word was received that Pro-UAR riots were breaking out in Muscat The Sultan was totally unprepared for the level of conflict that was about to break out, with his mercenary army soon abandoning him at the first hint of trouble. British oil companies pleaded with Gaitskell to intervene to save the Sultan. Gaitskell dithered, disgusted by the actions of the oil companies and of their neo-colonial enterprise, but also deeply concerned about Aflaq. Before anything could be done, it was announced on March 5th 1955 that Muscat had fallen to Alhianai’s army. To stop foreign intervention, Alhianai petitioned to join the UAR, which was gratefully accepted by Aflaq. Like Nasser, Alhianai would become the de facto dictator of Oman while Aflaq remained the De jure sovereign leader.
Word of the fall of Oman led to Gaitskell being savaged by both the British press and Tory Party (not to mention Mosley’s Fascists). Anthony Eden blasted Gaitskell as ‘the new Chamberlain’ (“I would ask the Right Honorable Gentleman what Party did Mister Chamberlain lead?” retorted Gaitskell). Nevertheless, the resulting political turmoil led to an election on May 26th 1955. Gaitskell was popular for his social reforms while many felt his Anti-Colonial beliefs had been discredited and emboldened the dark forces of the world. At the same time, while the Tories were more trusted on foreign policy, many feared they would hurt the welfare state. Ultimately, the result of the election was that Labour was the largest party, but it did not have a majority. Oswald Mosley cheered over reaching 50 seats on being economically interventionist while being tough in foreign policy. The only way Gaitskell could get a majority was for Mosley to give ‘supply and confidence’, which wouldn’t be a full coalition. Gaitskell replied to Mosley’s offer by saying, “Churchill may have willing to speak highly of the Devil, but I wouldn’t so much breathe the same air you desecrate with your presence.” Outraged, Mosley turned to the Conservatives. Eden, though not liking Mosley, accepted the BUF’s proposal of Supply and Confidence in return for not reversing Gaitskell’s social reforms. Outside of Downing Street, as the new Prime Minister took his office, he smiled and said, “The era of retreat is over. Britain will never back down again!” He wouldn’t have to wait long to put that claim to the test.
[1] This event is almost exactly how Saddam’s own purge of the Baath Party went down. Yes, it was also recorded.
The New Administration
False Hope: The USSR 1953-1957
False Hope: The USSR 1953-1957
Doctors (and the Troika) were astonished that Stalin had recovered from his coma, but his condition could barely be described as ‘recovery’. He was racked with pain and in too much agony to attend to issues of state. This gave the Troika brief breathing space to plan what to do, as they sealed themselves shut in the Kremlin. None of them held any illusion about what would happen if Stalin fully recovered. After a humiliating peace, total reversal of some of his most recently enacted policies and outright dealing with the Western powers, they would be labeled traitors who attempted to seize power for themselves. They would be lucky to even survive the first night. In Molotov’s account of the proceedings, both he and Malenkov tried to come up with ways to explain to Stalin the necessity of their actions, until it was finally Khrushchev who stood up.
“Comrades,” he said in a grave voice, “we’re more likely to convince Patton to spy for us than get our General Secretary to see the wisdom of our actions. No, if we stay, we die. Run? Where? Stalin will find us if we’re in the USSR. If we go to an ally, we’ll be handed over. If we go to the West, they’ll kill us themselves. No comrades, we have to face facts … Our General Secretary is currently suffering in extreme pain. He’s worked extremely hard to ensure that the Soviet Union became a great power, and it has. He worked to defend us from the German invader, and he did. He has accomplished more than any leader in the history of Russia … and it would be such a shame if he were continue to harm his great legacy …”
Supposedly, Malenkov and Molotov were startled before being cowed by Khrushchev’s deadly seriousness.
“It will be an act of love. An act of loyalty. An act of ensuring that Comrade Stalin will be praised until the end of time, before he could do anything that would permanently harm his name. Do you want to be known as the men who allowed our suffering, honorable leader to perish so painfully at the cost of the lives of so many of the citizens he loved dearly?”
At this, Molotov and Malenkov supposedly meekly agreed to the suggestion that ‘if we didn’t go along with it, Khrushchev would kill us just as quickly’. However, many historians doubt this version of events and believe Molotov invented this story to minimize his role in the seedier aspects of the Soviet state. Notably, he had received word on December 27th that his Jewish wife had been killed in the Gulag under explicit order of Stalin as a test of his loyalty. Stalin’s medical episode had ensured Molotov didn’t get the message until much later when investigations were begun by Molotov as the Troika assumed power. For this reason, many historians suspect that the blame would be passed off on Khrushchev exclusively. Regardless, it’s doubtless that Khrushchev was supportive of the move. He still held resentment to Stalin over the Holodomor in Ukraine and was considered the most bull-headed and determined of the Troika. It’s unlikely anything could have been passed without his approval. If Malenkov didn’t agree, he certainly didn’t stop what happened.
On the night of January 3rd 1953, Stalin had somewhat recovered from his initial pains from his hospital bed (located inside the Kremlin to minimize the risk of discovery). He couldn’t breathe by himself and was on life-support, but had a sense of his surroundings. According to one of the medical staff present, Stalin asked for a newspaper to see what was going on in the world. The moment the staffer left to get one, three armed guards and Khrushchev walked into the room. Khrushchev thanked the doctors for their service before quietly but threateningly demanding that all medical staff leave the room immediately. At that, the doors were sealed from within. History does not record what precisely happened in the room, whether Stalin and Khrushchev talked, whether Stalin realised what was going on or whether any of the four intruders hesitated. All that is known for sure is that when the four exited the room, Stalin was dead. Historians believe the dictator was disconnected from his life support apparatus and slowly suffocated. The medical staff were soon gathered and told that if there were any ‘malicious rumours spread about Khrushchev’s ‘coincidental visit’ then they could expect reprisal.
On January 4th 1953, Stalin’s death was announced to the world with no mention of the dictator’s condition other than he had ‘a long battle with illness’. In truth, Western leaders had long suspected something was wrong in the Soviet Union and with Stalin specifically. It’s likely that the deception would have been announced soon, making it a serendipitous event for the Troika. Of course, Stalin got glowing adulation and a state funeral (while Israel declared a state holiday). Khrushchev gave a well-acclaimed speech at Stalin’s funeral, ensuring that while he never became the new Totalitarian figure of the 1950s, he would become the first among equals in the Troika, whose word was final. Stalin’s death met little outpouring of grief around the globe, his name (and Communism itself) having long since been cursed by millions.
‘The Home of the Holy: The Miraculous Story of Lebanon’ by Jerry Robertson
The 1953 Lebanese elections would confirm the worst fears of Western leaders. The Baath Party won in a landslide, their electorate buoyed by the astonishing economic revival across the border in Syria and the electrifying speeches Aflaq regularly broadcasted over the border. He made no secret of his desire to incorporate Lebanon into his new UAR, and it seemed like the Lebanese people were fine with that. The West was too exhausted to fight the Baathists after having spent so much blood and treasure in China. Furthermore, Gaitskell and DeGaulle refused to let Aflaq be a ‘Democratic Martyr’ in a war to stop the sovereign will of the Lebanese people being realised. Thus, the world could only watch in revulsion as the Lebanese Parliament on September 4th 1953 announced a snap referendum on September 30th to allow the electorate to vote on whether to join the UAR or not. Though it would likely have won even without voter intimidation, Baath attacks on the Pro-Independence campaign ensured it was never a fair contest. The result was a conclusive 82% voting for union with the UAR. On October 1st, a procession of tanks crossed the former Lebanese border with Aflaq standing on the foremost vehicle in a display of astonishing ostentatiousness. It was announced that he would give a speech in the Lebanese Parliament building on October 10th. Most thought it was going to be a normal speech; they were very wrong.
After the enthusiastic clapping of the Baath representatives died down (along with the more muted but still decent applause from Non-Baathists), Aflaq smiled and waved them to rest. He began with a glowing endorsement of Lebanon as a state where religious differences had been put aside in the name of the Arab race. He extolled Christian and Muslim relations in the country and said that all Arabs had to unite to face the Zionist threat. Then his expression turned sour. With film crews recording the scene, he announced that there was urgent news that needed to be announced. At that, Lebanon’s President until the annexation, Camille Chamoun, was ushered in and he shuffled to the podium with Aflaq taking a step back and watching with razor-sharp intensity at the man before him. Troops filled the chamber and sealed all but the main door. Chamoun stuttered, obviously under extreme duress and having received torture. He announced that he was a member of a conspiracy orchestrated by the Mossad to assassinate Aflaq and pave the way for total annexation of Arabia up to the Euphrates for Israel. Of course, no such thing had happened and it could easily have been a fictitious Italian, French or British conspiracy, but Chamoun’s Pro-West and Anti-Pan-Arabism beliefs had made him an unacceptable figure in the new Lebanon. After announcing his fictitious allegiance, he pulled out a paper from his pocket, saying “My conspirators are in the room with me right now, and these are their names …” The names of several prominent opponents of the Baathists were read out. With each name, Baath guards grabbed the doomed man from their seats and dragged them out the door. Then members of the Baath Party themselves were dragged out (ones identified by Aflaq as ‘unreliable’). After the seventh name was called out, blind panic filled the room. No one knew if they were next. Some MPs leaped out of their chairs, screaming countless praises. “GLORY TO MICHEL AFLAQ! SAVIOUR OF THE ARABS! CHOSEN BY GOD! SON OF HEAVEN! BRIGHTER THAN THE SUN AND MOON! WE SWEAR ON THE LIVES OF OUR CHILDREN TO DIE FOR YOU! DEATH TO ALL WHO OPPOSE YOU!” It made no difference. The list continued to be read, names pulled seemingly at random. Aflaq coldly watched the proceedings from behind the podium. Finally, after nearly thirty names had been called, Chamoun announced he had completed his reading. The remaining MPs collapsed back into their chairs, some crying, some vomiting and some ultimately needing medical attention. Aflaq ended his speech by praising the loyalty and determination of the remaining parliamentarians. At his conclusion, parliamentarians gave an hour-long standing ovation reminiscent of Stalin. That evening, the arrested ministers were divided into two groups. The first, including Chamoun, were lined up against a wall. The second group were given guns and ordered to gun down their colleagues, after being told that if even one of the ministers failed to shoot, all their families would be considered targets. With no choice, the entire second group fired every bullet into the first, often into their own best friends. Now accomplices to the Baath Party’s monstrosities, many would stay with the Party until the bitter end while others would commit suicide after failing to get over what they had been forced to do. [1]
What would become known in modern Lebanon as ‘Black Saturday’ may have started in Parliament, but would include the whole country. That night, Baathists attacked any and all supporters of Lebanese Independence, leading to rioting fully encouraged and tolerated by the army. Many former ministers made a desperate escape to one of the foreign embassies. Indeed, the situation was so bad that some made an outright break for the Israeli and Turkish borders, since even the ‘Zionists’ and Fascists seemed a friendlier group. Other officials weren’t so lucky and were outright strung up on lampposts in Centre Ville for days in what was once called the ‘Paris of the East’. It is estimated that some 1400 people were killed in the cull. Foreign observers were mortified and began leaving in droves, feeling that whatever life and vibrancy Lebanon once enjoyed were destined to be extinguished under the Baath’s Totalitarian insanity. However, the Baath had made a crucial mistake. Their leadership had grown increasingly arrogant and felt they could get away with anything. In Iraq, they had been somewhat conciliatory to the old regime, but no such kindness was allowed here. This created what could be described as the only significant ‘Arab’ resistance to the UAR (the Kurds being their own group). They became known as the ‘Cedarists’, after the cedar tree on Lebanon’s flag. They were a group of Maronite Christians who did not identify as Arabs and felt closer union to the ancient Pheocenians than to Iraqis. They may have been a small and mercilessly persecuted group whose ultimate goal of freeing Lebanon single-handedly never came close to achievement, but their efforts would be more profound than they could imagine. Indeed, it’s likely their efforts were what spared Beirut from what befell so much of the Middle East in 1956.
‘The Arab Tragedy: 1944–1956’ by Abdul Nazim
The annexation of Lebanon was a watershed moment for Aflaq. While having managed to regain access to the Mediterranean for his native Syrians (going as far as to allow the Soviet Navy to dock in Beirut), he was by now convinced the time for the final conflict with Israel, Fascism and Colonialism was rapidly approaching. With the death of Ibn Saud in 1953 and the rise to power of the less respected King Saud, Saudi Arabia too became increasingly influenced by the UAR, even though it kept its nominal independence. Aflaq was not ready to start an outright conflict with the West, but believed that he could begin using proxies to combat Western influence in the Middle East, particularly Britain. Aflaq was particularly unconcerned with Britain, believing that Gaitskell’s Anti-Colonialist stance restrained their involvement. In 1954, war returned to the Middle East in the quiet backwater of Oman.
The Jebel Akhdar War began when Omanis in the nation’s interior, under command of elected Imam Ghalib Alhianai, fought against Sultan Said bin Taimur, who was backed by the British. Taimur wanted to access Oman’s internal oil fields and received payment from BP, Royal Dutch Shell and ExxonMobil to bring the interior under his control and allow drilling. Inspired with greed, the Sultan quickly accepted. In December 1954, the Sultan’s forces marched to Adam in an attempt to occupy the city. They were shocked to discover that their adversaries were well armed with Soviet weapons that the UAR had sent. Almost as quickly as this news reached the Sultan, word was received that Pro-UAR riots were breaking out in Muscat The Sultan was totally unprepared for the level of conflict that was about to break out, with his mercenary army soon abandoning him at the first hint of trouble. British oil companies pleaded with Gaitskell to intervene to save the Sultan. Gaitskell dithered, disgusted by the actions of the oil companies and of their neo-colonial enterprise, but also deeply concerned about Aflaq. Before anything could be done, it was announced on March 5th 1955 that Muscat had fallen to Alhianai’s army. To stop foreign intervention, Alhianai petitioned to join the UAR, which was gratefully accepted by Aflaq. Like Nasser, Alhianai would become the de facto dictator of Oman while Aflaq remained the De jure sovereign leader.
Word of the fall of Oman led to Gaitskell being savaged by both the British press and Tory Party (not to mention Mosley’s Fascists). Anthony Eden blasted Gaitskell as ‘the new Chamberlain’ (“I would ask the Right Honorable Gentleman what Party did Mister Chamberlain lead?” retorted Gaitskell). Nevertheless, the resulting political turmoil led to an election on May 26th 1955. Gaitskell was popular for his social reforms while many felt his Anti-Colonial beliefs had been discredited and emboldened the dark forces of the world. At the same time, while the Tories were more trusted on foreign policy, many feared they would hurt the welfare state. Ultimately, the result of the election was that Labour was the largest party, but it did not have a majority. Oswald Mosley cheered over reaching 50 seats on being economically interventionist while being tough in foreign policy. The only way Gaitskell could get a majority was for Mosley to give ‘supply and confidence’, which wouldn’t be a full coalition. Gaitskell replied to Mosley’s offer by saying, “Churchill may have willing to speak highly of the Devil, but I wouldn’t so much breathe the same air you desecrate with your presence.” Outraged, Mosley turned to the Conservatives. Eden, though not liking Mosley, accepted the BUF’s proposal of Supply and Confidence in return for not reversing Gaitskell’s social reforms. Outside of Downing Street, as the new Prime Minister took his office, he smiled and said, “The era of retreat is over. Britain will never back down again!” He wouldn’t have to wait long to put that claim to the test.
[1] This event is almost exactly how Saddam’s own purge of the Baath Party went down. Yes, it was also recorded.
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Oh dear. Will 1957 see another strongman take power?
It's 1955 now. Judgement day is around the corner. Prepare for a nightmare.
I suspect that whatever suffering the Arabs experience in 1956, they will get as little sympathy as the OTL Germans east of the post-war borders: Seem as getting their rightful punishment for working with a genocidal maniac.
The main power base of the Baath. Nothing to lose and dreams of being the vanguard of the new Arabia.
I was talking amongst the prominent politicians in the Parliament Building.
Leon Trotsky
Banned
Well, @President Earl Warren, you've got your wish, my dear friend. The Troika has grown a spine and got rid of that bastard, by disconnecting him from life support. Death was due to asphyxiation. Rejoice, for the tyrant is dead!